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The Bennet-Hickenlooper Court: How 2 senators left their mark on Colorado’s federal bench | COVER STORY

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The Bennet-Hickenlooper Court: How 2 senators left their mark on Colorado’s federal bench | COVER STORY


One month before President-elect Joe Biden’s inauguration, Dana Remus, the incoming White House counsel, sent a letter to senators outlining the new administration’s philosophy for filling certain presidentially appointed roles, including federal trial judgeships.

“With respect to U.S. District Court positions,” she wrote, “we are particularly focused on nominating individuals whose legal experiences have been historically underrepresented on the federal bench, including those who are public defenders, civil rights and legal aid attorneys, and those who represent Americans in every walk of life.”

Colorado’s two Democratic U.S. senators, who, like their colleagues, play an outsize role in judicial nominations from their home state, said the Remus letter struck a chord.

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“I was very sympathetic to the memo in that I do think, historically, there has been a tendency to appoint lawyers that have served in large firms to federal judgeships,” recalled Sen. Michael Bennet. “But it’s not the only experience that’s valuable. I think that the Remus memo and the Biden administration’s approach gave all of us the chance to reconsider the scope of what an applicant pool would look like.”

“Anytime the White House tells me something, I take it seriously,” added Sen. John Hickenlooper. “So, I assumed it was very serious.”







Colorado Senators Bennet Hickenlooper

In this file photo, U.S. Sens. Michael Bennet, left, and John Hickenlooper, both Colorado Democrats, speak at an event on June 18, 2021, in Aurora.






The last three years have been transformative for Colorado’s federal district court, with Biden appointing five members to the seven-judge bench. In line with the Remus letter, many of the appointees touted underrepresented backgrounds: a workers’ rights attorney, a resident of the Western Slope and the first magistrate judge to be elevated to a district judgeship.

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In interviews with Colorado Politics, Bennet and Hickenlooper spoke about their role in filling vacancies after multiple Barack Obama and George W. Bush appointees, in rapid succession, announced they would take a form of retirement known as “senior status,” opening up seats for new judges. 

With no current or pending district judge vacancies for the first time in several years, Colorado is no longer a “judicial emergency” state with an exceedingly high ratio of cases to judges.

“Sens. Bennet and Hickenlooper continue to engage thoroughly and meaningfully with the White House and our committee to identify and support nominees to federal judgeships in Colorado,” said Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Dick Durbin, D-Ill. “Their work is paying off for Coloradans with five highly qualified, diverse judges confirmed to the District of Colorado under President Biden. I thank them for their partnership to help fill these vacancies.”







Charlotte Sweeney with Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper

U.S. Sens. Michael Bennet and John Hickenlooper pose with U.S. District Court Judge Charlotte N. Sweeney at her ceremonial swearing-in in October 2022. Photo courtesy of Hickenlooper’s office.

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Getting down to work

As of mid-April, the Biden administration has won confirmation for more than 190 judges. Progressives, however, have raised concerns about a lopsided aspect of the appointments. While states with two Democratic senators have generally made quick work of addressing vacancies — including filling seven out of seven seats on the Seattle-based trial court with Biden appointees — the majority of outstanding vacancies are from states with at least one GOP senator. 

District court vacancies still require senators to return “blue slips,” which effectively give them individual veto power over nominees from their home states. Bennet agreed in principle with the idea that senators, “in a functional system,” should have substantial input on judicial nominees. He called the Remus letter a “delicate dance” between the executive and legislative branches of government.

“I don’t think they felt like they were gonna overrule the prerogatives of the senators and the senators weren’t gonna overrule the prerogatives of the Biden administration,” he said. “I wouldn’t say they were insistent on enforcing the message of the letter. I think they were clear that that was the priority.”







Michael Bennet Senate

In this file photo, U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet, D-Colo., arrives for the vote to confirm former Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti as the next ambassador to India at the Capitol in Washington on March 15, 2023. 

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Hickenlooper, who defeated Republican Sen. Cory Gardner in 2020 and joined the Senate at the outset of the Biden administration, had been involved in judicial selection for almost two decades. As Denver’s mayor, he had the responsibility of selecting Denver County Court judges and then appointed scores of trial and appellate judges during his eight years as Colorado’s governor.

“It’s funny. So, my first appointment was a county judge as mayor of Denver,” he said. “At that time, my chief of staff was Michael Bennet.”

Hickenlooper said his goal has been to appoint the best possible candidates, while also taking time to ensure diversity in the candidate pool. Upon joining Bennet in the Senate, Hickenlooper suggested refreshing the membership of an advisory committee Bennet had used to screen judicial candidates previously.

“I wanted to have a couple people there that I knew well and trusted their opinions within my sense of priorities,” he said.

The committee, whose members had varying degrees of experience with the district court, worked to screen applicants and forward candidates to the senators. Although the first appointee, Regina M. Rodriguez, did not go through the regular committee process, the members engaged with the next four vacancies that arose over the course of two years. In doing so, the committee discussed the Remus letter.

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“The directive was to look for candidates who met the directives from the White House. That was important and that was a factor when we were looking at candidates, that we honored that,” said April Jones, the committee’s co-chair. “Not followed it, but it was in our minds.”

