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In Northwest Alaska, an economic engine runs low on ore

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In Northwest Alaska, an economic engine runs low on ore


Alaska’s most powerful elected officials reacted with outrage last month when the Biden administration announced it was rejecting a state agency’s plan to build a new road across remote Northwest Alaska, to access an array of mining deposits.

Mining company officials and their political allies had touted the road, and the mines that could be built alongside it, as economic lifelines for the thinly populated region.

But talk to most local leaders and their fears are centered elsewhere — specifically, on a mine that’s already in existence: Red Dog, located 75 miles north of the regional hub town of Kotzebue.

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The development produces roughly 5% of global zinc supplies. Nearly 1,000 people who are shareholders, or family of shareholders, in the local Indigenous-owned corporation, NANA, worked for the mine’s operator or for mining contractors last year.

Their earnings totaled about $63 million, and historically, the mine has generated more than one-fourth of the wage and salary payroll in the local borough, which has a population of 7,400.

Payments from Red Dog also account for 80% to 90% of the borough’s yearly revenue.

But Red Dog has an expiration date: Teck Resources, the Canadian company that operates the mine on land owned by NANA, says there’s only enough ore to keep its operations running until 2031.

For years, Teck has been studying new deposits about 10 miles from the existing development, which could sustain production for decades longer.

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But it says it needs six more years of study to prove that the deposits are worth mining. And the company’s proposed federal permits to access the area have been delayed, prompting growing anxiety among local government and business leaders about the economic harm that could result from a gap in production.

The risk extends far beyond Northwest Alaska. A provision of the state’s landmark Native claims settlement legislation requires NANA to share much of its Red Dog revenue with other Indigenous-owned corporations spread across the state’s rural villages.

Many of those corporations subsidize community stores and fuel businesses — often the only ones in a village — with the money shared with them from Red Dog.

“Once it goes away, many doors are going to shut in Alaska,” said Nathan Hadley Jr., the Northwest Arctic Borough Assembly president. “It’s really going to affect the local residents, and also the whole state.”

For its boosters, Red Dog is a fulfillment of the promise of the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, or ANCSA, the 1971 federal legislation that established 12 regional Indigenous-owned corporations and allowed them to claim roughly 10% of the land in the state.

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[Many see the Red Dog mine as an ANCSA success story. What happens when the ore runs out?]

NANA was one of those 12 regional corporations and claimed the area where Red Dog now operates, which had long been seen as promising for mineral extraction.

In 1982, the corporation signed a landmark mining development agreement with Teck that has since generated ample returns for both sides.

In exchange for access to the minerals in NANA’s lands, Teck shares its profits and preferentially hires NANA shareholders and their family members, and NANA also is a partner in the mine’s oversight.

Since mining started, NANA has received more than $1.2 billion in royalties from Red Dog and, based on requirements in the Native claims settlement act, has shared another $2 billion with other Indigenous-owned corporations.

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In Kivalina, an Iñupiaq village of 420 people that’s the only settlement downstream of the mine, residents have long expressed discomfort with Red Dog’s presence and its treated wastewater discharged into the watershed — and they’ve challenged multiple aspects of the project in court.

But otherwise, the development enjoys broad regional support: NANA says 83% of shareholders support continued mining in the Red Dog area.

With what Teck says is seven years of ore remaining at the existing development, the company has long looked toward two new deposits where it could mine more ore, then transport it back to Teck’s existing processing infrastructure at the original site.

The company has already used helicoptered-in rigs to drill dozens of holes in the tundra to test the prospects, known as Aktigiruq and Anarraaq. But Teck still says it needs to tunnel underground to develop a clearer picture of the area’s potential.

And in order to get the necessary heavy equipment to the sites, the company needs environmental approvals to build a 13-mile access road — namely, a Clean Water Act permit from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers that would allow Teck to discharge dredged material into wetlands.

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Teck first applied for that permit — to cover plans including five gravel roads, six pads, four material sites, five bridges and 55 culverts — in 2018, a Corps spokesman, John Budnik, said in an email. The application was withdrawn a year later because of missing information from Teck that the Corps said it needed to complete cultural studies, Budnik added.

