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Editorial: California Medi-Cal measure locks in special-interest funding

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Editorial: California Medi-Cal measure locks in special-interest funding


 

Proposition 35, the Medi-Cal funding measure on the Nov. 5 ballot, presents another example of special-interest ballot-box budgeting that limits the discretion of lawmakers and reduces flexibility to respond to fiscal crises. Voters should reject it.

If we’ve learned anything in the past few years, it’s that multibillion budget surpluses one year can morph into gigantic deficits the next. The governor and state lawmakers need flexibility to responsibly address the shortfalls.

California voters should not lock in funding allocations that favor doctors and hospitals over children and community health workers. Nor should they keep tying the hands of lawmakers, who must already contend with, for example, voter mandates for school funding, which must receive about 40% of the state budget; for prudent budget reserves; and for arts education.

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At issue with Proposition 35 is a tax on health plans that provides $7.5 billion of the $161 billion needed to annually fund Medi-Cal — the federal-state health program for low-income people.

The tax is based on the number of people to whom the health plans provide coverage. The state leverages the tax money for matching funds from the federal government.

Medi-Cal, in turn, reimburses the health plans for almost all the tax, with the federal government covering the majority of the cost. In other words, it’s a tax that’s not really a tax but rather a way to pull in more federal money.

Proposition 35 is being sold as a measure that would secure that $7.5 billion in funding by permanently extending the tax on health plans. But this lock-in isn’t needed. State lawmakers, understanding how the tax leverages federal dollars, have generally levied and renewed it for nearly two decades and are incentivized to do so in the future.

Meanwhile, Proposition 35 would not only make the tax permanent, it would also dictate allocation of the spoils. It would pick winners and losers.

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Not surprisingly, the winners include doctors, hospitals and emergency ambulance providers, which explains why they are major financial backers of the measure. Their funding would be protected and, in some cases, increased under Proposition 35.

Among the possible losers are community health workers, private nurses and children under age 5, who are currently protected from losing their Medi-Cal coverage.

To provide the additional funding for the winners under Proposition 35 and still preserve other Medi-Cal programs, the state would need to tap the general fund for another $1 billion to $2 billion annually in 2025 and 2026, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.

The current tax will expire at the end of 2026 unless the Legislature and the federal government extend it. But there’s every reason to believe state lawmakers will do their part, just as they have in the past.

Yet, Proposition 35 backers tout that their measure would make the tax permanent starting in 2027 — and use the notion of going after politically unpopular insurance companies for money as a selling point even though those companies will get their money back.

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Backers of the ballot measure also say that the tax revenue has been diverted to bolster the state’s general fund. But the state this fiscal year will provide $62.4 billion to help fund Medi-Cal, including $35 billion from the general fund.

It’s fiscally reckless to keep using ballot measures to earmark unpredictable state revenues. Proposition 35, which is 43 pages long, “hamstrings our ability to have the kind of flexibility that’s required at the moment we’re living in,” says Gov. Gavin Newsom.

He’s right.

More funding for health care for the poor is a laudable goal. So are attempts to raise rates for doctors and other health care providers who serve Medi-Cal patients. Indeed, there are legitimate concerns about Medi-Cal patients not being able to find providers because doctors don’t want to take them on at low payment rates.

But the allocation of limited general fund money should be made when all the competing demands are weighed by state lawmakers. We shouldn’t be locking it in with a ballot measure few voters will ever understand.

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Chris Bell scores 21, sparks California to 91-67 victory over Sacramento State

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Chris Bell scores 21, sparks California to 91-67 victory over Sacramento State


BERKELEY, Calif. — – Chris Bell scored 17 of his 21 points in the first half and California cruised to a 91-67 victory over Sacramento State on Friday night in a campus game of the Empire Classic.

Bell and Justin Pippen combined for 29 points to help California take a 47-33 lead into the break. Bell sank 6 of 8 shots with three 3-pointers in the first 20 minutes.

John Camden’s 3-pointer capped an 11-2 run to begin the second half and the Golden Bears (5-1) were never threatened. Cal took its biggest lead at 81-47 on a 3-pointer by Camden with nine minutes left to play.