Although some Democrats viewed Biden’s presidency as an opportunity to “rebalance” the federal judiciary after the Trump administration’s installment of 234 judges in just four years, Colorado’s senators and the leaders of their advisory committee distanced themselves from the idea that putting progressives on the bench locally was a priority.

“I was motivated to fill the vacancies that occurred because justice delayed is justice denied and I really believe that,” Bennet said.

“I think we were in some way balancing the court just because in a lot of our appointments, there weren’t people with similar backgrounds on the bench,” said Hickenlooper. “But there was never politics. Again, we didn’t ask about how you stand on a woman’s right to choose or how do you stand on issues around how to deal with protesters.”



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042823-cp-news-Hickenlooper_13.jpg

U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper says he’s been surprised how work in the Senate has aligned with his strengths. 







‘The door is now open’: Charlotte Sweeney officially sworn in to history-making judgeship

Diversity in mind

Bennet, a former editor-in-chief of the Yale Law Journal who joined the Senate in 2009, helped confirm four judges to Colorado’s district court under the Obama and Trump administrations. All were men. In contrast, the first three appointments under Biden were all women.

“We were being intentional about getting women on the court,” he said. “And we were intentional about trying to diversify the court, both in terms of experience and in terms of perspective.”

Bennet added the senators were similarly intentional about recommending magistrate judges, who are hired by the district court to assist with the workload and handle many of the same tasks as their presidentially appointed counterparts. Until the Biden administration, no magistrate judge in Colorado had ever been confirmed to a district judgeship.

“The magistrates were applying regularly to become district court judges and they were getting shut out. And the people in the bar, both inside the court and outside the court, said to me, ‘Look, that’s valuable experience these guys have and you’re losing it by not having magistrate judges,’” Bennet said. “Now, we have three.”

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One of the magistrate judges confirmed last year, Gordon P. Gallagher, worked out of Grand Junction. During Gallagher’s Senate confirmation hearing, Bennet touted the geographic diversity Gallagher would bring to the trial court, whose district judges were all stationed in Denver. Shortly after Gallagher’s confirmation, the court announced Gallagher would remain on the Western Slope as the first district judge to ever sit outside of Denver.

Asked whether he recommended Gallagher for a judgeship with the hope Gallagher would remain in Grand Junction, Bennet said yes.







Gordon Gallagher 2 (copy)

U.S. Magistrate Judge Gordon P. Gallagher appears before the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary on Dec. 13, 2022 for his confirmation hearing.

Colorado Politics file

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‘More than a symbol’: Western Slope’s Gordon Gallagher ceremonially sworn in to federal judgeship

Hickenlooper maintained the objective in the selection process was to recommend “the best person.” At the same time, he acknowledged the demographic needs of the court were evident.

“We were certainly aware there had been a significant lapse since a woman had been appointed from Colorado. But that didn’t mean we were gonna compromise our standards,” he said.

Hickenlooper said he and Bennet shared the job of getting support in the Senate for Colorado’s judicial nominees and determining what features of a candidate’s background might cause concern with which senators. As a first-term senator, though, Hickenlooper said he sometimes used judicial nominations as an inroad to forming relationships to advance other policy issues.

“By starting and doing judicial appointments right off the bat, it helps us break the ice with not just Democrats, but Republicans, as well, and helps us on things like making sure that we had bipartisan support to keep Space Command in Colorado,” he said. “Space Command doesn’t have anything to do with judicial appointments, but building relationships with other senators is relative to everything that’s important.”

The familiar face

Although the majority of the nominees kept relatively low profiles, two candidates attracted scrutiny from opposite ends of the political spectrum.

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During Obama’s last year in office, then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., famously blocked the president from filling a Supreme Court vacancy and shifting the court leftward. But the Senate also declined to act on other nominations — including Rodriguez, who had the backing of Bennet and Gardner to become a trial judge.

At the outset of the Biden administration five years later, the president faced an immediate vacancy on Colorado’s district court.

“I was very familiar with the way Gina Rodriguez was left high and dry in the process that we had gone through,” Bennet said. He and Hickenlooper turned to their advisory committee to ask what members thought about renaming Rodriguez as the sole candidate for the seat — despite the Remus letter’s request that senators provide at least three finalists to the White House.







Regina Rodriguez Senate Biden Judges

In this file photo, Regina M. Rodriguez, nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the District of Colorado, testifies during her Senate Judiciary Committee confirmation hearing in Dirksen Senate Office Building in Washington, D.C., on Wednesday, April 28, 2021. Rodriguez was confirmed to the bench by the full Senate on Tuesday, June 8, 2021.

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“We didn’t feel the need to redo the process, given how robust it was sending her name up before,” recalled Michelle Lucero, co-chair of the committee. “And it was fairly close in time. … The nice thing about her is that she had bipartisan support from, at that time, Sen. Gardner within the state. So, we felt pretty comfortable.”

Rodriguez’s nomination generated complaints from progressives who noted Rodriguez, as a corporate attorney, did not fit the Remus letter’s request for judges from underrepresented backgrounds.

