Colorado
Greenhouse gas emission reductions are the law. Colorado officials aren't following it. – Colorado Newsline
Even within the limits of bureaucratic phrasing, a new state report on greenhouse gas emissions in Colorado manages to capture the cataclysm that global warming is already inflicting. Monster wildfires. Water depletion. Farm failures. Extreme heat. Displacement of people.
These and other environmental disasters are at least mentioned in the “2023 Colorado Statewide Inventory of Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Sinks,” released late last month. The effects of climate change are indeed so apparent to Coloradans that to downplay or deny them in a government paper would be instantly discrediting.
But release of the report also came with an admission from the administration of Gov. Jared Polis that its efforts to reduce greenhouse emissions have fallen short of the state’s own targets, which are written into state law. What’s so exasperating about the admission is that climate advocates for years have insisted, loudly and consistently, that the state wasn’t doing enough, and they predicted the state would miss the targets.
So, what’s the lesson? Polis’ general preference for a market-driven and voluntary approach to the climate crisis is hurting Coloradans, especially in already vulnerable communities, and as worsening conditions threaten the lives and well-being of residents throughout the state, policymakers must pivot to more urgent action.
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Colorado can claim some climate triumphs, and its reputation as a leader on environmental protections is in part justified. In 2004, Colorado became one of the first states to adopt a renewable portfolio standard for power utilities, and in 2014, it became the first state to regulate methane emissions from oil and gas production.
Major environmental legislation was enacted in 2019, such as a law that requires certain electric utilities, such as Colorado’s largest, Xcel Energy, to submit clean energy plans that promote reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. The state that year also codified its landmark greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets: 26% below 2005 levels by 2025, 50% by 2030 and 90% by 2050. These targets were boosted last year by legislation that added five-year interim targets and for the first time committed Colorado to net-zero emissions by 2050.
In parallel to this laudable record, however, the Polis administration has repeatedly balked at taking the aggressive posture necessary to fulfill the state’s express climate goals. A former state air quality commissioner, Auden Schendler, told Newsline in 2020 that Poils “doesn’t want heavy-handed regulation, and that’s the only thing that’s going to get you to these targets.”
This truth has been reinforced ever since, and each new indicator has shown the state increasingly unlikely to meet the first statutory target in 2025.
A couple of weeks ago, the state released the latest greenhouse gas emissions inventory, which assesses and quantifies the scale of emissions from power generation, transportation, building fuel use and other sources in Colorado. Along with the inventory the latest projections show the state will miss the first target, less than a year away, by about 20%.
Of course it will — the admission merely validates those who for five years warned that the Polis administration’s “iterative” pace puts Coloradans in danger. Think about what climate-related disasters have occurred since the emissions targets were enacted: The state’s three largest wildfires in history tore through the mountains in 2020, its most destructive wildfire in history razed 1,000 homes the following year, and aridification has continued to pose a water-supply crisis.
But even the state’s own disappointing projection is almost certainly too optimistic. For example, late into its drafting, representatives from Environmental Defense Fund and Western Resource Advocates noted that the state’s baseline projection of emissions reductions include “aspirational assumptions” about some conditions that probably won’t materialize, double counts some reductions, and omits altogether emissions from land use and changes in land use, such as in the state’s vast forests.
We can assume that the state will miss the target by even more than officials admit.
“Every year Colorado fails to keep pace with cutting pollution persistently towards those goals leads to more pollution built up in the atmosphere,” Alex DeGolia, a Colorado resident who heads the Environmental Defense Fund’s state climate strategy, told Newsline this week.
The disastrous effects of that pollution often falls especially hard on low-income neighborhoods, communities of color, and other historically marginalized Coloradans, as recognized by EnviroScreen, a Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment mapping tool meant to advance environmental justice.
“When you look at the vulnerability around climate, whether that’s flooding, heat island impacts, energy costs, air quality, it will continue to be those that are most vulnerable by the CDPHE EnviroScreen score that will be harmed the most, as we continue to miss our goals and our target,” said Ean Tafoya, the Colorado state director for GreenLatinos.
The targets don’t exist for their own sake. They were implemented to protect the health and lives of Colorado residents and contribute to the world’s response to an existential human emergency. Missing them should not be an option. Exceeding them should be a state imperative.
The state will miss its 2025 target, but how can it achieve the 2030 target? Note that components of the state’s emissions reduction approach that have proved especially effective — clean energy plans, methane regulation — involve requirements, not voluntary action. If the Polis administration wants to correct course, it will acknowledge what environmental advocates have said all along and what its own projections prove: Reliance mainly on market forces to confront the climate crisis will result in failure.
Colorado
Colorado’s Oldest Fan Celebrates 101st Birthday
Boulder, Colorado’s most famous symbol of loyalty, has reached yet another milestone. Peggy Coppom, the legendary Colorado Buffaloes superfan, turned 101 this week, celebrating with family, former athletes, coaches, and generations of fans whose lives she’s touched with her simple devotion to CU.
