Alaska
Governor to propose lower property tax to support Alaska LNG mega-project
Gov. Mike Dunleavy plans to introduce a bill that would establish a low property tax for the giant Alaska LNG project, a move that would help support its development.
The bill, to be introduced at the start of the session, proposes a rate of 2 mills on the assessed value of the project, Dunleavy said in an interview Friday. That’s one-tenth of the 20 mills, or 2%, that the state levies on oil and gas infrastructure, a portion or all of which can go to local governments with such infrastructure, depending on their rates.
The governor said his bill would cover the length of the project’s lifetime, which has been estimated at 30 years or more.
The governor said his administration is also employing a third-party consultant to study potential sources of additional revenue from the project that could be available to the state and local governments.
Two borough mayors reached for this article raised concerns about the proposed tax rate, including whether local revenue from it would be offset by other benefits, and why the Dunleavy administration has chosen it as a starting point for legislative discussions without their input.
Peter Micciche, mayor of the Kenai Peninsula Borough, said he didn’t think the rate is high enough to win support from local governments that would host project infrastructure.
“We’re all supportive of the AKLNG project,” he said. “But it can’t solely be on the backs of our local taxpayers. I think there’s a fair deal to be had, but a deal that has to be born from facts, real math and local impact data.”
“It has to be transparently and fairly negotiated between the involved parties in good faith, and we’re standing by ready to engage in that process and move Alaska and that project forward,” he said. “But I can’t imagine that a 90% reduction in local revenues associated with oil and gas properties has any chance of moving forward.”
The bill also comes as Alaska legislative leaders have expressed concern about how quickly they can thoroughly consider a long-term plan providing fiscal support for the project, an effort that will include considering potential benefits and risks to the state and other complex questions.
The bill comes after a consultant for the Legislature, GaffneyCline, told the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee last month that legislative action will likely be needed on issues such as property taxes and “fiscal stability,” before the project developer can make a final decision on investment.
Lawmakers say they also plan to weigh whether GaffneyCline faces a conflict of interest, given that its parent company, Baker Hughes, has said it plans to provide key equipment and make a “strategic investment” in the project.
Dunleavy said lawmakers will “need to roll up (their) sleeves, get serious” and pass legislation involving the project.
Alaska LNG, among the largest U.S. infrastructure project proposals in modern history, also faces unanswered questions likely to complicate any efforts by the Legislature, including if the longtime current cost, estimated at $44 billion, is accurate.
The project’s developer, Glenfarne, has said an updated cost estimate will be completed this month. Worley, a global engineering firm, is doing the work.
The estimate won’t be released publicly, but it will be available to the state, Glenfarne said Friday.
“Worley’s work evaluating potential cost increases or reductions, for both pipeline and initial LNG export components, is on track to be completed by year-end as scheduled,” said Tim Fitzpatrick, a spokesperson for Glenfarne, in a prepared statement. “As a private developer, Glenfarne does not publish competitive cost information. We’re in commercial negotiations with contractors, suppliers, and LNG buyers, and cost information will remain confidential. Lenders and investors will be provided necessary and customary information.”
“The state of Alaska will have an investment opportunity and will have access to all necessary information,” Fitzpatrick said.
A 2-mill property tax
Project plans call for construction of an 800-mile pipeline delivering natural gas from the North Slope to Alaskans by 2029, an estimated $11 billion first phase.
In the second and more expensive phase, an export and gas-liquefaction facility would be built in Nikiski to ship much larger quantities of the gas overseas for use in Asian countries. The project has called for gas exports to begin in 2031.
[Previous coverage: Alaska LNG has caught a wave of high-level attention. Is it winning over its skeptics?]
Several similar projects to tap Alaska’s North Slope gas and send it to buyers have failed to be built over the decades.
But Alaska LNG stands out for making progress that others haven’t.
It recently completed the federal permitting process necessary for the project’s construction.
Large gas consumers in Asia, such as Tokyo Gas in Japan and POSCO International Corp. in South Korea, have signed preliminary gas-offtake agreements for more than half of Alaska LNG’s available gas volumes. Those are not binding commitments to buy the gas, though they could lead to final agreements.