“Why Is Michael Bennet Defying Joe Biden’s Call for Non-Corporate Judges?” asked an article in The American Prospect.

Still, notwithstanding their knowledge of the Remus letter, the committee gave the senators a thumbs-up on Rodriguez.

“Not only did they think she would be an excellent judge, but I think they thought she had taken a real beating in the process before,” said Bennet. “Maybe I shouldn’t say ‘real beating.’ She had taken a long time in the process. And they thought it was appropriate that she’d go first.”

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Biden included Rodriguez in his first batch of judicial nominations and she wound up being confirmed by the largest margin of any Biden appointee in Colorado: 72-28.


‘Judge Gina’ dons robes in ceremony featuring family, judges, senators

The gaffe

Biden’s most recent appointee, S. Kato Crews, was confirmed in January by a narrow 51-48 vote. Crews had been a magistrate judge for five years and, like other nominees, came with a roster of home state endorsements, including from Justice Monica M. Márquez of the Colorado Supreme Court.

But at Crews’ confirmation hearing in March 2023, he flubbed a question from Sen. John Kennedy, R-La. about Brady v. Maryland, the U.S. Supreme Court case requiring prosecutors to disclose certain evidence favorable to defendants.

“Do you know what a Brady motion is?” Kennedy asked. Crews, in the moment, did not immediately recall.

Lawyers who practice in Colorado’s federal courts were largely unbothered by the memory lapse. But Crews generated social media criticism and McConnell, speaking on the Senate floor, pointed to him as a nominee “not on track to get bipartisan support.”

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“I had conversations with Republican colleagues,” said Bennet about Crews’ nomination. “It’s not surprising to me that that could be a difficult moment, and I thought Judge Crews’ entire record needed to be considered here.”

“With Judge Crews,” added Hickenlooper, “because he misunderstood the question around the Brady motion, that was very easy for me to talk about with other senators because I didn’t know exactly what the Brady motion was.”

As a non-attorney — and someone with his own history of making eyebrow-raising comments publicly — Hickenlooper said he was able to make the case to colleagues that Crews’ flub was understandable.

“Pretty much everyone agreed: That sounds like a misunderstanding that certainly shouldn’t be something that in any way would disqualify him from being appointed,” Hickenlooper said. “You know, those are the type of conversations by which you change people’s opinions.”

The Senate confirmed Crews 11 months after his nomination, the longest gap of any Biden appointee in Colorado. Two Republicans voted in favor.  Asked whether they had any serious concerns Crews would need to withdraw his nomination, Bennet and Hickenlooper immediately responded: No.

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U.S. Magistrate Judge S. Kato Crews

U.S. Magistrate Judge S. Kato Crews testifies at his confirmation hearing to be a district court judge on March 22, 2023.



Into the lull

Colorado’s district court bench is likely stable for the foreseeable future. The only member eligible to take senior status, George W. Bush appointee Philip A. Brimmer, has two years left in his term as chief judge. Bennet said he usually receives a heads-up from judges who have decided to step down, but Brimmer has not indicated he will do so.


‘An American success story’: Nina Wang formally sworn in as history-making federal judge

The gap between vacancies also gives an opportunity for legal groups in Colorado to think about their engagement with the process of nominating federal judges. Although bar associations are routinely involved with appointments of state judges, they had to adjust to Bennet and Hickenlooper’s system.

“Because federal judicial vacancies are so rare, APABA’s judicial nominations committee does not have a defined process for weighing in as we do for state judicial vacancies,” said Christine Lyman and Kevin Chen, co-chairs of the judicial nominations committee for the Asian Pacific American Bar Association of Colorado. They added that their association sent endorsement letters to the senators’ advisory committee and the White House on behalf of certain candidates, and also wrote a letter of support for Crews to the Senate Judiciary Committee at his request.

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Amber R. Gonzales, president of the Colorado Hispanic Bar Association, added that the group endorsed multiple candidates and was disappointed the judicial nominees did not include more Latino lawyers. However, Gonzales said, the bar association would continue to build a more robust pipeline to the bench and “regrow a lot of those (political) connections, especially outside of just the core legal community.”

Apart from the public and private advocacy on behalf of Colorado’s judicial nominees, Hickenlooper disclosed another factor that, in his view, made the process unfold smoothly.

“What also helps Colorado is the fact that Michael Bennet is recognized as a consummate, someone who really understands the law at a deep level,” Hickenlooper said. “So, when he and I are both going out there to make sure we get enough votes to confirm any of these appointments, my voice carries a little more authority because he’s my senior senator.”





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Texas A&M Lands Elite Colorado Buffaloes Safety Via Transfer Portal

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Texas A&M Lands Elite Colorado Buffaloes Safety Via Transfer Portal


Just a few short days after landing tight end Houston Thomas from the NCAA transfer portal, Mike Elko and the Texas A&M Aggies have now added reinforcements on the opposite side of the line of scrimmage.

Former Colorado Buffaloes safety Tawfiq Byard has officially announced his move from the Big 12 to the SEC, just a handful of days after entering the portal himself.

