Arizona
Who are the Bushmasters? The history of the Arizona soldiers injured in drone strike
Arizona National Guard provides update on injured soldiers
Maj. Gen. Kerry L. Muehlenbeck speaks on the 1-158th Infantry Regiment, Bushmasters wounded in action in the Jan. 28 drone attack in Jordan.
The 158th Infantry Regiment Bushmasters were famous for their displays of bravery and valor in defending the United States in World War II. The group, which was started in Arizona, is a major part of the state’s military history.
During a drone attack in Jordan on Jan. 28, 40 U.S. service members were injured and three were killed with more than half of the wounded from the Arizona National Guard’s 158th Infantry Regiment. Most of the injured troops have returned to duty, officials said Saturday.
Here is what we know about who the Bushmasters are, their Arizona roots and how they have historically aided the United States military.
What is the 158th Infantry Regiment?
The Bushmasters can trace their history back to the 1st Arizona Volunteer Infantry in 1865, according to a history of the group provided by the Arizona National Guard. The first unit of Bushmasters consisted of five companies, some Pima and Maricopa Indians and some Sonoran Mexicans. These individuals fought in several campaigns against Apache Indians during the Apache Wars.
According to the history, 250 Arizona guardsmen joined Col. Leonard Wood’s 1st United States Calvary. During the Cuban campaign, they adopted the unit motto, “Cuidado!” It means to look out or beware. They were also known as the “Rough Riders” under Col. Theodore Roosevelt.
In 1917, the 1st Arizona Volunteers were redesignated as the 158th Infantry Regiment. In 1940, the regiment was mobilized for federal service.
How did the 158th Infantry Regiment get the name Bushmasters?
According to the history, the group received the name “Bushmasters” during their time in the Panama Canal Zone in 1941. There they underwent a jungle training program and, due to frequent encounters with the bushmaster snake, the regiment adopted the name “Bushmasters.”
What did the Bushmasters do in WWII?
During the Second World War, the Bushmasters suffered more than 1,400 casualties, according to the National World War II Museum. According to the history, the group’s first battle of the war was at Arawe, New Britain, in January 1944. They dislodged a 9,000-man Japanese defense and established control over western New Britain.
In 1944, they fought against the 26th Japanese “Tiger” division and secured Wakde-Samai. In the same year, they attacked Noemfoor Island. After several weeks of fighting, they won the battle and secured the airspace.
The year after, in 1945, they fought for 21 days in the Philippines, cleared the Damortis-Rosario Road and prevented a Japanese counterattack of the Sixth Army. During the fighting on Jan. 14, 1945, otherwise known as “Bloody Sunday,” 25 soldiers died and 65 were wounded in action.
The Bushmasters never lost a battle to the Japanese.
More about it: Arizona’s connection to iconic flag-raising at Iwo Jima during World War II
How are the Bushmasters connected to Arizona and what do they do now?
The Bushmasters were originally the 1st Arizona Volunteer Infantry. They fought in the Apache Wars, Spanish-American War and World War II. After the war, the Bushmasters were deactivated, but the group was reactivated in Glendale in 1948.
In 1967, then Arizona Gov. Jack Williams signed a law establishing Dec. 3 as “Bushmaster Day” in Arizona.
In recent years, the Bushmasters have fought in Iraq and Afghanistan. From 2005 to 2006, some of the Bushmasters deployed to Iraq to help aid in Operation Iraqi Freedom, where they conducted operations as part of the International Coalition. In 2007, the Bushmasters deployed to Afghanistan to help Operation Enduring Freedom, where they conducted operations as part of the International Security Assistance Force.
The Bushmasters deployed continuously in support of the Global War on Terrorism from 2010 to 2016. In 2018, they were part of Operation Freedom’s Sentinel in Afghanistan, where they assisted Afghanistan’s defense and security forces.
In September 2023, members of the Arizona National Guard were deployed as part of Operation Spartan Shield to provide “law and order and personal security capabilities” for roughly one year, according to Capt. Erin Hannigan, a spokesperson for the National Guard.
Republic reporter Perry Vandell contributed to this article.
Arizona
Arizona State University researcher warns against overtrusting AI in Iran strikes
PHOENIX (AZFamily) — The U.S. military’s AI-powered battlefield intelligence system can compress targeting decisions that once took days into minutes or seconds. But in that push for speed, a preliminary inquiry by the Pentagon found the U.S. relied on outdated intelligence and struck an Iranian school, killing about 170 people, mostly children.
It turns out there’s a lot of research on what happens when humans deploy AI in battlefield settings and why things can go wrong.