“Glenfarne is rapidly progressing toward a final investment decision, as seen through our progress with numerous Asian commercial announcements and strategic partner agreements,” Fitzpatrick said. “We expect additional announcements in the next several weeks. Our overall project schedule, including completing the pipeline in 2028 and delivering first gas to Alaskans in 2029 has not changed.”
Dunleavy on Friday said his property tax bill will not be lengthy.
It’s the only bill he plans to introduce dealing with Alaska LNG, given that early legislation involving the project a decade ago established a strong foundation, he said.
“I’m going to introduce one bill on the gas line, because that’s really the only thing that’s really something worth putting in,” Dunleavy said. “Meaning the bills that enable the gas line that were passed in ’14 and ’15 had everything in there.”
A 2-mill rate would generate $100 million in the project’s first year, if it’s assessed at $50 billion, and lesser amounts as the project’s value depreciates over time.
That is below the $1 billion the project would generate at that value under the state’s 20-mill, or 2%, property tax rate.
At 2 mills, the income represents more income than the “zero” the state will get if the project is not built, Dunleavy said.
“We will still get royalty, we will still get severance taxes,” he said, referring to taxes and royalties from gas production.
Alaska LNG would also create thousands of jobs and lead to lower energy costs, he said.
The administration also plans to hire a “third party to examine any and all methods by which the municipalities and the state could capture revenue, meaning other types of taxes, PILTs, fractional ownership, other types of co-ownership in the pipeline,” he said, using PILT to refer to payments in lieu of taxes.
That co-ownership, 25% of which was reserved by the state’s gas line corporation, could potentially include municipalities, the state, corporations or individuals, he said.
“There are no other bills that we are contemplating, because the structure was put together really well by the Legislature back when the (original) bills were passed,” he said.
‘A jaw-dropping reduction’
The property tax at its current rate could add 9% to the project’s cost to deliver gas, GaffneyCline told the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee last month.
Fitzpatrick, with Glenfarne, said GaffneyCline and other experts have “identified Alaska’s high oil and gas property tax as an impediment to project development for more than a decade.”
“Glenfarne is already moving this project forward in advance of a formal FID (final investment decision) and will continue to work with the Legislature as we approach FID,” Fitzpatrick said in the prepared statement. “A final resolution to this longstanding problem will help Alaskans get lower cost energy as quickly as possible.”
The governor outlined his plans for the proposal in a private meeting with legislative leaders Thursday, the same day he presented his budget draft that called for spending more than $1.8 billion from savings to cover costs in the current and coming fiscal years.
Senate Majority Leader Cathy Giessel, R-Anchorage, said in an interview that the property tax proposal will be very contentious because it will have a significant impact on the state and local communities.
“That is a jaw-dropping reduction in a property tax,” Giessel said. “I know that it will affect the state, but it certainly will affect the municipalities and boroughs that the pipeline will go through. That’s a huge give on the part of the state to make this otherwise astronomical gas pipeline affordable and economic to even do.”
Giessel also said major questions need to be answered by the project developer and lawmakers.
For example, she asked, if North Slope oil producers provide gas for the project, will they be able to deduct expenses associated with that effort from the oil production taxes they pay the state?
“We need to refine the gas lease expenditure deductions and how that impacts oil,” she said.
Other concerns include preventing large cost overruns such as those experienced for the 800-mile trans-Alaska pipeline that began moving North Slope oil to market in 1977, she said.
The Legislature will be hard-pressed to make all the necessary changes this session, in part because Dunleavy provided a budget that will take up much of the discussion, she said.
“The timeline for any deliberation over our oil and gas tax structure typically has taken several years of work,” Giessel said Friday. “We’re now in the second session of a Legislature in an election year, and we have been now handed, yesterday, an incredibly irresponsible budget. We’re going to have to, frankly, put it to the side and write a budget, because this governor did not put the work in to actually do that. I don’t see how we possibly get any kind of tax structure on gas resolved before the middle of May.”
House Speaker Bryce Edgmon, an independent from Dillingham, said the House will look at the issues closely and will need to hire its own third-party consultants.
Setting a long-term property tax rate for the project is “inherently a challenging issue,” he said.
“But we will certainly do our part in terms of considering it,” he said. “Whether it can be prosecuted in a single session, that’s a whole different matter.”