Pippen finished with 16 points and five assists. Dai Dai Ames also scored 16 and Camden totaled 14 points, five rebounds and five assists.

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Brandon Gardner hit 4 of 5 from 3-point range and scored 19 to lead the Hornets (3-4). Mark Lavrenov had 14 points and Prophet Johnson notched his fifth double-double of the young season with 12 points and 11 rebounds.

The Golden Bears shot 50.8% overall and made 15 of 38 from beyond the arc (39.5%).

Sac State made only 18 of 67 shots (26.9%) overall, including 7 of 24 from distance. The Hornets made 24 of 30 free throws, while Cal sank 10 of 19.

—— Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here and here (AP News mobile app). AP college basketball: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-basketball-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-basketballbr/]

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‘Toxic’: California ex-police chief tells of colleagues’ racist harassment campaign

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‘Toxic’: California ex-police chief tells of colleagues’ racist harassment campaign


The embattled former police chief of Vallejo, a San Francisco Bay Area city that has attracted national attention over police violence, has said that he endured a steady procession of racist remarks from colleagues and online harassment and threats that ultimately led him to resign.

By the time Chief Shawny Williams tendered his resignation in 2022, he said he had received a slew of threats – at his office, at his home, and in his email inbox. Most demanded he step down. But even after resigning, the threats still came by mail to his home and a second property he owned outside the state.

“They were hostile, toxic,” Williams testified in a deposition on Wednesday. “I had safety concerns.”

Williams made the statements as part of a federal civil rights lawsuit against the Vallejo police department brought by Deyana Jenkins, whom officers pulled from a car and tased during a traffic stop in 2019. The incident occurred months after six Vallejo police officers shot her uncle, Willie McCoy, a 20-year-old rapper, 55 times while he was asleep in his car. The killing attracted widespread attention and thrust a spotlight on the department’s use of force.

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The deposition, first reported by the Vallejo Sun, offers a window into what Williams describes as a pattern of hostile, threatening and retaliatory behavior that ended his brief attempt to impose accountability on a department known nationally for unchecked violence and resistance to reform.

Vallejo police officers have repeatedly drawn concern over their practices, perhaps most notoriously for the ritual of “badge bending”, in which officers reportedly fold back a tip on their badges after killing someone on duty.

Williams took over the department in 2019 with a mandate to reform it. His three-year stint coincided with a national reckoning over police violence, sparked by nationwide protests over the 2020 murder of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin.

But Williams said he experienced harsh backlash for his efforts to impose accountability on the department’s use of force.

“He was our first Black police chief in a department that’s always been known as a racist police department,” Melissa Nold, the lawyer representing Jenkins in the federal case, told the Guardian. “To hear that he was run off because he was doing reform and discipline – that’s very concerning. It doesn’t seem like it should be possible that the people being reformed have that much power.”

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In his deposition, Williams said a colleague made several disturbing statements, including: “This Black Jesus can’t save us.”

He described “racial hostilities or comments” made to him by a former police captain. Williams also said the city attorney threatened him, but did not describe how.

The Vallejo police department did not immediately respond to a Guardian request for comment.

Williams also received several anonymous threats, through the post and online. Three weeks before resigning in October of 2022, he received a “Halloween card threat” that said “quit today” and emitted a deafening screech that “filled the hallway” and kept blaring until the battery ran out.

A secretary opened the letter. When Williams heard it he “actually thought it was some kind of domestic violence occurring outside the building because it was so loud”.

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Williams also said that he received anonymous threats, after an officer who shot an unarmed 22-year-old in 2020 later rejoined the police department.

Officer Jarrett Tonn shot and killed Sean Monterrosa after an alleged looting incident at a Walgreens during a George Floyd-inspired protest. Williams dismissed Tonn after the shooting.

But an arbitrator reinstated Tonn in 2023, after Williams left the force. Tonn was promoted to sergeant in September of this year, according to the Vallejo Sun. Afterwards, Williams said he received messages that said “some bad things were coming”.

Williams said he asked the department to investigate the threats and raised concerns to city manager Mike Malone. But the city failed to act, and Malone appeared uninterested in helping him, Williams testified.