For Colorado coach Deion Sanders, Peggy is a familiar face in the stands. “Miss Peggy, in her own tremendous, loving way, she gives all of us hope,” Sanders shared last season. “You know how many decades we’re apart? But we still found one another. I thank God for that.”
If you want to know what it means to show up—through good seasons and bad— you’ll hear Peggy’s name every time. After attending her first CU football game in 1940, Coppom, alongside her late twin sister Betty Hoover, became a fixture in the stands. For nearly six decades, the twins rarely missed a home game, their loyalty unwavering even as Boulder changed and college football along with it.
Over the years, Peggy has watched Colorado battle through everything from stadium renovations to conference realignments. Her seat at Folsom Field has weathered championship runs and heartbreaks.
“Once we could afford season tickets, we jumped in,” she once recalled.
Now, Peggy has watched more than 330 home games, and her near-perfect attendance record is a feat matched by few in college sports.
Peggy Coppom’s story is a legacy that is woven into Boulder’s history. She and Betty saw Boulder transform from a small town into a lively college city of more than 100,000, with the university at its heart. They raised families while supporting CU from the stands and navigated losing seasons, and Peggy has embraced the program’s modern rise under Coach Prime.
Even after breaking her femur in 2024, Peggy made it to the Buffs season opener and is a familiar face at the Downtown Boulder Pearl Street rally and at bowl games.
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Peggy’s enthusiasm and kindness are infectious. On her 101st birthday, she was surprised by former CU star Jaylyn Sherrod at the CU women’s basketball game—one of many small celebrations joining together to honor Peggy.
For much of the community, Peggy’s life stands as an example of hope and joy, no matter the scoreboard or the challenges that come with being a fan of the Buffaloes.
Coach Prime’s public admiration has only magnified her legacy, weaving Peggy’s story into the current era of CU athletics.
“She’s consistent with who she is,” Sanders said. “Her memory is sharp as a tack. Just always pleasant… always has something profound and peaceful to say to me.”
Peggy Coppom’s 101 years encapsulate the best of the Buffs Nation and Boulder community. She shows the ability to show up and to celebrate the players at their very best. Her advice for fans and athletes is to always cherish the memories, love the people, and stay true to the black and gold.
Peggy summed up her induction into the CU Athletics Hall of Fame in 2022, saying, “I can’t think of one person or anybody that’s ever been given an award like this for simply having a good time.”
Colorado
After community efforts, Colorado county votes to preserve historic baseball fields in sale
On Tuesday, the Boulder County Commissioners voted to move forward with a development plan for their former North Broadway complex in the Colorado city of Boulder that would preserve the historic nearby baseball park at Iris Fields. County commissioners voted 2-1 to enter into a contract with The Academy Management Group for $26 million that aims to preserve the fields and possibly introduce new affordable senior housing to the area.
The lot came up for sale after the county decided to downsize much of their human services staff to another building, saying that many of those employees now work remotely. The county estimates the move will save the county $12.5 over the next five years. However, the sale of their buildings also meant the possibility of losing Iris Fields.
North Boulder Little League players have run the bases of Iris Fields for almost 70 years, and as the league’s Vice President, Thomas Click has spent endless hours coaching them.
“This is a little slice of americana, you know, this is, this is a classroom of life here,” Click said.
So earlier this year, when the county put this land up for sale and the fields’ days looked numbered, Click took a swing.
“A handful of us stood up and just said, ‘No, we’re not going to let that happen,’” Click said, “Our petition, we’ve got 5,000 signatures on it, and there are hundreds of comments on there of people just bearing their souls and talking about what the fields really meant to them.”
Eventually the league found a developer that wanted to help called the The Academy Management Group and submit their own bid. But they still needed Boulder County Commissioners like Ashley Stolzmann to approve it.
“We certainly heard from the neighborhood right around the property, but also … heard from people with different perspectives on the type of housing or not housing that should go on this site,” Stolzmann said.
And on Tuesday, the fields’ future came to a vote.
“Everyone sat quietly all through the hearing, and was like, on their best, you know, best church-like behavior. And then once the vote was taken, the crowd just erupted in tears,” Stolzmann said.
In a 2-1 vote, the fields now seem to be “safe.”
“To see everybody come together … that’s a super powerful thing, and hopefully it laid some framework for the way things can be going forward,” Click said.
And Click is already looking forward to seeing all his players for years to come.
When asked what the league’s plans are for opening day next year Click said, “Oh, man, we’re going big. We’re going really big. I’ll make sure of it.”
As with any major sale, there are still some details that still need to be worked out, including a 90 days due diligence period, but this vote lays the groundwork for the fields preservation and the possible addition of senior housing in the future.
The county expects to move out of their North Complex offices sometime next year.