Sen. Elvi Gray-Jackson, D-Anchorage, the chair of the Legislative Budget and Audit Committee, said she’s “looking forward” to seeing the governor’s bill.
“We’ll just take one step at a time,” she said. “Glenfarne claims they’re going to have a final investment decision in early 2026. We’ll see.”
Gray-Jackson said in a recent opinion article that she directed GaffneyCline to provide a report on key issues involving the Alaska LNG project. The report was pubicly released Monday.
Dunleavy said lawmakers can find the time to properly deal with the issue during a 120-day session and reach agreement on a complicated subject, like lawmakers do in other states.
The governor said that if the Legislature focuses on this bill over trivial bills, “such as recognition of tall people’s week or, you know, some of the bills that we do down there, we’ll get some substantial things done just like they do in other states in much less time.”
“We may have grown accustomed over the years, in Alaska in the Legislature, that just about everything is a hard, almost impossible lift,” he said. “But when we look at what they’re doing across the country, we should not be fretting over anything. We should be eager to get to work, roll up our sleeves and get some fantastic legislation done that will be (a) game changer for the state of Alaska.”
Borough mayors raise concerns
Mayors with two boroughs that would encompass Alaska LNG infrastructure, if the project is built, said they were concerned that the governor has moved forward with a specific idea for the property tax without input from the boroughs.
The governor met with those affected boroughs in October, but did not provide specific details of any proposed strategies regarding Alaska LNG, such as the 2-mill property tax, they said.
Micciche, mayor of the Kenai Peninsula Borough where the gas-liquefaction and export facility would be built, said the borough wants to see the gas line project built.
But the borough wants to make sure it can break even under a project that could create additional requirements in the borough for housing, roads, emergency services and other costs, he said.
“I look forward to those discussions so that we can lay out what the actual impact will be and discuss how our costs will be covered,” Micciche said.
Grier Hopkins, mayor of the Fairbanks North Star Borough, said one of the borough’s top priorities is seeing the gas line built.
But the borough needs to make sure the gas it provides is affordable to support the local economy, and it needs time to study the issue.
“I’d be happy to work with the governor and the other municipalities to find an agreement, but he needs to sit down and work with us,” he said. “I hope we can work together and something is not unilaterally moved forward before they can talk to us.”
Josiah Patkotak, mayor of the North Slope Borough where the project would start, declined to comment at this time, a spokesperson said.
Alaska
Hantavirus outbreak, climate risks from microplastics and Alaska’s surprise tsunami
Rachel Feltman: Happy Monday, listeners! For Scientific American’s Science Quickly, I’m Rachel Feltman. Let’s kick off the week with a quick roundup of some science news you may have missed.
First, you may have seen some headlines last week about an outbreak of hantavirus on a cruise ship. Here to tell us more about what happened is Tanya Lewis, SciAm’s senior desk editor for health and medicine.
Tanya, thanks so much for coming on to walk us through this.
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Tanya Lewis: Yeah, no, thanks so much for having me.
Feltman: Why are we talking about hantavirus and this cruise ship? What happened?
Lewis: Just to catch people up, this outbreak was first noticed about a week ago on a ship called the MV Hondius, which was a cruise ship departing from South America, Argentina. And the people that were sickened and unfortunately passed away, two of those individuals were a married couple who had been traveling—it was a Dutch couple—we think were infected in Argentina and then boarded the ship. And then subsequently, multiple other people have been infected. As of May 7 the number of people on this cruise ship who had been infected with hantavirus was eight people. So that probably could still change.
But you might not have heard of hantavirus before, but it is a virus family that people have been sickened with before, and it’s generally spread by rodents, like rats or mice. And this commonly happens in places where people are exposed to the feces of these animals.
And it causes pretty severe disease. It can cause anything from respiratory distress and fluid in the lungs to some forms of it can be more of, like, a hemorrhagic fever, kind of like Ebola. But the kind that we’re seeing on this cruise ship is more the respiratory kind.
But yeah, this is a virus that, while it is fairly rare to be infected with it, it’s quite lethal. The estimates of its lethality vary, but anywhere from, like, 30 percent to even 50 percent of people infected have died of it.
Feltman: Right, well, and like you said, it, it’s usually spread through rodent feces. But unfortunately, the specific virus we’re talking about, with regard to this cruise ship, is one of the rare instances where it is technically possible to spread from human to human. Can you tell us a little bit more about that?