After A&M safety Bryce Anderson’s recent announcement of his own portal entry, Byard could be just the replacement that Elko and new defensive coordinator Lyle Hemphill need in the “Wrecking Crew’s” defensive backfield.

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A&M Lands Safety Tawfiq Byard From Colorado

Byard will now play football for his third school in his college career, having also spent some of his playing days with the South Florida Bulls before making the move to Boulder to play for NFL Hall of Famer Deion Sanders and the Colorado Buffaloes.

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Colorado Buffaloes defensive back Tawfiq Byard (7) reacts in the first quarter against the Arizona State Sun Devils at Folsom Field. Mandatory Credit: Ron Chenoy-Imagn Images | Ron Chenoy-Imagn Images

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Byard’s sophomore campaign in 2025 was much more telling than that of his previous efforts with the Bulls, appearing in all 12 games for the Buffs while starting in eight of those games.

The defensive back would lead the Colorado defense with 85 tackles and was tied for 26th in the nation in the solo tackles category, with 57, and his eight tackles for loss were the third-most by a safety in the history of the program.

His performance, which also included two forced fumbles, an interception, and 0.5 sacks, earned him an honorable mention on the All-Big 12 team.

For a Texas A&M team that has struggled with injuries in recent years, including one to Anderson, a head injury during the win over Notre Dame, Byard’s durability is exactly what Texas A&M needs on defense, and his efficiency will help tie together what should be a younger A&M secondary in the 2026 season.

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During his pair of years in South Florida, Byard appeared in 16 games while starting 10, all of which came in his redshirted freshman season, where he finished with 54 tackles (34 solo), eight tackles for loss, two sacks, one interception, and a fumble recovery before transferring to Colorado.

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The Buffaloes had a rough ride of a season in their first without quarterback Shedeur Sanders and former Heisman Trophy winner Travis Hunter, with only a 3-9 record (1-8 conference) to show for in 2025, their lone conference win coming against a ranked Iowa State Cyclones team.

With the defensive backfield back in decent order, the Aggies now look ahead to a grinding offseason before starting their third season under head coach Mike Elko with a hosting of the Missouri State Bears at Kyle Field on September 5.

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14 things that will make headlines in Colorado in 2026

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14 things that will make headlines in Colorado in 2026


Story first appeared in:

The Colorado Sun published 2,788 stories and opinion pieces in 2025. That’s a lot of news, features and perspective competing for your attention. Some subjects not only proved compelling in the moment, but also hinted that their narratives would continue to take shape into the new year. 

We’ve selected some topics that almost certainly will keep grabbing Coloradans’ interest as events twist and turn and redefine the news. Below, our subject matter experts have offered their observations on the issues they’ve followed, and on the new directions those stories could take in the months ahead.


Heat was turned up on wolf reintroduction and it’s getting hotter

If there’s one topic that kept readers howling in 2025 it was Colorado’s wolf reintroduction program and the continued missteps Colorado Parks and Wildlife has made, guided by what many see as a flawed plan. 

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That story has only intensified as we lope forward. We still have wolves that are highly interested in eating livestock and a new head of CPW — Laura Clellan, whose appointment was quickly followed by the decision to relocate one of those wolves back to the place where all of the problems started. Gray wolf 2403 is a member of the Copper Creek pack that was trapped after its parents killed dozens of livestock on two ranches in Grand County. After a stint in captivity, they were transported to Pitkin County, where they continued killing livestock. Then 2403, a male, traveled into New Mexico. A memorandum of understanding between the states required Colorado to take him back. Clellan explained in an agency news release that the wolf was returned to Grand County because that is where he could “best contribute to CPW’s efforts to establish a self-sustaining wolf population” while CPW attempts “to minimize potential wolf-related livestock conflicts.” 

What happens next will influence Colorado’s continued wolf reintroduction story. Only now the stakes are higher than ever, with the federal government attempting to dictate CPW’s mission. In October, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service barred the agency from sourcing their next batch of wolves in British Columbia, where they went last year for wolves. And in a few days, CPW will face some tough questions when it gives its update during the 2026 legislative session. State Sen. Dylan Roberts, D-Frisco, says the cost of the program to taxpayers — $3.5 million in 2025 alone — will most certainly come up, and that the legislature could slice funding going forward. “We wouldn’t want to defund it completely because we have wolves on the ground and we need to make sure ranchers have access to compensation,” he said. But it’s getting harder to see success in the crystal ball of reintroduction. — Tracy Ross


Will Colorado have to go it alone in going green?

The biggest environmental battle ahead for Colorado in 2026 is whether and how the state majority in favor of activist climate and pollution policies can go its own way against a concerted federal rollback of clean air and clean energy mandates. 

The confrontation escalated last week, with the dirtiest of all fuels, as the Trump administration ordered Tri-State Generation’s Craig Unit 1 coal plant to stay open beyond its long-planned Dec. 31 closing date. Closing the last six coal electricity plants by 2031 has been a Holy Grail of Colorado environmental and economic policy and regulation, and state and environmental leaders are vowing a legal challenge. With coal power, “Whether you want it or not, whether you need it or not, it’s yours,” is setting up to be a heated 2026 fuel fight. 