“AI is not ready for prime time,” said Nancy Cooke, director of ASU’s Center for Human, AI, and Robot Teaming, on the latest episode of Generation AI. “It is unreliable. It can do unexpected things. And humans may have the tendency to overtrust it.”
Cooke has spent years studying what happens when humans team up with artificial intelligence in high-stakes scenarios. In her research on simulated drone pilot teams, she’s watched AI perform its assigned tasks flawlessly while simultaneously making the humans perform worse.
AI-powered tools like the Maven Smart System, the Pentagon’s battlefield intelligence platform that identifies and prioritizes targets, create a risk for over-reliance on AI recommendations, she said.
Large language models appear deceptively human-like, Cooke explained, but “they’re very much not like human intelligence, although people may think so and then overtrust them as a result.”
Three-person drone experiment
Cooke’s research team created simulated three-person drone teams, then substituted AI for one human pilot. The AI executed its core functions without error, controlling airspeed, heading and altitude.
But something unexpected happened.
“[The AI pilot] acted like there was no one else on the team,” Cooke said. “It did not anticipate the information needs of its fellow team members. And as a result, the coordination of the whole team broke down.”
The humans changed their behavior, too. Thinking they were working with a superior AI, the research subjects decided to follow the machine’s lead. “AI isn’t anticipating information needs. So, I’m going to stop doing that too,” seemed to be their subconscious logic.
The result: teams with AI got reconnaissance photos slower than all-human teams, despite AI’s superior individual performance.
“Even though AI may be fast, the combination of AI working with humans may be slow and bad,” Cooke said.
“It Shouldn’t Be Trusted”
Both over-reliance and under-trust of AI pose challenges on the battlefield, but Cooke is convinced one error is more serious.
“Definitely over-trusting is worse. Because it shouldn’t be trusted. It’s going to give you bad information a lot of the time. Not all of the time. And it’s going to be fast, but that’s not necessarily better,” she said.
The Maven Smart System represents exactly what worries her most. The Pentagon has praised the system for combining eight or nine different intelligence systems into one, condensing targeting decisions from days or hours into minutes.
“So many things can go wrong,” Cooke said. “You have all these different system components that haven’t been tested. They have no safeguards on them. We don’t know how they play off of each other and work together. It’s just a recipe for disaster.”
The Anthropic precedent
Some AI companies are drawing their own red lines. The Pentagon labeled Anthropic a supply chain risk in March after the company refused to grant the military a license to use its products for “any lawful purpose,” without restrictions for domestic mass surveillance or autonomous lethal weaponry.
Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei said he objected, in part, because he did not believe the company’s models could reliably handle such grave tasks.
“Anthropic was spot on. They’re not ready,” Cooke said. “And I don’t know that they’re going to be ready in a very long time.”
Her position goes further than timing concerns. Some decisions, she argues, should remain exclusively human: “decisions to target something, decisions to shoot.”
Information overload
Cooke’s wildfire research reveals another dimension of the challenge of partnering humans with AI. Drones can collect vast amounts of reconnaissance data, but processing it remains “a complex cognitive task to go over reels and reels of video.”
Her research found that too much information creates its own problems, leading to decision paralysis and worse outcomes; the opposite of what AI integration promises to deliver.
The pattern holds across domains: AI excels at narrow technical tasks but struggles with the contextual awareness and anticipation that effective teamwork requires, she said.
“I think you have to make sure that people realize that this is not human intelligence and humans have a lot to offer,” Cooke said. “The best combination would be good human intelligence coupled with good technology.”
The escalation question
Critics argue that moral qualms about autonomous weapons put the U.S. at a disadvantage against adversaries like China or Russia, who might deploy fully autonomous systems.
They worry about next-generation weapons that can decide to fire on their own. In a world where milliseconds might be the difference between life and death, these critics argue human-in-the-loop weapons won’t be able to keep up.
Cooke sees it differently: she thinks autonomous systems run the risk of friendly fire and may be vulnerable to foreign hacking, turning advanced weapons into threats against their own operators.
More broadly, she views the AI arms race as inherently escalatory, potentially raising the risk of countries opting for a weapon of last resort: a nuclear bomb. “People are pushing to, you know, move fast and break things. And indeed, we will.”
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Arizona
Why is gas so expensive in Arizona? What to know
Arizona Republic reporter Jose R. Gonzalez tells why gas is costing more
Arizona Republic reporter Jose R. Gonzalez talks about Phoenix-area gas prices rising while residents deal with the higher cost at the pumps.
The average price of regular gasoline in the United States surpassed $4 per gallon in late March.