Lewis: Basically, these individuals on the ship were thought to be infected by human-to-human transmission. At least, that’s the working hypothesis right now. And the reason has to do with the exposure routes.
As I mentioned two of the people were a married couple, so we’re talking about, like, very close contact. This is not something like SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID, where it’s, like, in the air and wafting around for hours or something. This is something that you would probably need to be, like, breathing very closely, in the same space. And of course, cruise ships are, like, kind of the perfect petri dish for that.
Feltman: Yeah.
So I think there are two things to talk about. There’s, one, why experts are not immediately super concerned about pandemic potential from this specific thing, but also why it is reasonable that I think so many of us, when seeing this news, went, “Uh-oh. We’re—this is a reminder of public-health paradigms I do not wanna be reminded of.”
So let’s start with the good news: Why are experts not freaking out about this?
Lewis: Yeah, so we have to remember that this is a virus that is very different than a lot of the pathogens that have caused respiratory pandemics in the past. In order for a pathogen to be a major pandemic concern, it needs to be very transmissible, and that is something that we have not yet seen with this hantavirus.
I should say, this particular strain is the only strain that has been shown to transmit human to human; it’s called the Andes strain. Most hantaviruses are not thought to spread that way. So the good news is, it’s kind of rare. The bad news, maybe, is that it does appear to have spread, at least, you know, in a limited way, between people.
But yeah, in terms of why experts are not, like, immediately concerned that this will spark a larger epidemic, I think the reason is just that this type of virus and the way it spreads is not conducive, as far as we know, to that type of outbreak. And it’s also happening in a very contained space, so although there have been reports that several of the people on board the ship have disembarked and we are still following that closely, at this point there is no indication of wider community spread, which is what we call it when people are getting infected who have not had direct exposure to the infected individuals.
Feltman: Is there any concern that the time that this virus spent, you know, in such a perfect petri dish may have given it the opportunity to mutate and be better at jumping from person to person?
Lewis: I think what virologists would tell you is, like, the more opportunities a virus has to jump between people, the higher the risk of it developing, like, a concerning mutation that makes it more transmissible.
That said, we’re still talking about a relatively small number of individuals. I mean, eight people sounds like a lot, but, you know, when you’re talking about this being very close quarters on a ship, this is not like, oh, you’re walking into a giant city like New York City and infecting everyone around you or something. So I think that is a little bit reassuring, perhaps, at this point.
But that said, we’ve been humbled before, and I think if there’s one lesson we can take from the COVID pandemic, it’s that we shouldn’t panic, but we should definitely pay attention. And at least scientists wanna know and learn more about this virus and understand it better.
Feltman: I think a lot of people are getting a little freaked out by this news. [Laughs.]
Lewis: Yeah, and I mean, I would be the first to say, like, something like this you hear about, it’s, like, instantly puts you back in that fearful space of 2020. And of course, there was the famous cruise ship, the Diamond Princess, where some of the early COVID cases happened. So that is always concerning.
On the other hand, you know, we have to sort of put it in perspective and remember this is a rare virus and it is something that people have been infected with in the past, so it’s not a completely new virus, unlike SARS-CoV-2, which we had never seen before. So we do have some idea of how this virus works, and while we don’t have any specific treatments for it, we do at least have experts who study it. So that should hopefully give some reassurance that, like, this is not a complete unknown. We are not starting from square one.
Feltman: Thanks for that, Tanya.
Now, listeners, keep in mind we had this conversation on Thursday, May 7. But you can always go to ScientificAmerican.com for more up-to-date science news.
Now for new research on micro- and nanoplastics—but this isn’t the health story you might be expecting. According to a study published last Monday in Nature Climate Change, these tiny bits of broken-down plastic could be contributing to our planet’s warming temperatures.
For starters, just in case you are blissfully unaware: yes, there are, unfortunately, microplastics in the sky. According to a study published in 2021, some of these particles swirl up into the air from the road, where tires and brakes frequently shed small pieces of plastic.
Now, the idea of microplastics permeating the air and even seeding clouds into existence is creepy enough, in my opinion. But this new study suggests they can also have a warming effect on the atmosphere.