Colorado’s executive branches, regulatory commissions and legislature are currently stacked with policymakers who want to meet mandates for cuts to greenhouse gases, the emissions that violate ozone caps, and an overall push to switch the economy from fossil fuels to cleanly-generated electricity. They are forging ahead with rules and incentives that go beyond a GOP-controlled presidency and Congress. 

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Where Colorado’s environmental approach was threatened by federal government moves in 2025, the state attorney general’s office fought back, as our politics staff is carefully tracking. How successful Phil Weiser’s fights will be in 2026 could come in the form of federal court decisions on state mandates for electric vehicle sales, clean energy research grants and who pays for EV charging stations. 

Colorado’s often-effective environmental advocacy groups, meanwhile, will double down on state control. They are seeking a “cap and invest” policy to help Colorado catch up on carbon-cutting goals, emulating Washington state and others, which fossil fuel advocates will no doubt hate. They already have U.S. Senator and gubernatorial candidate Michael Bennet on board for the 2026 debating season. — Michael Booth


Trying to be smart in use and regulation of modern AI 

The year 2026 will be pivotal for artificial intelligence in Colorado. A state law to protect consumers from potential discrimination by AI systems goes into effect June 30, delayed from the original Feb. 1 start date to give lawmakers another chance to change Senate Bill 205.

Many local tech leaders opposed the law immediately after it passed in 2024 because of the “what-if” scenarios that could stifle innovation. Elected officials, including Gov. Jared Polis, also wanted to change the law, which requires AI developers and companies that deploy the AI to disclose the foreseeable risks of discrimination on consumers.

Then on Dec. 11, President Donald Trump issued an executive order to block states from adopting their own AI regulations, which “makes compliance more challenging, especially for startups.” Trump criticized Colorado’s law banning algorithmic discrimination because it could “force AI models to produce false results” to avoid discrimination.

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Rep. Brianna Titone, a Democrat from Arvada who cosponsored the original bill, said Trump doesn’t have the authority to do the work of Congress. She’s also working on a new “repeal and replace” bill to simplify the process of addressing inaccurate AI data by putting the liability on developers of large-scale systems, like Google and Open AI, and not the smaller companies deploying them. That, she said, “will produce better outcomes and actually serve the deployers in a better way … making Colorado a good place for AI.”

The growing use of modern AI goes beyond technology. Xcel Energy told the Colorado Public Utilities Commission last summer it needs to nearly double electricity generation by 2040 to meet data-center demand. Data centers use a lot of water to cool computer facilities and that’s alarming environmentalists and municipalities.

Educators are also trying to figure out how much AI to allow into classrooms, as reports of AI chatbots influencing teenagers’ mental health abound. In the workplace, companies wonder how AI can help employees be more productive, as job openings diminish. A new workforce report from the Colorado Workforce Development Council called artificial intelligence “the most probable emerging technology” for “disruptions to the labor market.” — Tamara Chuang


End is near for Colorado’s Digital Divide

In 2026, the state’s remaining 96,000 households with subpar or no broadband service are expected to finally get access to speeds of at least 100 mbps down and 20 mbps up.

The Colorado Broadband Office picked 25 internet providers to get the job done. They will split  $420.6 million from the federal Broadband Equity, Access and Deployment Program. 

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hierarchy visualization

But that’s only half the amount the state was awarded two years ago. BEAD rules changed in June under the Trump administration to pick the lowest-priced bid and avoid favoring one technology over another. The state had to reexamine projects that prioritized fiber, resulting in 94,000 Coloradans no longer deemed eligible because of existing wireless or available satellite service.

A big winner was Amazon Leo, previously known as Project Kuiper, a private satellite internet service planning to launch in 2026. Amazon was awarded $25.3 million to cover more than 42,000 unserved or underserved households in Colorado. 

The state still hopes to tap the rest of its original $826.5 million award to build more middle-mile infrastructure, improve public-safety connectivity and retrofit multifamily properties. But a new wrinkle was added Dec. 11, when President Donald Trump issued an executive order to block states from adopting their own AI laws. The order called out Colorado’s AI law and threatened to freeze additional BEAD funding. The National Telecommunications and Information Administration is expected to issue guidance in “early 2026,” according to state officials. — Tamara Chuang


Colorado landed the Sundance Film Festival. Now what will we do with it?

It took a Stanley Hotel overhaul, a $34 million tax incentive, a pile of grants just shy of $2 million, a film-focused legislative task force and multiple walking tours of downtown Boulder highlighting the city’s theaters, hotels, bus routes and bike paths, in order to convince the Sundance Film Festival to ditch its longtime home in Park City, Utah. And that was just the beginning. 

In March, the festival announced a 10-year contract with Boulder, beginning in 2027.

The festival managed to evade giving an official reason for its relocation, but savvy onlookers cited ideological battles with Utah’s ultraconservative lawmakers, while before his death in September festival founder Robert Redford had publicly gestured toward Park City’s growing pains. Boulder doesn’t have the same ski-town uptick in tourism that Park City does in the middle of January, when the festival takes place, but that doesn’t mean the projected 40,000 to 50,000 visitors will tread lightly during those winter weeks. 