“One of the things that I guess exacerbated my concerns was [Malone’s] statement that this is not going to stop – or ‘They’re not going to stop until I fire you or you quit,’” Williams said in the deposition. “And he said that over half a dozen times.”

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By “they”, Williams said the city manager was referring to the Vallejo Police Officers’ Association (VPAO), which serves as the bargaining unit for all ranks of police officer except the chief in its negotiations with the city. The VPOA did not immediately respond to a Guardian request for comment.

“My resignation was a result of a pattern of constructive termination hostility,” Williams testified. “There was racial animus, retaliatory things that were happening that just made it unbearable or impossible for me to perform my duties in a safe environment.”



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Fire marched toward west Altadena hours before official accounts, new report shows

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Fire marched toward west Altadena hours before official accounts, new report shows


The Eaton fire was marching toward west Altadena even earlier than previously believed, a state-commissioned report confirmed this week, raising further questions about why it took L.A. County officials so long to order evacuations in the neighborhood where 18 people died.

The fire erupted Jan. 7 at 6:18 p.m., fueled by hurricane-force Santa Ana winds that pushed flames into neighborhoods with great speed. Within about an hour, the county issued evacuation orders for many of the foothill communities near the fire’s origin, including the eastern side of Altadena. But as The Times first reported in January, evacuation orders were not issued for west Altadena until after 3 a.m., well after the fire had threatened the area. Evacuation warnings for the area never went out.

All but one of the Eaton fire’s 19 deaths occurred in west Altadena.

The Fire Safety Research Institute report, released Thursday morning, doesn’t analyze why alerts were delayed, but provides the most detailed timeline yet of the night of the fire, including new timestamps that show there were signs the fire was moving toward west Altadena almost six hours before the area received any evacuation alert.

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The report notes that there was “fire spread to the west” as early as 9:30 p.m. on Jan. 7, pointing to several spot fires west of the fire origin.

By 10:22 p.m., and through the next hour, there were multiple radio calls reporting the fire was spreading west toward North Lake Avenue, the report said. Just before 11 p.m., as The Times has previously reported, there were signs of flames in west Altadena — more than four hours before officials issued evacuation orders for that area.

The report states that winds shifted just after 11 p.m., which “could have assisted in spreading flames that had reached the foothills and the northeastern section of Altadena to the south and west throughout Altadena in the earlier hours of Jan. 8, 2025.”

Between 11:18 p.m. and 12:17 a.m., the document identified at least 10 fire reports on the western flank of the blaze, showing its advance toward Lake Avenue.

Why the county did not evacuate west Altadena earlier has been a subject of great concern among residents, and a question the county has still not fully addressed.

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A county report on fire evacuations last month found that there was a recommendation to issue more widespread evacuations to the west around midnight, but for unknown reasons it was not heeded. It would be another three hours before incident commanders would order additional evacuation orders.

Though the new state report doesn’t provide new details about that midnight recommendation, it does offer new insights into how fast the fire moved, particularly how early the ember cast from the Eaton fire blew into west Altadena, ultimately ravaging the community.

The highly anticipated state report is the first of two from the nonprofit safety research organization. It provides the most exhaustive examination yet into how and when fire officials responded to the Eaton and Palisades fires.

Although the document doesn’t provide much analysis, focusing on the facts of the conditions, preparations and response, the findings were clear that “the ember cast contributed to the rapid expansion,” Derek Alkonis, one of the authors, said at a news conference on Wednesday, ahead of the report’s release.

The delayed evacuations have prompted scrutiny from public officials and Altadena residents about the L.A. County Fire Department’s handling of the wind-driven inferno.

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Michael Gollner, an associate professor of mechanical engineering at UC Berkeley who leads its Fire Research Lab, said the timeline provided in the report is an important starting point to understand what happened during the fire response.

But he noted there was still little information about some crucial details: What was the chain of command on the first day of the Eaton fire? How was information being shared? What other issues were incident commanders dealing with at the same time that could have affected evacuation decisions?

“That’s what’s really important, how that information was passed on and how much they knew that [the fire] was spreading into this area,” Gollner said. “There’s a lot more to come and a lot more we need.”

Other already released reports about the fires conducted by Los Angeles County and the city were met with criticism from residents for being limited in scope and findings.