Here’s how that would work: if you’ve ever spent time on a patch of blacktop on a sunny summer day, you know that black material absorbs heat. Conversely, white material reflects heat. The same thing happens when you scatter bits of dark and light plastic into the atmosphere, which is what humanity has inadvertently done quite a bit over the past few decades.
Unfortunately, according to this new study, any cooling effects we might get from light microplastics are probably vastly outweighed by the warming effects of dark microplastics. While the estimated effect is a small percentage of the warming fueled by soot from coal power plants, the results are still worrying.
As Jackie Flynn Mogenson reported for SciAm last week, we don’t actually know the concentration of micro- and nanoplastics currently in our atmosphere. But the authors of the new study argue that global climate assessments should do more to factor in these tiny plastic bits. And their findings serve as a great reminder that when we talk about the downsides of plastic, we should recognize that there may be impacts far less concrete and obvious than creating growing piles of trash in landfills.
Now I’ll turn the mic over briefly to SciAm’s chief newsletter editor, Andrea Gawrylewski. She’s gonna tell us about the science behind a tsunami that caught Alaska by surprise.
Andrea Gawrylewski: Thanks, Rachel.
Last summer, in August, a small cruise boat called the David B spent the night in an inlet about 50 miles from Juneau, Alaska. They were supposed to be at anchor nearer to Juneau in this beautiful fjord called Tracy Arm, but bad weather had forced them to pick another place to stay. And it turns out that detour may have saved their lives.
In the morning, from where they were anchored, the boat’s owners noticed seawater rolling over the nearby [sandbar] and shoreline. It was weird because the tide was supposed to be out at that time, and they had no idea why the water was so high.
When scientists heard about the strange sea-level rise, they began examining seismic data, they looked at aerial footage and satellite images, and determined that a massive landslide had occurred at the top of the Tracy Arm fjord.
So what had happened?
The South Sawyer Glacier at the top of Tracy Arm has been steadily shrinking and retreating for the last 25 years. In the spring and summer of last year the ice retreated inland several hundred feet, exposing so much bare rock that it ultimately caused a landslide.
That big slide hit the water and sent a tsunami racing through the fjord—like, so much water that the tsunami surged more than 1,500 feet up the sides of the fjord and sloshed back and forth, like in a bathtub.
That event also produced a seismic signal equivalent to a magnitude 5.4 earthquake. Scientists found smaller seismic events in the data that had occurred at least 24 hours before the big one, and they were increasing exponentially in intensity in the six hours before the landslide.
So now the question is: Could these early seismic signals be used as a warning system? One scientist at the Alaska Earthquake Center has been testing a landslide detection algorithm, and so far it’s detected 35 landslides in near real time. Sending out warnings within three to four minutes of big events could make all the difference to people who live in the area, so scientists are working to improve tools like these.
If you want more updates like this, sign up for my free daily newsletter, Today in Science, at SciAm.com/#newsletter.
Feltman: That’s all for this week’s science news roundup. We’ll be back on Wednesday to talk all about protein. Why is it everywhere all of a sudden? We’ll cut through the hype so you can just enjoy your tofu in peace.
Science Quickly is produced by me, Rachel Feltman, along with Fonda Mwangi, Sushmita Pathak and Jeff DelViscio. This episode was edited by Alex Sugiura. Shayna Posses and Aaron Shattuck fact-check our show. Our theme music was composed by Dominic Smith. Subscribe to Scientific American for more up-to-date and in-depth science news.
For Scientific American, this is Rachel Feltman. Have a great week!
Alaska
Opinion: The cost of waiting on Alaska LNG is already showing up
As former mayors of Anchorage, we each had the responsibility of leading Alaska’s largest city through moments of challenge and opportunity. While our administrations differed in time and approach, one priority remained constant: ensuring that Anchorage and Alaska have access to reliable, affordable energy.
Energy keeps our homes warm through long winters, powers our schools and hospitals, and fuels the businesses that employ our neighbors. It literally fuels every aspect of our economy and our quality of life. When energy becomes uncertain or unaffordable, the consequences are felt immediately by families, employers and communities across the state.
Today, Alaska faces a generational energy challenge. Cook Inlet natural gas production has been declining for decades. Like the frog in a pot on the stove, the problem around us has slowly grown but is about to reach a raging boil. Declining supplies of inexpensive Cook Inlet gas, rising demand and a lack of long-term certainty jeopardize the stability we rely on. Without action — right now — we will lose control over energy costs and availability.