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So while businesses in Boulder will no doubt be shoring up for a big influx, the rest of the state also stands to gain from a renewed focus on filmmaking, making 2026 a year to keep an eye on the homegrown movie industry. — Parker Yamasaki


Feds opened the door to school vouchers. Will Colorado walk through?

The year ahead could be a defining one for school choice in Colorado, which has continued to expand schooling options for families since becoming an early adopter of charter schools in the 1990s.

Many Colorado families have embraced school choice, sending their child to a charter school, taking advantage of online programs or enrolling them in a public school other than the one assigned to them by their home school district.

Private schools are yet another option for students, but, unlike some other states, Colorado does not allow public dollars to subsidize a child’s private-school education. Colorado voters have repeatedly rejected those kinds of programs, called voucher programs.

The Trump administration, meanwhile, has been doubling down on creating a federal voucher program and is asking states whether they want to opt into a new program in which taxpayers could receive a federal tax credit of up to $1,700 for donating to a “scholarship granting organization.” Those organizations would then fund scholarships for kids at public and private schools, supporting expenses such as fees, books, tutoring, technology, after-school programs and private-school tuition.

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Education advocates and state officials are divided over whether Colorado should lean into the new program. Gov. Jared Polis told The Colorado Sun he plans to enroll Colorado in the program to draw in more dollars for students. Critics worry the program will erode the public school system by diverting much-needed funding to private schools serving wealthier families.

In the coming months, the U.S. Department of the Treasury and the Internal Revenue Service will release a set of proposed regulations. Polis must give the federal government an answer by December, before the program begins in January 2027. — Erica Breunlin


Did one meeting in Vail forever damage the Democratic caucus?

As we head into a new year and a new legislative session at the Colorado Capitol, tensions among Democrats are running high. That’s in large part because of deepened distrust between the party’s more moderate and more progressive wings.

Those tensions peaked after an October weekend retreat during which members of the legislature’s Opportunity Caucus, who are in the more moderate wing, mingled with lobbyists at a hotel in Vail and then would not answer questions from journalists about who paid for the event. Leaked emails show that the dark-money nonprofit organization One Main Street Colorado, which funds moderate candidates in primary campaigns against progressives, appears to have at least partially funded the gathering and helped plan it.

Progressive Democrats have called out Opportunity Caucus Democrats for attending a retreat, while Opportunity Caucus leader Sen. Lindsey Daugherty has attacked critics. The Opportunity Caucus is a 501(c)(4) nonprofit organization that doesn’t disclose its donors and is what The Sun refers to as a dark money group. Other nonprofit caucuses — the Black Caucus and the Hispanic Caucus — released their donor lists to The Sun when asked.

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Now, funding questions surrounding the retreat are at the center of an investigation by the state’s Independent Ethics Commission. Sixteen Democrats face complaints filed by Colorado Common Cause, a liberal-leaning nonprofit that advocates for an open government, and have until the end of the week to respond.

Colorado Common Cause executive director said in November that the group anticipated reaching a settlement with the Opportunity Caucus lawmakers, but so far those negotiations have not been successful. If a settlement isn’t reached, it could be years before the ethics commission releases a final ruling on the complaints.

Will Democrats across the political spectrum be able to work together starting Jan. 14 while the IEC investigation is ongoing? Time will tell. — Taylor Dolven


How much more cutting can Medicaid spending take?

“I hate the HCPF budget,” state Sen. Jeff Bridges said at the end of a grueling meeting of legislative budget-writers in March, using the acronym of the state’s Medicaid agency.

Then, to emphasize the point, he said it louder.

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“I HATE the HCPF budget.”

Bridges, a Greenwood Village Democrat who was at the time the chair of the Joint Budget Committee, and his colleagues had just finished poring over possible cuts to Medicaid to plug a more than $1 billion state budget hole. That was hard enough — committee members considered cuts to dental care for people whose mouths are in pain, cuts to behavioral health providers for troubled youth, and cuts to therapies that use horses to help children with disabilities, among many others.

But now they have to do it all over again. And again. And again.

With the state stuck in a projected cycle of annual, massive budget deficits — and with Medicaid making up roughly one third of the state’s overall budget — lawmakers have almost no choice but to look for additional cuts in the health program for people with low incomes or disabilities. And, while the state is working on ways to improve efficiency and bang for the buck in Medicaid, inevitably this will mean hacking programs that real human beings depend on.

Gov. Jared Polis’ budget for next year notably slices away at Medicaid spending.

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“It’s an important exercise to show what sustainability in Medicaid looks like,” Polis said.

But to those cut by the blade, what may be seen as sustainable for the state budget is entirely unsustainable in their own lives. In November, The Sun spoke with families caring for adult children with disabilities, who are facing potential reductions in what they are paid to provide that care.

As one mother said: “This is going to push people who are marginalized over the edge.” — John Ingold


Ski patroller unions shine a bright light on the pain of resort-town economics

We entered 2025 writing about a ski patroller strike at Park City Mountain Resort in Utah. We wrapped 2025 as the owner of Telluride ski area closed the resort in response to the second ski patroller strike in modern resort history. 

