Colorado
Greenhouse gas emission reductions are the law. Colorado officials aren't following it. – Colorado Newsline
Even within the limits of bureaucratic phrasing, a new state report on greenhouse gas emissions in Colorado manages to capture the cataclysm that global warming is already inflicting. Monster wildfires. Water depletion. Farm failures. Extreme heat. Displacement of people.
These and other environmental disasters are at least mentioned in the “2023 Colorado Statewide Inventory of Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Sinks,” released late last month. The effects of climate change are indeed so apparent to Coloradans that to downplay or deny them in a government paper would be instantly discrediting.
But release of the report also came with an admission from the administration of Gov. Jared Polis that its efforts to reduce greenhouse emissions have fallen short of the state’s own targets, which are written into state law. What’s so exasperating about the admission is that climate advocates for years have insisted, loudly and consistently, that the state wasn’t doing enough, and they predicted the state would miss the targets.
So, what’s the lesson? Polis’ general preference for a market-driven and voluntary approach to the climate crisis is hurting Coloradans, especially in already vulnerable communities, and as worsening conditions threaten the lives and well-being of residents throughout the state, policymakers must pivot to more urgent action.
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Colorado can claim some climate triumphs, and its reputation as a leader on environmental protections is in part justified. In 2004, Colorado became one of the first states to adopt a renewable portfolio standard for power utilities, and in 2014, it became the first state to regulate methane emissions from oil and gas production.
Major environmental legislation was enacted in 2019, such as a law that requires certain electric utilities, such as Colorado’s largest, Xcel Energy, to submit clean energy plans that promote reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. The state that year also codified its landmark greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets: 26% below 2005 levels by 2025, 50% by 2030 and 90% by 2050. These targets were boosted last year by legislation that added five-year interim targets and for the first time committed Colorado to net-zero emissions by 2050.
In parallel to this laudable record, however, the Polis administration has repeatedly balked at taking the aggressive posture necessary to fulfill the state’s express climate goals. A former state air quality commissioner, Auden Schendler, told Newsline in 2020 that Poils “doesn’t want heavy-handed regulation, and that’s the only thing that’s going to get you to these targets.”
This truth has been reinforced ever since, and each new indicator has shown the state increasingly unlikely to meet the first statutory target in 2025.
A couple of weeks ago, the state released the latest greenhouse gas emissions inventory, which assesses and quantifies the scale of emissions from power generation, transportation, building fuel use and other sources in Colorado. Along with the inventory the latest projections show the state will miss the first target, less than a year away, by about 20%.
Of course it will — the admission merely validates those who for five years warned that the Polis administration’s “iterative” pace puts Coloradans in danger. Think about what climate-related disasters have occurred since the emissions targets were enacted: The state’s three largest wildfires in history tore through the mountains in 2020, its most destructive wildfire in history razed 1,000 homes the following year, and aridification has continued to pose a water-supply crisis.
But even the state’s own disappointing projection is almost certainly too optimistic. For example, late into its drafting, representatives from Environmental Defense Fund and Western Resource Advocates noted that the state’s baseline projection of emissions reductions include “aspirational assumptions” about some conditions that probably won’t materialize, double counts some reductions, and omits altogether emissions from land use and changes in land use, such as in the state’s vast forests.
We can assume that the state will miss the target by even more than officials admit.
“Every year Colorado fails to keep pace with cutting pollution persistently towards those goals leads to more pollution built up in the atmosphere,” Alex DeGolia, a Colorado resident who heads the Environmental Defense Fund’s state climate strategy, told Newsline this week.
The disastrous effects of that pollution often falls especially hard on low-income neighborhoods, communities of color, and other historically marginalized Coloradans, as recognized by EnviroScreen, a Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment mapping tool meant to advance environmental justice.
“When you look at the vulnerability around climate, whether that’s flooding, heat island impacts, energy costs, air quality, it will continue to be those that are most vulnerable by the CDPHE EnviroScreen score that will be harmed the most, as we continue to miss our goals and our target,” said Ean Tafoya, the Colorado state director for GreenLatinos.
The targets don’t exist for their own sake. They were implemented to protect the health and lives of Colorado residents and contribute to the world’s response to an existential human emergency. Missing them should not be an option. Exceeding them should be a state imperative.