Last month, a report commissioned by Los Angeles County found that a general lack of planning, poor communication, understaffing and chaotic conditions contributed to untimely evacuation orders as the Eaton fire tore through Altadena. But the report was widely criticized for not answering key questions around evacuation failures, including why county officials didn’t send evacuation alerts to west Altadena until 3:25 a.m. or later.

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Details in the state report shed some more light on what ultimately caused county fire officials to expand evacuations to include western Altadena.

At 10:50 p.m., a resident called in to say that fire was visible from her home on East Calaveras Street in west Altadena. Almost exactly an hour later, a Los Angeles County battalion chief reported a structure fire at Glenrose Avenue and West Loma Alta Drive, even farther into west Altadena, according to the report.

Shortly before 2 a.m., an official drove west toward Lake Avenue on East Altadena Drive, trying to get to Fair Oaks Avenue in west Altadena to “investigate the extent of fire spread” and found intense conditions, the report said.

“He could not continue as he encountered zero visibility, intense heat, and had serious concerns of becoming trapped,” the report said.

Around the same time, county fire officials were defending structures on East Mount Curve Avenue near Lake Avenue. They were forced to leave after 30 minutes because of danger from the erratic winds.

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Despite all these signs of increasing fire activity in west Altadena, it would still take more than an hour before the evacuation order went out.

Gov. Gavin Newsom commissioned the Fire Safety Research Institute to conduct an investigation about a month after the Palisades and Eaton fires killed 31 people and destroyed 16,000 structures across Los Angeles County. Researchers and engineers from the institute — which also conducted the post-incident analysis for the state of Hawaii after the 2023 Maui fire — deployed to Southern California to gather evidence to “build a comprehensive timeline of events and conditions that will inform the analysis of efficacy of the response.”

Thursday’s report provides a timeline of how the fires progressed and looks at state and local officials’ actions, weather conditions, the emergency response and fire suppression. It also includes a review of 10 other fires that occurred in Southern California the same month as the Eaton and Palisades fires.

The report further captures the chaos and erratic nature of the wind-driven Eaton fire and the challenges crews on the ground faced battling the inferno. Not only was the fire moving west earlier than previously reported, but it was also spreading east simultaneously, according to the report.

Just before 1 a.m., crews at different ends of the fire requested more resources, asking for help both to the east and west of the fire’s origin. Similar accounts of the severity of the fire came in from law enforcement from 1:11 a.m. to 3:13 a.m., reporting houses on fire in north Sierra Madre, as well as in east and west Altadena.

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The ember cast transformed what started as a wildfire into a full-blown urban conflagration. This likely made evacuations more difficult, experts have said.

When fire officials are considering evacuations, they generally look at wind speed and direction, topography and fuel type to help guide them, said Matt Rahn, the founding director for the wildland urban interface program at Cal State San Marcos and the research director for the Wildfire Conservancy.

But in a rapidly moving inferno where embers are casting miles from the head of the blaze and igniting spot fires, it “makes it very difficult to evacuate communities and predict where an evacuation should occur,” Rahn said.

“When all of the sudden you have spot fires start literally miles away from the fire front itself, it creates this whole new challenge,” Rahn said. “You’re not just worried about what’s happening here, you’re worried about other incidents that may grow into larger fires or, in the case of the Eaton fire, an urban conflagration. They’re very hard to predict and they’re becoming more common in the kinds of fires we experience.”

The second phase of the report, expected to be released in mid-2026, will draw on information contained in the first report to provide analysis and details on the effectiveness of officials’ efforts to prevent the fires and alert residents. The reports will not delve into the cause of the fires.

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Art Botterell, former senior emergency services coordinator for the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, said the timeline was a necessary first step. But although the timeline approach can be useful, Botterell said, it also has limitations.

Botterell said trends and variations in demographics, urban planning, workforce development, and infrastructure development and maintenance might be harder to spot in a series of snapshots from a relatively short period.

“New data is always helpful, but usually the blind spots lie in the questions we don’t ask,” Botterell said. “Much will depend on the depth, perspective, and independence of the analysis that follows.”

Times staff writer Jenny Jarvie contributed to this report.

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