Arizona
Prisoners use locks as weapons in video that appears to show fight in Arizona prison
Video appears to capture fight inside Arizona prison
In a cell phone video that appears to have been filmed inside an Arizona prison, one man tries to get away from two others. It’s not clear when or where the video was shot.
A video capturing a fight in what appears to be an Arizona prison was posted on social media, showing a man bloodied and being followed by two others with makeshift flails — metal locks hanging from the ends of tethers.
Representatives of Arizona’s prison system declined to immediately comment on the 3-minute video.
The combatants were dressed in orange pants and shirts with “ADC” stamped on them.
It’s not clear when or where the video was shot. It follows a fight between one man and two others that moves from inside a building, through a doorway and outside into a prison yard. No correctional officers or prison personnel are visible at any point in the footage that appears to be shot on a cell phone.
Cell phones are considered contraband in Arizona prisons and are prohibited. How the person filming the video obtained the device was unclear.
Arizona’s prison system is run by the Arizona Department of Corrections, Rehabilitation and Reentry. Reached by email on May 16, department officials said they would respond to The Arizona Republic’s inquiries about the video, including whether they could confirm it had been filmed in an Arizona prison, next week.
On April 4, three men were killed inside the Cimarron Unit at the Arizona State Prison Complex in Tucson. The Department of Corrections identified Ricky Wassenaar, a violent repeat offender serving 16 life sentences for a 2004 attempted prison escape that turned into a hostage crisis, as the sole suspect in the triple homicide. Saul Alvarez, 51, Thorne Harnage, 42, and Donald Lashley, 75, were the men killed.
The incident prompted strong criticism from state lawmakers, including House Judiciary Chair Quang Nguyen, R-Prescott Valley, who demanded accountability from the department and questioned why Wassenaar was placed in a lower-security unit despite repeated warnings and past disciplinary violations.
3-minute video shows conflict move through multiple prison areas
The video begins with two men on the ground, legs interlocked, wrestling away from each other.
One man, with long black hair, stands up holding an orange tether. At the end of it swings a metal combination lock — he holds it like a weapon.
Another man, with short black hair, still on the ground, pushes himself backward. His face and clothes are bloodied.
In the background, voices can be heard.
“Joseph, give me the password.”
“Get the (expletive) out of here.”
“You want the password?”
“Let him go. Let him go, man.”
The bloodied man stumbles to his feet and backs out of the frame. The man with the makeshift flail follows, and another man, also in orange, holding a tethered lock, joins behind him.
The room comes into view: white cinderblock walls, waist-high dividers, rows of bunk beds and two long, rectangular windows letting in sunlight.
The second man with a flail steps forward and feigns a move. The man with short hair picks up a chair, trying to shield himself.
Heavy breathing fills the audio. Someone off-camera says, “Go on, get out of here.”
The camera dips behind a wall and then shows the scene again. One man holds his lock by his shoulder, ready to strike. The other crouches behind the chair, blood on his face and shoulder.
“You want me to leave or not? Move,” says the bloodied man.
“Leave right now,” one of the men replies, pointing.
Then to the other: “Bro, just get the (expletive) over here, on this side. Hurry up.”
“There — go,” the man with long hair says, motioning at the man with the chair.
“Alright. Password?” the man with the chair asks, holding his hand up.
“I don’t give a (expletive),” comes the response.
The bloodied man walks away through an open doorway, and the long-haired man with the flail follows.
“Leave. Leave, (expletive),” the man with long hair yells, walking out the door.
The camera follows them outside.
A cement walkway cuts between blue buildings on one side and a tall metal fence on the other.
The two men face off again. The bloodied man, still carrying the chair, suddenly throws it and runs.
The man with the flail catches him. Grabs him. The second man with a weapon rushes in, swinging his lock. It hits.
The bloodied man falls, a trail of dust lifting as he rolls away.
He gets back up near the metal fence, barbed wire above him, then takes off along the edge.
“(Expletive) the rat,” someone says off camera.
The bloodied man walks off into the distance. The two men stalk after him.
In the background, a loud banging sound — like wheels hitting seams in the concrete — echoes as the camera trails far behind and the video ends.
Video reflects known dangers in Arizona prisons, advocate says
Maria Morris, a senior staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union’s National Prison Project, reviewed the video and said it reflected troubling patterns reported by incarcerated people in Arizona, including assaults involving improvised weapons such as locks in socks.