The state will miss its 2025 target, but how can it achieve the 2030 target? Note that components of the state’s emissions reduction approach that have proved especially effective — clean energy plans, methane regulation — involve requirements, not voluntary action. If the Polis administration wants to correct course, it will acknowledge what environmental advocates have said all along and what its own projections prove: Reliance mainly on market forces to confront the climate crisis will result in failure.
Colorado
Greer, Wooten combine for 20, Colorado women advance in Big 12 Tournament with 55-48 win over Kansas
KANSAS CITY, Mo. — Logyn Greer and Desiree Wooten both scored 10 points in No. 6 seed Colorado’s 55-48 win over No. 11 seed Kansas on Thursday night to advance to the quarterfinals of the Big 12 Conference Tournament.
Greer shot 4 for 7 from the field and drained both her attempts from 3-point range from the Buffaloes (21-10). She had six rebounds and four blocks. Wooten added four assists.
Colorado was in foul trouble early, racking up seven fouls in the first quarter. A 9-0 run in the second quarter broke the game open for the Buffaloes and they entered halftime up 26-18. Their defense held Kansas to 36% (19 of 53) from the field and 15% (2 of 13) from 3-point range.
Kansas (19-13) was led in scoring by S’Mya Nichols, who put up 14. Her and Sania Copeland scored the only 3-pointers for the Jayhawks.
Colorado: Will play No. 3 seed Baylor on Friday. The Lady Bears are ranked No. 20 in the country.
Kansas: Will wait for an invitation into a postseason tournament.
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Colorado
Deen: Avalanche Solve Roster Needs. What’s Next? | Colorado Hockey Now
The trade deadline is less than 24 hours away and the Avalanche have already made the three moves that had been clear-cuts needs for the team.
They needed to improve their third pair. They did that by swapping Samuel Girard for Brett Kulak.
They needed to replace the recently departed Ilya Solovyov with a more capable No. 7 option on the blueline. That was accomplished with Wednesday’s trade for Nick Blankenburg.
Most importantly, the Avs needed a third-line center. On Thursday, they paid a hefty price to acquire Nicolas Roy from the Toronto Maple Leafs.
These are all things that had to be done. Now? They have nearly $7 million in available cap space (with Logan O’Connor on LTIR), with an opportunity to improve on the roster they have. This is the part of the trade deadline where general manager Chris MacFarland can bolster the team, find those luxury additions, and maximize his team’s chances and winning a Stanley Cup.
So what could that look like?
Most of the season has seen Ross Colton, Victor Olofsson, and even Gavin Brindley occupy the wings on the third line. With Roy expected to settle into that 3C role, there’s an opportunity to build on the wing. Elliotte Friedman mentioned last week that the Avs could move on from Colton. If so, that would give them a lot more cap space and a valuable asset they can use on the trade market to bring in a solid middle-six winger. Perhaps someone like Blake Coleman.
Olofsson has chemistry with Roy dating back to last season with Vegas, but you have to wonder if they’d be looking to upgrade on his position, too.
That leaves Jack Drury on the fourth line, centering Parker Kelly and Joel Kiviranta. Brindley slots down to the No. 13 forward (when everyone is healthy), while Zakhar Bardakov is the 14th option.
If O’Connor returns before the postseason, he instantly rejoins the fourth line. That would push Kiviranta out, and he’d be the 13th forward just like he was last year. Even in that scenario, I do wonder if the Avs decide to improve on Bardakov. He’s a young centerman who has impressed in limited minutes but has struggled to gain the full trust of the coaching staff.
There’s also the option to add another depth defenseman. Right now, an injury to Kulak or Devon Toews would again force Colorado to have five right-shot defensemen in the lineup. Blankenburg, who also shoots right, would be an ideal fill-in if an injury were to strike on the right side.
But what about another depth option? Colorado won the Cup in 2022 with both Ryan Murray and Jack Johnson on the outside looking in. After Girard’s injury, Johnson stepped in. But it didnd’t hurt to have multiple depth options just in case.
Could the Avs target another depth blueliner? If so, will they go for a bigger body? I’ve seen the name Urho Vaakanainen floated around. He would be the type of left-shot defenseman who could fill that role as an extra. Albeit his $1.55 million cap hit might be too large to take on without retention for such a limited role.