The application was resubmitted in 2022, according to Budnik, and is still pending.

“What we know for sure is that every year of delay, from this point forward, we’re going to see a risk of that equivalent delay impacting us at the end of our current mine life — before we can get new production,” Les Yesnik, Teck’s general manager for Red Dog, said in an interview in April. “The most important piece, right now, to prevent delays at the tail end of the project is to have approval for that road.”

Budnik said the Corps is in the middle of government-to-government discussions with Kivalina’s tribal council to assess whether the permit area is a “traditional cultural landscape.” If that decision is made, it could require additional efforts to limit the environmental impacts of the expansion project, he said.

The Kivalina council — the village’s tribal government — wants environmental protections for caribou that migrate through the area, said President Enoch Adams.

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“Our efforts are not to shut the project down,” Adams said in a phone interview. “Our efforts are to protect our subsistence way of life.”

As it waits for approval of its road proposal, Teck also recently applied for another Clean Water Act permit — this one to allow it to build new roads and pads near one of its existing pits to examine expansion there.

Yesnik declined to comment specifically on those exploratory efforts, but a NANA official described the potential new deposits there as limited in size.

Local officials are already preparing for a steep decline in mine-related revenue. Tax-like payments made to the Northwest Arctic Borough under a negotiated agreement with Teck are tied to the value of the company’s assets at the mine, which are expected to depreciate sharply in the next few years — without offsetting new investment.

Those tax-like payments account for 80% of the revenue in the borough’s budget for the current fiscal year, and “80% of those revenues will likely be gone by 2030,” a Northwest Arctic Borough economic consultant, Jonathan King, wrote in a report last year.

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“Now is the time for the Northwest Arctic Borough to be vigorously pursuing a sustainable budget including saving as much revenue as possible, resizing services to meet future revenues, and discussing the local taxes and revenues that will be needed to support a sustainable budget even before a mine shutdown or suspension,” King wrote.

Borough leaders have been considering potential budget cuts that range from reduced donations to local events, eliminating medical coverage for Assembly members and diminished subsidies for water and sewer service, the Arctic Sounder reported this month. NANA leaders are also warning of the risk of further delays to the expansion project.

“The longer it takes for us to do that next stage of exploration, the longer the potential gap is in production. And that gap in production has implications,” said Liz Qaulluq Cravalho, NANA’s vice president of lands. “We, like the rest of the region, are concerned about what it means for jobs, what it means for borough funding and school funding.”

Even if the Red Dog expansion moves forward, the financial benefits to NANA and to the borough will look different because the Aktigiruq and Anarraaq prospects are on land owned by the state, not by NANA.

But the project would still rely on much of its original infrastructure, like milling equipment on NANA property and a state-owned road to Red Dog’s mineral shipping port on the Chukchi Sea coast, according to Yesnik, the Red Dog manager.

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“That would enable the benefits to continue to this region, for sure,” he said.

Nathaniel Herz is an Anchorage-based reporter. Subscribe to his newsletter, Northern Journal, at natherz.substack.com. Reach him at natherz@gmail.com.





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Trump administration opens vast majority of Alaska petroleum reserve to oil activity

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Trump administration opens vast majority of Alaska petroleum reserve to oil activity


The northeastern part of the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska is seen on June 26, 2014. (Photo by Bob Wick / U.S. Bureau of Land Management)

The Bureau of Land Management on Monday said it approved an updated management plan that opens about 82% of the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska to oil and gas leasing.

The agency this winter will also hold the first lease sale in the reserve since 2019, potentially opening the door for expanded oil and gas activity in an area that has seen new interest from oil companies in recent years.

The sale will be the first of five oil and gas lease sales called for in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act that passed this summer.

The approval of the plan follow the agency’s withdrawal of the 2024 activity plan for the reserve that was approved under the Biden administration and limited oil and gas drilling in more than half the reserve.

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The 23-million-acre reserve is the largest tract of public land in the U.S. It’s home to ConocoPhillips’ giant Willow discovery on its eastern flank.