The implications in Telluride are far-reaching. If the resort stays closed, seasonal workers will likely leave. If snow piles deep without immediate work by trained avalanche mitigation specialists, Telluride’s steep terrain could be inaccessible for a long stretch. If patrollers get what they want — somewhere around $8 an hour more versus the $4 offered by the resort owner — workers across the resort realm will be clamoring for a similar bump in pay.

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And if the resort remains closed, the many tourist-reliant businesses in the towns of Telluride and Mountain Village will face hard choices about investing, employing or simply staying open. 

The labor movement in the ski resort industry is swelling as the wealth disparity reaches new heights in mountain towns. The price of homes has more than doubled in the past five years as the cost of living soars beyond the reach of most hourly workers in mountain towns

The United Mountain Workers union has some 1,100 workers in 16 units at 14 ski resorts in four states, including nine ski areas in Colorado. And the unionized ranks are growing. Increasing unionization of resort workers — and now walkouts and strikes — will continue as everyone except the very wealthy struggle to make a life in the West’s high country valleys. — Jason Blevins


Immigration whiplash shows no sign of easing

It’s been a wild year trying to keep up with new federal immigration policies that led to raids in Aurora and Denver, the detention and eventual release of a high-profile Trump administration antagonist, and thousands of arrests that included elderly people and even babies. All the intensity culminated with ICE trying, unsuccessfully, to keep journalists out of a courtroom during a hearing at the detention center in Aurora in December. 

The aggressive immigration crackdowns, and the protests that follow, aren’t expected to calm down in 2026. 

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Most of those affected in Colorado are natives of Mexico and Venezuela, but federal policies also are targeting people from Somalia, Haiti and Afghanistan, including one Louisville resident who helped U.S. soldiers fight the Taliban. The state paused issuing commercial driver’s licenses for immigrants without citizenship or green cards, and it’s unclear whether or how that particular state-federal conflict will get resolved. 

Thousands of immigrants in Colorado are in limbo after the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services put all applications for asylum on hold, and paused applications for green cards for residents from 19 countries on a travel-ban list, which includes Venezuela, Afghanistan and Cuba. Meanwhile, for those who are fighting removal orders in immigration court, court backlogs are stretching cases four years or more. This likely will get worse as the number of immigration judges in Colorado dropped in 2025 from nine to six. — Jennifer Brown


What fresh rules, cuts and conservation will Colorado River negotiations demand?

The 40 million people who rely on Colorado River water, including residents across Colorado, will enter into a new phase of reservoir rules, water cuts and conservation efforts in 2026.

Water officials plan to launch a new set of management rules this fall for the basin’s key reservoirs, like lakes Powell and Mead which make up 92% of the entire basin’s storage capacity. Basin states are still at loggerheads over what the new rules should look like as a changing climate shrinks the basin’s water supply.

The current management plan was part of a drought response effort in the 2000s. But the rules, which expire in August, failed to keep enough water in the reservoirs to avoid historic low water levels, a crisis response and emergency water releases in 2021.

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Replacing rules written in 2007, however, is a major endeavor. Officials have been working through a federal environmental analysis since 2023. Thirty tribal nations are weighing in. Talks among the seven basin states have stalled for months, over sticking points like who cuts back on water in the basin’s driest years. 

The state negotiators had no progress to report in December and face a ticking clock to reach an agreement. Until they do, cities, farms, industries and more are stuck in limbo — trying to plan for their water futures, and potential cutbacks, in the midst of uncertainty. — Shannon Mullane


Trying to solve for housing affordability and availability remains fraught

Rents finally fell in 2025. Home prices leveled off, too, after years of explosive growth.

But despite glimmers of relief in 2025, the state’s housing crunch remained as dire as ever for many Coloradans.

“In a lot of ways we feel like this climate is much more challenging than the Great Recession, because of just how tough it is for that low-income household to make ends meet,” said Pat Noonan, whose Colorado Housing Connects hotline has helped people at risk of losing their homes since 2006. At Colorado Sunfest in May, Noonan told us his nonprofit now fields more calls from renters facing eviction than it did from homeowners at the height of the subprime mortgage crisis.

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In response, we saw lawmakers pass legislation banning landlords from charging certain fees, while building off the state’s recent efforts to boost the housing supply. One new law aims to make it harder to sue condo builders, while another allows builders to develop denser apartment buildings with a single stairwell. State and local officials also worked to implement laws passed in 2024, while homebuilders and housing advocates launched a consortium of their own to push for additional reforms.

Not everyone’s on board with the efforts to address the affordability crisis. Six local governments sued the state over new laws promoting density, while communities across the Front Range and high country were divided over local ballot measures to both fund new housing and limit its construction.

In Littleton, voters went so far as to enshrine single-family zoning in the city’s charter. The ballot measure left the southern Denver suburb at odds with state law and blocked efforts there to encourage more affordable types of homes, like duplexes, townhomes and accessory dwelling units.