Colorado
Opinion: Colorado caregivers fight for basic rights as billionaires lobby for AI
I have spent the last seven months learning to be a volunteer lobbyist — registering with the Colorado General Assembly, showing up with research, hoping someone will listen.
I became a lobbyist because I became a caregiver. In Colorado, you can be fired or denied workplace flexibility simply because you’re caring for an aging parent, a child with disabilities or a seriously ill spouse. There’s no law protecting you.
Meanwhile, big tech and AI interests have poured significant resources into federal lobbying, shaping regulations for rapidly evolving technologies like artificial intelligence. By contrast, people provide $600 billion in unpaid care annually, with broader national studies valuing unpaid care at over $1 trillion each year. Yet caregivers have virtually no voice in our state capitol.
This isn’t just unfair. It’s economically irrational.
AARP Colorado reports that one in five adult Coloradans — over 1 million people — are employed family caregivers: We’re the accountant leaving at 3 p.m. for Mom’s dialysis. The nurse needing Tuesday mornings for her son’s physical therapy. The engineer working remotely to care for his husband with ALS.
We’re not asking for special treatment. We’re asking not to be punished for keeping our families alive.
National caregiver studies show family caregivers face average lifetime wage losses of $295,000, with 36% reporting moderate to high financial strain. Many quit jobs entirely, losing income, health insurance and retirement precisely when they need stability most.
But here’s what businesses miss: This isn’t just a family problem. It’s an employer problem.
Companies hemorrhage experienced workers because they won’t provide basic flexibility. Replacing an employee costs 50% to 200% of their annual salary. Applied to Colorado’s caregiver workforce, this translates to hundreds of millions in employer losses annually. Supporting caregivers through reasonable accommodations could save employers tens of millions each year in reduced turnover.
That’s why I’m developing the Colorado Caregiver Accommodations and Rights Enhancement, or CARE, Act with legislators for the 2026 session.
The bill would do three things:
First, it would add family caregiver status as a protected class under Colorado’s Anti‑Discrimination Act. Workers couldn’t be fired simply for caring for a parent with dementia or a child with cerebral palsy. Surveys show 42% of Colorado caregivers quit or cut hours due to these demands, and wrongful termination tied to family responsibilities is documented in state and local law.
Second, it would require employers to provide reasonable accommodations — flexible schedules, telework for remote-capable positions, brief phone access for care coordination — unless doing so creates genuine hardship. Many good employers already do this. We’re ensuring everyone has access.
Third, it would create streamlined pathways for family members to become certified paid caregivers through existing Medicaid programs. Right now, families often can’t provide paid care for relatives, forcing them into institutional settings that cost taxpayers far more. This fixes that — at zero cost to the state budget.
The projected impact? Supporting caregivers through reasonable accommodations reduces costly turnover and protects small businesses through mandatory mediation.
I shouldn’t need to become a lobbyist to advocate for basic dignity. But when big tech pours millions into shaping policy for hypothetical AI risks while real people lose jobs caring for family members, grassroots advocacy isn’t optional — it’s survival.
I founded CASI because caregivers don’t have PACs or super PACs. We have stories, data, lived experience and moral authority. In a democracy, that should be enough.
But it’s not always enough. That’s why we need legislators willing to champion working families, not just corporate donors. That’s why we need Coloradans to tell their representatives: “I’m a caregiver” or “This matters.”
Because here’s the truth: We were all cared for at birth. Many of us will need care in aging. Most of us will provide care at some point. Care isn’t a niche issue — it’s the universal human experience.
I’m working to introduce the CARE Act in the 2026 session, pending final sponsor commitments. Meetings with legislators are ongoing to review the proposal.
If we secure sponsors, caregivers will testify about denied promotions and lost wages. Business owners will share how supporting caregivers improved retention. Policy experts will present data showing this isn’t charity — it’s infrastructure for an aging state.
Then legislators will vote. That vote will answer whether Colorado values family caregivers or only listens to those who can afford massive lobbying budgets.
I’m betting on Colorado. I’m betting on legislators taking time to understand this issue. I’m betting on employers who recognize that flexibility is a competitive advantage. I’m betting on everyday Coloradans who understand that supporting caregivers strengthens families, businesses and communities.
But I’m not leaving it to chance. I’m organizing, mobilizing and lobbying. Contact your legislator and say: “I’m a caregiver,” “I know a caregiver,” or “Support the CARE Act when it’s filed.”
Because if big tech can spend millions shaping the future of machines, surely we can invest in the people caring for humans.
Mark Fukae, of Brighton, is the founder of CASI, a Colorado caregiver advocacy organization, and serves as Director of Advocacy for Professionals Who Care, a national nonprofit supporting family caregivers.
The Colorado Sun is a nonpartisan news organization, and the opinions of columnists and editorial writers do not reflect the opinions of the newsroom. Read our ethics policy for more on The Sun’s opinion policy. Learn how to submit a column. Reach the opinion editor at opinion@coloradosun.com.
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