ConocoPhillips and other companies are increasingly eyeing the reserve for new discoveries. ConocoPhillips has proposed plans for a large exploration season with winter, though an Alaska Native group and conservation groups have filed a lawsuit challenging the effort.

The planned lease sale could open the door for more oil and gas activity deeper into the reserve.

The Voice of the Arctic Iñupiat, consisting of elected leaders from Alaska’s North Slope, where the reserve is located, said it supports the reversal of the Biden-era plan. Infrastructure from oil and gas activity provides tax revenues for education, health care and modern services like running water and sewer, the group said.

The decision “is a step in the right direction and lays the foundation for future economic, community, and cultural opportunities across our region — particularly for the communities within the (petroleum reserve),” said Rex Rock Sr., president of the Arctic Slope Regional Corp. representing Alaska Natives from the region, in the statement from the group.

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The reserve was established more than a century ago as an energy warehouse for the U.S. Navy. It contains an estimated 8.7 billion barrels of recoverable oil.

But it’s also home to rich populations of waterfowl and caribou sought by Alaska Native subsistence hunters from the region, as well as threatened polar bears.

The Wilderness Society said the Biden-era plan established science-based management of oil and gas activity and protected “Special Areas” as required by law.

It was developed after years of public meetings and analysis, and its conservation provisions were critical to subsistence users and wildlife, the group said.

The Trump administration “is abandoning balanced management of America’s largest tract of public land and catering to big oil companies at the expense of future generations of Alaskans,” said Matt Jackson, Alaska senior manager for The Wilderness Society. The decision threatens clean air, safe water and wildlife in the region, he said.

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The decision returns management of the reserve to the 2020 plan approved during the first Trump administration. It’s part of a broad effort by the administration to increase U.S. oil and gas production.

To update the 2020 plan, the Bureau of Land Management invited consultation with tribes and Alaska Native corporations and held a 14-day public comment period on the draft assessment, the agency said.

“The plan approved today gives us a clear framework and needed certainty to harness the incredible potential of the reserve,” said Kevin Pendergast, state director for the Bureau of Land Management. “We look forward to continuing to work with Alaskans, industry and local partners as we move decisively into the next phase of leasing and development.”

Congress voted to overturn the 2024 plan for the reserve, supporting bills from Alaska’s Republican congressional delegation to prevent a similar plan from being implemented in the future.





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Opinion: Alaskans, don’t be duped by the citizens voter initiative

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Opinion: Alaskans, don’t be duped by the citizens voter initiative


Voters received stickers after they cast their general election ballot at the Alaska Division of Elections Region II office in Anchorage as absentee in-person and early voting began on Oct. 21, 2024. (Bill Roth / ADN)

A signature drive is underway for a ballot measure formally titled “An Act requiring that only United States citizens may be qualified to vote in Alaska elections,” often referred to by its sponsors as the United States Citizens Voter Act. Supporters say it would “clarify” that only U.S. citizens may vote in Alaska elections. That may sound harmless. But Alaskans should not sign this petition or vote for the measure if it reaches the ballot. The problem it claims to fix is imaginary, and its real intent has nothing to do with election integrity.

Alaska already requires voters to be U.S. citizens. Election officials enforce that rule. There is no bill in Juneau proposing to change it, no court case challenging it and no Alaska municipality contemplating noncitizen voting. Nothing in our election history or law suggests that the state’s citizenship requirement is under threat.

Which raises the real question: If there’s no problem to solve, what is this measure actually for?

The answer has everything to do with election politics. Across the Lower 48, “citizenship voting” drives have been used as turnout engines and list-building operations — reliable ways to galvanize conservative voters, recruit volunteers and gather contact data. These measures typically have no immediate policy impact, but the downstream political payoff is substantial.

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Alaska’s effort fits neatly into that pattern. The petition is being circulated by Alaskans for Citizen Voting, whose leading advocates include former legislators John Coghill, Mike Chenault and Josh Revak. The group’s own financial disclaimer identifies a national organization, Americans for Citizen Voting, as its top contributor. The effort isn’t purely local. It is part of a coordinated national campaign.