But as high as that rate may be, it remains lower than the highest average price recorded by AAA. The price of gasoline in June 2022 wins that dubious distinction. And in Arizona, where the average reached $4 before the national rate, prices are still not at their highest recorded amount.At least not yet. The difference between prices on March 31 and the highs recorded in June 2022 are rather narrow.
Here’s what we know about the stretches between current gas prices and those recorded as the highest ever and why these highs are different from nearly four years ago.
Why is gas so high right now?
The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow shipping channel connecting the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman was shut off by Iran for countries exporting oil to the U.S., after the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran on Feb. 28.
Why was gas so high in June 2022?
Sanctions on the world’s second-highest producer of oil, Russia, for that country’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine was the principal reason for record-setting gas prices.
What is the current average U.S. gas price compared to the highest recorded price?
As of March 31, the average rate of regular gasoline in the U.S. was $4.018, according to AAA. The average price of regular gasoline reached its highest price in the U.S. on June 14, 2022, when it sold at a rate of $5.016, according to AAA.
What is the current average Arizona gas price compared to the highest recorded price?
As of March 31, the average rate of regular gasoline in Arizona was $4.682, according to AAA. The average price of regular gasoline reached its highest price in Arizona on June 17, 2022 when it sold at a rate of $5.388, according to AAA.
What are the current average Phoenix-area gas prices compared to the highest recorded prices?
As of March 31, the average rates of regular gasoline by city or areas in the Valley, according to AAA, are listed below. Also listed, are the city’s or area’s highest recorded prices and their dates, according to AAA.
- East Valley: $4.956 – $5.700 on June 16, 2022
- Glendale: $4.956 – $5.715 on June 15, 2022
- Peoria: $4.965 – $5.716 on June 16, 2022
- Phoenix proper: $4.966 – $5.699 on June 15, 2022
- Phoenix-Mesa: $4.913 – $5.688 on June 15, 2022
- Scottsdale: $4.970 – $5.726 on June 15, 2022
- West Valley: $4.944 – $5.712 on June 15, 2022
Arizona
Why the Arizona Legislature doesn’t fund public transportation
PHOENIX — Despite broad support for public transportation, Arizona lawmakers leave funding up to local governments.
The Legislature’s Republican majority doesn’t support state funding for transit, saying the use of state dollars would take money away from rural areas.
“What do we tell the people in all the rural areas, which is the whole state other than, you know, Flagstaff, Phoenix, the Phoenix metro area and Tucson?” Senate Majority Leader John Kavanagh said. “I mean, what do we give them? What do we say about their transportation needs?”
Kavanagh, who represents Legislative District 3, told ABC15 that areas that use public transportation should be the ones to pay for it.
“To the extent that we spend transportation money in a particular city’s mass transit, [that] is less money for the state road system, which most people use,” he said.
Public transit is one of the fundamental differences between Republicans and Democrats at the state Capitol.
“I feel as though we will not see a change in priorities as long as Republicans continue to be in the majority in the Senate and the House,” state Sen. Analise Ortiz told ABC15.
Ortiz, a Democrat who represents Legislative District 24, said everyone benefits from public transportation.
“As we grow as a state, we need to be smarter about how we are building our cities, and we should be investing in public transit so it’s easier for people to get around,” she said.
Why Maricopa County can’t go to voters
Maricopa County voters have backed public transit numerous times, passing a 20-year extension of the half-cent sales tax for transportation in 2024 and voting four separate times to support light rail.
“The people support public transportation,” said Sandy Bahr, director of the Sierra Club’s Grand Canyon Chapter. “I don’t understand why the majority of the legislators don’t.”
But Maricopa County can’t just go to voters to ask for more public transit dollars. State law requires the county to get lawmaker approval before asking voters for a transportation tax.
“Maricopa County is the only county that has to go through the Legislature to get permission to go to the voters,” Bahr said, calling it “a ridiculous provision.”
She said lawmakers keep erecting roadblocks to public transit.
“It really helps people who are on low or limited incomes or who otherwise can’t drive,” she said.
GOP opposition killed light rail extension to Capitol
The Phoenix City Council earlier this year nixed a proposed extension of light rail to the state Capitol, voting instead to focus on expanding into west Phoenix via Indian School Road.
The decision came after Republican lawmakers, whose approval the city would have needed, introduced legislation to block the expansion.
Kavanagh is moving ahead with legislation to require the state to study the feasibility of light rail, which he said doesn’t suit Arizona.
“Light rail is designed more for densely populated metropolitan areas where a lot of people live near the line,” he said.
The study would look at electric autonomous buses, which Kavanagh says could be an alternative that’s much cheaper, more flexible and less disruptive to local businesses.
When asked what he would say to people who think lawmakers should fund more public transit options, Kavanagh replied: “Not my job.”
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