Colorado
Colorado Parks and Wildlife advances controversial fur ban petition during packed meeting
A contentious fight over fur stole the show at day one of the Colorado Parks and Wildlife Commission March meeting. The drama centered around a citizen petition to prohibit the sale of some wild animals furs.
The public meeting was packed with hunting advocates and animal rights groups. A total of 120 people signed up to speak during public comment at the hours-long meeting, not including those who submitted written or virtual comments.
The turnout was so big that Colorado Parks and Wildlife increased security. The meeting was held at the DoubleTree Denver-Westminster. CPW said they conducted security checks at the entrance at the hotel’s request to enforce the venue’s ban on weapons.
Ultimately, the commission voted 6-4 to move a proposed fur ban into the rulemaking phase.
It’s a win for the animal rights groups that submitted the petition.
While the commission did not all-out adopt the petition as it was submitted. They chose to initiate a rulemaking process for a potential ban to be approved down the line.
When the motion was advanced, it was met by jeers and some cheers from an audience full of hunters, trappers and advocates.
“We were hoping that there would be an opposition to moving the petition forward for the variety of reasons,” said Dan Gates, executive director of Coloradans for Responsible Wildlife Management. “It’s kind of frustrating that you sit there that long and you go through that much back and forth. On so many different levels. So it’s kind of disappointing.”
“This is a win. So it’s a good day,” said Samantha Miller, the senior carnivore campaigner for the Center for Biological Diversity.
Miller submitted the petition, which sought to ban the for-profit sale of fur from Colorado wildlife known as furbearers.
Those are 17 species including fox, bobcat, beaver, raccoon and coyote.
“Right now, furbearers are hunted and trapped in unlimited numbers in the state of Colorado, they also don’t enjoy the same protections against commercial markets that other big game species do enjoy, and in a time of biodiversity crisis and climate change, it’s critical that we up our management levels, modernize them, to reflect the crises we’re facing at the time, and ally for align for rare management with other species,” Miller said.
Colorado law already bans the commercial sale of big game.
As submitted, the petition would not limit the trapping or hunting of furbearers, just the sale of their furs and other parts, including hides, pelts, skins, claws and similar items. The sale of furs from farmed animals or wild animals killed outside Colorado would not be impacted.
The petition proposes exceptions, including fishing flies, western hats and scientific or educational materials.
The petition argues that commercial wildlife markets historically contributed to severe wildlife declines in North America and that modern conservation under the North American Model of Wildlife Conservation calls for eliminating markets for wildlife products.
“So what we’re saying is, let’s at least take this commercial piece off the table. We don’t allow this for any other wild animals, and let’s move forward with this petition,” Miller said.
Public comment speakers who supported the petition urged CPW to put compassion for animals ahead of commercial profits.
While the majority of speakers spoke against the proposed ban, saying the existing science-based wildlife management is working, and pointing out the Coloradans who rely on this industry for their livelihood.
Many pointed out that Denver voters rejected a similar fur ban in 2024.
“As a personal furbearer harvester over the course of the last 50 years, and a wildlife control operator and the president for the Colorado Trappers and Predator Hunters Association as well. We can adamantly say that we are for science-based wildlife management, and there’s been no indication whatsoever from the science-based wildlife managers that there’s a problem with any one of the 17 furbearers in the state of Colorado,” Gates said.
CPW staff recommended denial of the petition, saying the division does not have solid evidence that commercial fur sales are leading to unsustainable harvest levels of these animals.
Staff also worried about potential enforcement issues with proposed exemptions, and that the petition contradicts a state law allowing landowners to hunt, trap, and sell furs from furbearers causing damage to property.
“Colorado Parks and Wildlife laid a very good synopsis down when they were putting that recommendation for denial together, and some of these things will play out, and we’ll just have to see how it does,” Gates said.
The commission’s vote to initiate rulemaking leaves the door open for those concerns to be addressed.
“Rulemaking will clear up all of those misalignments that they have found or identified and make sure that it goes forward to the letter of the law and honoring the intent of the visit of the petition,” Miller said. “It’s a good day, I think, for wildlife to bring our regulations consistent and to start modernizing our furbearer management.”
“It seemed today that the vote was more social minded, more personal preference or ideological minded, as opposed to looking at the science and the data that was given by the agency,” Gates said.
See the petition below:
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