To understand where this may be headed, look at what Americans for Citizen Voting is doing in other states. In Michigan, the group is backing a constitutional amendment far more sweeping than the petition: It would require documentary proof of citizenship for all voters, eliminate affidavit-based registration, tighten ID requirements even for absentee ballots, and require voter-roll purges tied to citizenship verification. In short, “citizen-only voting” is the opening move — the benign-sounding front door to a much broader effort to make voting more difficult for many eligible Americans.

Across the country, these initiatives rarely stand alone. They serve to establish the narrative that elections are lax or vulnerable, even when they are not. That narrative then becomes the justification for downstream restrictions: stricter ID laws, new documentation burdens for naturalized citizens, more aggressive voter-roll purges and — especially relevant here — new hurdles for absentee and mail-in voters.

In the 2024 general election, the Alaska Division of Elections received more than 55,000 absentee and absentee-equivalent ballots — about 16% of all ballots cast statewide. Many of those ballots came from rural and roadless communities, where as much as 90% of the population lacks road access and depends heavily on mail and air service. Absentee voting is not a convenience in these places; it is how democracy reaches Alaskans who live far from polling stations.

When a national organization that has supported absentee-voting restrictions elsewhere becomes the top financial backer of the petition, Alaskans should ask what comes next.

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Supporters say the initiative is common sense. But laws don’t need “clarifying” when they are already explicit, already enforced and already uncontroversial. No one has produced evidence that noncitizen voting is a problem in an Alaska election. We simply don’t have a problem for this measure to solve.

What we do have are real challenges — education, public safety, energy policy, housing, fiscal stability. The petition addresses none of them. It is political theater, an Outside agenda wrapped in Alaska packaging.

If someone with a clipboard asks you to sign the Citizens Voter petition, say no. The problem is fictional, and the risks to our voting system are real. And if the measure makes the ballot, vote no.

Stan Jones is a former award-winning Alaska journalist and environmental advocate. He lives in Anchorage.

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Record cold temperatures for Juneau with a change to Western Alaska

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Record cold temperatures for Juneau with a change to Western Alaska


ANCHORAGE, AK (Alaska’s News Source) – Overnight lows in Juneau have hit a two streak for breaking records!

Sunday tied the previous record lowest high temperature of 10 degrees set back in 1961, with clear skies and still abnormally cold temperatures to kick off Christmas week. Across the panhandle, clear and cold remains the trend but approaching Christmas Day, snow potential may return to close out the work week.

Download the free Alaska’s News Source Weather App.

In Western Alaska, Winter Storm Warnings are underway beginning as early as tonight for the Seward Peninsula. Between 5 to 10 inches of snow are forecasted across Norton Sound from Monday morning through midnight Monday as wind gusts build to 35 mph. In areas just slightly north, like Kotzebue, a Winter Storm Warning will remain in effect from Monday morning to Wednesday morning. Kotzebue and surrounding areas will brace for 6 to 12 inches of possible snow accumulation over the course of 3 mornings with gusts up to 40 miles per hour.

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Southcentral could potentially see record low high temperatures for Monday as highs in Anchorage are forecasted in the negatives. Across the region, clear skies will stick around through Christmas with subsiding winds Monday morning.

Send us your weather photos and videos here!

Interior Alaska is next up on the ‘changing forecast’ list as a Winter Storm Watch will be in effect Tuesday afternoon through Thursday morning. With this storm watch, forecasted potential of 5 to 10 inches of snow will coat the North Star Borough. For those in Fairbanks, 1 to 3 inches of snow will likely fall Tuesday night into Wednesday, just in time for Christmas Eve! Until then, mostly sunny skies will dominate the Interior with things looking just a bit cloudier past the Brooks Range. The North Slope will stay mostly cloudy to start the work week with some morning snow likely for Wainwright.

The Aleutian Chain is another overcast region with mostly cloudy skies and light rain for this holiday week. Sustained winds will range from 15 to 20 miles per hour with gusts up to 35 mph in Cold Bay.

24/7 Alaska Weather: Get access to live radar, satellite, weather cameras, current conditions, and the latest weather forecast here. Also available through the Alaska’s News Source streaming app available on Apple TV, Roku, and Amazon Fire TV.

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