Expect the housing wars to continue in 2026. Legislative Democrats have already unveiled two bills to override local zoning laws in the pursuit of more construction. — Brian Eason


Schools step up as a safety net for kids in mental health crisis

Even as much of life has settled into a new rhythm of normalcy, and pandemic disruptions to school have become a thing of the past, mental health woes among youth have persisted, particularly as kids face academic pressures and school violence while also bombarded by technology and social media. Children’s Hospital Colorado clocked a significant uptick in the number of young patients whose mental health challenges sent them to the emergency department over the summer — typically a quiet season. Those challenges were also more severe, mental health experts say.

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The state has long lagged behind in the number of mental health workers and beds needed to keep pace with the volume of students in crisis. But Colorado is moving in the right direction, with hospital systems prioritizing more beds for psychiatric patients in recent years. The state has also carried forward I Matter, a program that offers kids up to six free counseling sessions, and continues to run Safe2Tell, where students can anonymously report concerns about their safety or a peer’s safety.

Meanwhile, schools have become even more of a safety net for students as teachers, administrators and school counselors provide more social emotional support so they are better able to learn. — Erica Breunlin


And the 2026 election could change it all. Or not.

The outcome of most, if not all, of the storylines we’ve told you about above will be shaped by what happens in next year’s elections. 

After eight years leading the state, Gov. Jared Polis will leave office in early 2027. His predecessor, almost certainly another Democrat, will be elected in November. 

The leading contenders to replace Polis are U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet and Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser. The two Democrats will face off in a high-stakes primary in June. The race will start to heat up in the first months of the new year, with millions of dollars on deck to be spent on ads and voter activation efforts. 

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Speaking of spicy primaries, U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper is seeking reelection. But first, he’ll have to fend off a primary challenge from state Sen. Julie Gonzales, a self-described progressive insurgent. (Republicans haven’t found a formidable opponent for Hickenlooper.)

Then there’s the toss-up 8th Congressional District, where Republican U.S. Rep. Gabe Evans is trying to help his party maintain total control in Washington, D.C., by winning reelection. It won’t be easy. The 8th District is one of the most competitive U.S. House districts in the country, and Democrats and Republicans plan to spend gobs on the contest. 

Three Democrats are running in the primary to replace Evans: state Reps. Shannon Bird and Manny Rutinel, as well as Marine veteran Evan Munsing. Evans keeps amassing money while Democrats duke it out.

The offices of attorney general, secretary of state and treasurer are up for grabs next year, too, not to mention Colorado’s seven other congressional districts and dozens of statehouse seats. We are expecting some consequential statewide ballot measures, too. (Think: fentanyl, taxes and transgender rights.) — Jesse Paul



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Colorado Parks and Wildlife launches potential hunting opportunity for wild bison

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Colorado Parks and Wildlife launches potential hunting opportunity for wild bison


Colorado Parks and Wildlife is creating a roster where individuals can sign up for a bison hunting license. 

Interested hunters can apply to be added to the list, which will only be used if management action — such as preventing property of agricultural damage — is required for wild bison that enter Colorado. The state is not creating a regular hunting season for bison. 

Colorado is not home to any herds of wild bison after the species was systematically killed across the West in the 1800s. 



However, a new bill signed into law in May allowed the species to be dual-classified as livestock or wildlife. The bill’s primary goal was to protect wild bison from Utah’s Book Cliffs herds that wander into Colorado near Rangely. Prior to the law being enacted, these animals lost any protections when they entered Colorado and were typically killed. 

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Parks and Wildlife estimates that the mismatch in protections has led to a dozen wild bison being killed in Colorado after leaving Utah in the last decade. It estimates that 25 have been killed in the past 20 years. 



Now, free-roaming wild bison are managed by Parks and Wildlife as a big game species, meaning they cannot be killed without a proper license or permission. Privately-owned bison will continue to be managed by the Colorado Department of Agriculture as livestock. 

In accordance with the new law, Parks and Wildlife launched a stakeholder process to create a bison management plan in October. The plan will set a bison management area and a population objective range to guide future decisions around wild bison in the area just northwest of Grand Junction, where the animals have previously entered Colorado. In the fall, the wildlife agency’s commission also passed a few regulatory changes, including building a regulatory framework for the potential hunting of wild bison to protect against disease or property damage and that covers compensation for property damages caused by the animals.  

In October, as wildlife advocates urged Parks and Wildlife not to allow hunting of bison, Brian Dreher, assistant director of the terrestrial branch at Parks and Wildlife, said the new regulatory framework merely provides the agency with management options. 

“We don’t have any intentions to hunt these animals in the near term, but we also need some flexibility to deal with any issues that arise,” Dreher said.

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With the creation of the “bison roster,” which Parks and Wildlife announced on Jan. 1, hunters will be randomly selected in the event the agency needs to kill a wild bison that is causing issues. The agency reported these special licenses will be issued on a “case-by-case basis for time-sensitive management needs.” Once a hunters’ name is selected, the hunter will be granted a one-week license to kill a bison.

The application to sign up for the roster is available from Jan. 1 to 31 on the Parks and Wildlife website. If a drawing is conducted, successful applicants will be notified by phone and email. Hunters will have 24 hours to respond and accept the license.





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