Morris, whose work focuses on solitary confinement, said many people are placed into general population units despite warning staff that they do not feel safe.
Prisoners often feel unsafe after they opt out of prison gang affiliation by signing what’s known as an “Integrated Housing Program agreement,” which indicates a willingness to be housed with people of any race, Morris said. In Arizona prisons, that decision can mark someone as a target.
Often, prison staff tell them they must go into the general housing unit anyway, she said.
“They are told that they need to stay on the unit until they are threatened or assaulted,” she said.
Afterward, they’re typically moved into solitary confinement — sometimes for months — before the cycle repeats, Morris said.
Arizona
11 illegal Indian national truck drivers arrested at Arizona border last month
Eleven illegal Indian national truck drivers were arrested at the Arizona border in the month of February.
The Yuma Sector Border Patrol arrested 11 total Indian national truck drivers in Yuma, Arizona in February 2026.
According to a Facebook post by the Yuma Sector Border Patrol, all 11 truck drivers held commercial drivers licenses from the states of Florida, New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and California. All were “found to be present in the United States illegally.”
“Border Patrol remains committed to upholding immigration laws and protecting our communities,” the post continued.
Arizona
Arizona Independent Party to appeal ruling erasing name
Ballot processing at Maricopa County Tabulation and Election Center
Election workers process ballots at the Maricopa County Tabulation and Election Center on Nov. 6, 2024, in Phoenix.
The Arizona Independent Party will appeal a court ruling that invalidated its name, guaranteeing more legal limbo and possibly a new chapter of confusion in the effort to give unaffiliated voters a viable third-party option at the ballot box.
Party chair Paul Johnson confirmed he would appeal the ruling from Maricopa County Superior Court Judge Greg Como, which forces the party to revert to its prior name: the No Labels Party. The ruling ordered elections officials in Arizona to follow suit.
The decision was a high-profile loss for Secretary of State Adrian Fontes, who Como said had permitted a “bait and switch” on voters by allowing the name change.
“We were given due process, the judge did a fair job,” Johnson said. “I don’t agree with his final position, but I like the way our country works in terms of the rule of the law.”
“I don’t feel discouraged at all,” Johnson said, adding that an appeal could proceed in federal court and raise claims of First and Fourteenth Amendment violations.
It is unclear how the judge’s order, if it stands, could impact candidates who submitted signatures to qualify for the ballot under the Arizona Independent Party label.
“The commission’s position has been that this would cause confusion,” said Tom Collins, executive director of the Clean Elections Commission, which was part of the case. “This is an example of that confusion.”
The number of signatures required to make the ballot is a percentage of registered voters for each party, but unaffiliated candidates had to collect roughly six times as many as Republican or Democratic candidates. Running with the Arizona Independent Party meant only 1,771 signatures were needed.
Como’s order was signed March 19 but made public on March 25, after a March 23 deadline for candidates to file signatures to make the ballot.
“Unfortunately due to the court order, this question is left unaddressed,” said Calli Jones, a spokesperson for Fontes. “This question will be left to the challenge process or other court proceedings.”
Clarity could come through any lawsuits filed challenging Arizona Independent Party candidates’ signatures. No such challenges had been filed as of March 25, and the deadline is April 6.
What’s preventing ‘Arizona Nazi Party’ or the ‘Arizona Anarchists’?
Last October, Fontes agreed to change the name of the No Labels Party to the Arizona Independent Party, saying to do so was not explicitly prohibited in law. The change was done at the request of Johnson, a former Phoenix mayor and advocate for open primaries. To Johnson, the party is something of a can’t-beat-them-join-them way to put independent candidates on an even playing field with those from the two major parties.
The name change quickly led to a trio of lawsuits filed by the state’s voter education agency, the Arizona Citizens Clean Elections Commission, and the Arizona Republican Party and Arizona Democratic Party. Those cases were merged into one, which ultimately led to the March ruling.
The commission and political parties argued the name change would create confusion for voters and election officials in terms of distinguishing when someone wanted to be part of the new party versus and independent voter in a colloquial sense, which means not registering with any party. Fontes did not dispute there could be confusion.
State law does not directly address when a political party wants to change its name, but Como said that request should follow the process for creating a new party. That includes gathering signatures from supportive voters. Como has been on the bench since 2015.