We have faced moments like this before. During his tenure as mayor, Dan Sullivan recognized early the urgency created by declining Cook Inlet gas production. He convened an Energy Task Force that brought together industry leaders, policymakers and stakeholders to confront the issue directly. That work helped lay the foundation for the Cook Inlet Recovery Act, which the Legislature passed quickly to spur new investment and extend the life of the basin. It showed what is possible when Alaska acts with focus and urgency. It also showed the legislature can move fast when aligned on policy.
This is not a new conversation. For years, studies commissioned by both the Alaska Legislature and multiple administrations have identified the need to modernize Alaska’s tax structure and energy policies to remain competitive for large-scale investment and infrastructure projects. Again and again, those reviews reached the same conclusion: If Alaska wants to attract and keep transformational projects, the state must provide a stable, competitive framework that reflects the realities of modern energy development.
The Alaska LNG project is the only viable path to meet that need. It would deliver a stable, long-term supply of natural gas to Southcentral Alaska, helping ensure that homes, schools and businesses have dependable energy at predictable prices. It would also create jobs, strengthen the economy and generate revenue that supports essential public services.
For Anchorage and the entire Southcentral region, the stakes could not be higher. As the economic center of the state, Anchorage depends on dependable energy to sustain growth and opportunity. Utilities, employers and families all need certainty to plan ahead.
If the Legislature fails to pass meaningful property tax reform for Alaska LNG, this opportunity will slip away like other projects have done. Alaska’s property tax system was not designed for a megaproject like Alaska LNG. Because of that, tax reform legislation was introduced in March that will lower our energy bills and speed the delivery of natural gas from the North Slope. Our legislators must act quickly on a targeted solution and avoid making changes that raise energy costs or slow this project. Otherwise, Anchorage and all Southcentral Alaska will be forced to rely on imported gas for decades.
That outcome exposes us to higher and more volatile costs, shrinks our economy, prevents job growth and sends billions of dollars out of state.
Every day of delay increases that risk. As our electric and gas bills made clear this winter, costs are already rising. Without fast action, consumers should be prepared for increases of 30% to 40% or more. Our state will become an even harder place to start a family or a business.
A project of this scale requires careful consideration and responsible decision-making. But waiting carries its own consequences. The longer Alaska delays, the fewer options remain and the more expensive those options become.
As former mayors of Anchorage, we each had unique approaches to problem-solving. But now we speak with one voice: State leaders and legislators must act with urgency and purpose to enact tax changes that propel this project and unlock the revenue, economic, energy security and other benefits from our North Slope natural gas. Decisions now will shape the state’s economic future for generations.
George Wuerch (Anchorage mayor from 2000-2003) previously served as governmental affairs manager for the Northwest Alaskan Gasline, was founder/president of Fluor Daniel Alaska Engineering and served as vice president of corporate affairs for Alyeska Pipeline Service Co.
Mark Begich (Anchorage mayor from 2003-2009 and U.S. senator from 2009-2015) is a strategic consulting adviser hired by Gov. Dunleavy’s office to help advance the Alaska LNG project.
Dan Sullivan (Anchorage mayor from 2009-2015) previously served on the Regulatory Commission of Alaska and the Alaska Natural Gas Development Authority board.
Dave Bronson (Anchorage mayor from 2021-2024) is a candidate for governor of Alaska.
• • •
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Alaska
Alaska Republicans reelect Carmela Warfield as party chair
SOLDOTNA — Alaska Republican Party leaders on Saturday reelected Carmela Warfield to continue serving as chair, two years after she was first chosen for the role.
The vote took place during a statewide convention in Soldotna, where more than 200 delegates from across the state gathered under garlands of Alaska and U.S. flags to update the party platform and hobnob with both elected officials and candidates.
Warfield was challenged for the chairmanship by Zackary Gottshall, who called on Alaska GOP leaders to do more to oppose elected Alaska Republicans who work across the political aisle.
Warfield beat Gottshall in a 165-45 vote, after Gottshall accused Warfield of appearing “more focused on building personal political visibility and securing endorsements for another term than organizing a serious effort to replace the seven Republican legislators caucusing with Democrats or challenge Sen. Lisa Murkowski.”