Como raised concerns of transparency, noting that voters who registered for the old party may not support the new party name. He said a party could gather support with an “innocuous sounding name,” then change it entirely. Como offered a grave example.
“Would the same 41,000 people who signed petitions to recognize the No Labels Party have signed to support the ‘Arizona Nazi Party’ or the ‘Arizona Anarchists’?” he wrote.
His ruling is guided by and affirms Arizona court precedent that statewide elected officials’ powers are only those that are given explicitly to them in statute or the constitution.
Legal challenges needed to bring clarity
Jones, Fontes’ spokesperson, said the office had no power to address whether signatures were valid, because the office presumes “anyone who met the requirements at the time of filing their signatures are valid candidates.” Fontes, a Democrat seeking reelection this year, said he would not appeal the ruling given the “fast approach of the election and the challenging job election administrators have before them.”
He also stood by his decision, but said the court ruled with voters. “Both approaches, being reasonable, the Court entered an order with a lean towards the voters, not the party leaders,” Fontes said.
Como did not find Fontes’ approach was reasonable, saying it was beyond Fontes’ authority.
“The judge noted that even Fontes admitted this issue would cause confusion for the voters, but Fontes disregarded that concern and the obvious truth, and proceeded to allow them to continue the charade,” Arizona Republic Party Chair Sergio Arellano said, responding to the ruling.
That Fontes will not appeal was welcome, because “he has already cost taxpayers too much money” and “further eroded trust in our election officials at a time when that trust is already at an all-time low,” Arellano said.
Eleven candidates are running for office with the Arizona Independent Party name, or whatever it turns out to be. That includes candidates for Congress, governor and state Legislature. Hugh Lytle, the party’s preferred candidate for governor, said in a statement the ruling proves “how far the political parties will go to protect their grip on power.”
Lytle is among the candidates who could face a challenge to his just over 6,000 signatures. Of those, just 132 were gathered via the state’s online system, which requires verification before signing. The remaining could be more vulnerable to objections.
Ultimately, Lytle said, the judge’s ruling wouldn’t change much.
“We are on the ballot,” he said.
Reach reporter Stacey Barchenger at stacey.barchenger@arizonarepublic.com or 480-416-5669.
Arizona
Arizona Senate committee passes three bills aimed at reforming the Department of Child Safety
A state Senate committee passed three bills Wednesday morning aimed at reforming the Arizona Department of Child Safety.
The bills are part of a search for solutions following the murders of three girls known to Arizona’s child welfare system in 2025.
One of the bills strengthens the rules to place children with relatives or other adults they know. HB2035 would make kinship care presumptive and require a written explanation if a different placement were made.
Another bill, HB4004, encourages DCS to investigate new reports of child abuse, even if caseworkers had designated a “protective parent” who would shield the child from harm.
The third bill, HB2611, aims to improve the conditions of group homes. This includes improved building security, allowing foster children to participate in enrichment activities and live free from bullying, and randomly drug testing group home workers.
Hayden L’Heureux, who lived in foster group homes, spoke about the conditions youth face.
“For many foster youth group homes are not experienced as places of healing but as places of punishment or setback,” L’Heureux said.
Angelina Trammell also lived in foster group homes and shared her experience.
“I’ve been through things no child should ever have to go through in the hardest part. A lot of it could’ve been prevented,” Trammell said.
All three bills have already passed the state House and will move forward for consideration by the full Senate.
This story was reported on-air by a journalist and has been converted to this platform with the assistance of AI. Our editorial team verifies all reporting on all platforms for fairness and accuracy.
-
Detroit, MI1 week agoDrummer Brian Pastoria, longtime Detroit music advocate, dies at 68
-
Science1 week agoHow a Melting Glacier in Antarctica Could Affect Tens of Millions Around the Globe
-
Movie Reviews1 week ago‘Youth’ Twitter review: Ken Karunaas impresses audiences; Suraj Venjaramoodu adds charm; music wins praise | – The Times of India
-
Science1 week agoI had to man up and get a mammogram
-
Sports6 days agoIOC addresses execution of 19-year-old Iranian wrestler Saleh Mohammadi
-
New Mexico5 days agoClovis shooting leaves one dead, four injured
-
Business1 week agoDisney’s new CEO says his focus is on storytelling and creativity
-
Texas1 week agoHow to buy Houston vs. Texas A&M 2026 March Madness tickets