Warfield, ahead of Saturday’s vote, said “the Alaska Republican Party is stronger when we focus on what unites us instead of what divides us.”
Warfield now enters her third year at the helm of Alaska’s largest political organization. She has tightly controlled the party’s public image, declining numerous interview requests from the Daily News during her tenure.
In a departure from the norm, Warfield allowed reporters to attend only five hours out of the two-day convention, denying reporters access to debates on the party rules and a forum featuring several gubernatorial candidates.
Cheerful party staffers were stationed at the entrance to the Soldotna Field House to ensure no reporters had access to the building beyond the allotted window.
But during a brief window of access, divisions over the GOP’s direction and operations were on full display. Delegates spent roughly an hour debating whether to add a sentence to the party platform supporting “granting personhood of the unborn at conception.” The motion ultimately failed 89-109.
Factions of the Alaska GOP have long been critical of elected party members who work with Democrats or deviate from the party platform, which already formally opposes same-sex marriage and abortion access, and supports teaching “the historical Judeo-Christian foundation” of the U.S. in schools.
The party has a long history of attempting to keep its elected members in line and punishing those who stray.
Party leaders in 2021 censured Murkowski, a Republican who has served in the U.S. Senate since 2002, after she voted to impeach President Donald Trump. They also voted in 2021 to censure Republican Eagle River state lawmaker Kelly Merrick after she supported a bipartisan coalition in the Alaska House. But after both Murkowski and Merrick won reelection in 2022, defeating party-backed challengers from the right, party leaders promised to turn away from censuring GOP candidates for a period of at least two years.
Since then, the number of Republicans in the Legislature joining bipartisan legislative coalitions has grown, despite party leaders’ consternation.
In the Alaska Senate, a 14-member bipartisan majority includes five Republicans. In the House, the 21-member majority includes two Republicans. Republican leaders of the bipartisan coalitions did not attend the Saturday convention.
Under Warfield’s leadership, the Alaska Republican Party has aligned itself closely with Trump, who in turn has endorsed Warfield, along with U.S. Rep. Nick Begich and U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan, who are running for reelection this year.
Trump has also voiced support for the repeal of Alaska’s open primary and ranked choice voting system, which has weakened the party’s tight control over candidate selection.
Both opponents and supporters of Alaska’s voting system, which was adopted by Alaskans in 2020 and withstood a repeal effort in 2024, say it had aided moderate political candidates who are willing to work across the political aisle, ensuring they can more easily withstand challengers from the right.
The Alaska GOP has made repealing the voting system a key tenet of its efforts in the 2026 election. A successful repeal would enable the party to again assert more control over the Republican primary process,
Party leaders on Saturday also elected Jason Perry, a Baptist pastor, as the new Alaska GOP vice chair. Perry received 161 votes in a three-way race against Paul Bauer Jr., a former Anchorage Assembly member who received 23 votes, and Jeanne Reveal, a party district chair on the Kenai Peninsula who received 22 votes.
Voting on party leaders and resolutions was almost derailed — again — by party leaders’ concerns over using an online system to tally the votes of more than 220 delegates.
Several party members said they wanted to use paper ballots instead of “clickers” that allow delegates to cast votes in real time. A similar motion was made during the 2024 convention.
But the idea this year was met with exasperation and outright derision from some longtime party members. Brett Huber — state director for Alaska’s chapter of Americans for Prosperity, a conservative advocacy group — openly chided some of the delegates.
“Everybody agrees on God and country. Everybody. And then we forget that and fight amongst ourselves,” said Huber.
“If we remember what brought us here — God and country — and we quit misbehaving, we may win,” he added.
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Connecticut19 minutes agoNew Haven man found with ‘Super Mario’ meth pills to serve federal prison time
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Delaware25 minutes agoWho governs matters: Why school board elections deserve your attention
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Florida31 minutes agoSouth Florida officers sue Ben Affleck and Matt Damon, claiming details in ‘The Rip’ are too real
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Georgia37 minutes agoGeorgia Democrats seek answers from Justice Department over Fulton election worker subpoena
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Hawaii43 minutes agoMan killed while changing tire after crash in South Kohala
