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Alaska election results are official: Here are 5 takeaways • Alaska Beacon

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Alaska election results are official: Here are 5 takeaways • Alaska Beacon


Alaska’s election results were made official on Saturday, after the state review board finished certifying the results. Here are five takeaways from the final results: 

There were no changes in the outcomes, but the margin defeating ranked choice repeal grew

The margin between the votes rejecting the repeal of the state’s open primary and ranked choice voting system and those in favor of it grew. There were 737 more votes against Ballot Measure 2 than for it, an increase of 73 votes compared with the margin when the unofficial count was completed on Nov. 20. 

Republican U.S. Rep.-elect Nick Begich’s 7,876-vote margin of victory over U.S. Rep. Mary Peltola, D-Alaska, after ranked choice tabulation was slightly smaller than the unofficial results.

In the state Senate, five Democrats and five Republicans won, leaving the partisan makeup of the chamber unchanged, at 11 Republicans and nine Democrats. 

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In the Alaska House, 21 Republicans, 14 Democrats and five independents were elected. That’s one fewer Republican and one more Democrat than the outgoing Legislature. 

Voters passed Ballot Measure 1 by nearly 16 percentage points. The measure will increase the minimum wage in three steps over the next two and a half years, reaching $15 per hour in July 2027. It also mandates paid sick leave for all Alaska workers, and bars employers from requiring workers to attend meetings on political and religious issues. 

Trump won Alaska by a bigger margin than 2020, but the state is trending away from Republicans compared with other states

President-elect Donald Trump won Alaska by a 13.13-percentage point margin, more than 3 points better than in 2020. Trump’s margin was 11.58 points more than his national popular vote margin, which currently stands at 1.55 percentage points. 

It’s the 15th consecutive time that the Republican candidate won Alaska’s three Electoral College votes for president. 

But while Alaska remains a red state, it’s less Republican compared with the rest of the country than it has been in a long time. The Republican margin over the Democrats ranked 22nd among the states — that is, Trump defeated Kamala Harris by a bigger margin in 21 other states. 

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That’s the lowest-ranking performance for a Republican in Alaska relative to other states since Richard Nixon in 1972. Since George W. Bush’s margin in Alaska was the fourth-highest among the states in 2000, Alaska has been drifting away from being one of the more Republican states: In 2004, Alaska had the eighth-biggest Republican margin; in 2008, with Gov. Sarah Palin on the ballot, it was sixth; in 2012, 16th; in 2016, 19th; and in 2020, 20th. 

Turnout was down compared with four years ago, especially in rural Alaska

There were 340,981 ballots cast in Alaska this year, which is more than 20,000 fewer than four years ago, when 361,400 Alaskans voted. 

Because there were more than 15,000 more people registered in the state, the turnout percentage drop was relatively steep, from 60.67% in 2020 to 55.8% this year. However, the number of registered voters is actually higher than the number of voting eligible people in the state, since voter registration is nearly universal, while legal requirements mean it can take years for voters who leave the state to be removed from the rolls if they don’t notify the Division of Elections. 

Turnout declined in the four northern and western state House districts more than the state as a whole, after a similar decline in 2022. For example, House District 40, which covers the North Slope and Northwest Arctic boroughs, has the same boundaries as four years ago, but saw the number of ballots cast drop 4,677 to 3,362, a 28% decline. Direct comparisons are harder for the other rural districts, since some precincts were moved to House District 36 in the Interior. But the drop in rural voting was consistently greater than the statewide decline.

The parties’ geographic strengths shifted

For decades, Republicans were strong in South Anchorage, while Democrats excelled in rural Alaska. This year, that balance of power shifted, with Harris winning three of the six Anchorage districts that are mostly south of Dowling Road on her way to winning more votes than Trump across the city. 

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But Trump performed relatively strongly in rural northern and western areas, winning House District 40 by nearly 10 percentage points after losing it to President Joe Biden in 2020, and cutting the margins in the traditionally Democratic strongholds in the Bering Strait and Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta regions.

In Southeast Alaska, House District 1, which includes Ketchikan, voted more Republican than four years earlier, while Juneau’s Mendenhall Valley continued to move toward the Democrats.

The Kenai Peninsula and Matanuska-Susitna boroughs remain the mainstays of Republican statewide wins. 

In the Interior, the congressional and legislative Democrats outperformed Harris in Fairbanks. 

Both conservatives and progressives have things to cheer about

For Alaska Republicans, Trump’s win means the White House will be more likely to approve resource development projects than it was under Biden. 

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Begich’s defeat of Peltola returns the state to the all-Republican congressional delegation it has had since 1981, with the exception of Peltola’s two-plus years in the U.S. House and Begich’s uncle Mark Begich’s six years as a U.S. senator, from 2009 to 2015. 

In the state Senate, more-conservative Republicans will be a part of an official caucus for the first time in two years. While the caucus breakdown isn’t finalized, it looks like the Senate minority is doubling in size, from three to six senators. Senate caucuses must have five members to be officially recognized under legislative rules. That means minority-caucus senators will again sit on committees.

For Alaska Democrats, Peltola’s win in 2022 was historic, and her defeat this year is a disappointment. 

However, the Legislature is positioned to have two mostly Democratic majority caucuses – albeit in bipartisan or multipartisan coalitions. The currently announced House majority has all of the 14 House Democrats and five independents, as well as two Republicans. The currently announced Senate majority has all nine Democratic senators and five of the 11 Republicans.

If most Democrats are in the majorities it both chambers, it would be for the first time in nearly 44 years, since June 1981. All four caucuses are still trying to woo members, so there is still time for changes ahead of the scheduled Jan. 21, 2025, start to the 34th Alaska Legislature. 

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And both ballot measure outcomes were victories for progressives, who supported the labor-backed Ballot Measure 1 and tended to oppose the Ballot Measure 2 repeal of ranked choice voting.

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Alaska, Trump Administration Settle Biden-Era Oil, Gas Plan Case

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Alaska, Trump Administration Settle Biden-Era Oil, Gas Plan Case


Alaska agreed to settle with the Interior Department on Monday over a Biden-era plan aimed at restricting drilling and leasing, a deal that could expand the state’s oil and gas development.

The state and the Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority in consolidated cases agreed to drop the suit if Interior offered a written admission that its approval of the Biden-era plan was flawed and violated the 2017 Tax Act.

The 2024 plan included restrictions such as protecting more than 1 million acres of coastal plains. According to the proposed agreement, that move eliminated interest in a Jan. 6, 2025 …



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Kei to stay, new Alaska law makes import vehicles roadworthy

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Kei to stay, new Alaska law makes import vehicles roadworthy


ANCHORAGE, Alaska (KTUU) – Kei trucks and other K-class vehicles are now road legal in the state of Alaska following the passage of SB 239.

The small Japanese import vehicles have drawn a following among owners who say the compact trucks and vans can handle more than their size suggests.

Since kei trucks are imported vehicles that do not meet federal motor vehicle safety standards, they must be at least 25 years old to be brought into the country, per the Imported Vehicle Safety Compliance Act of 1988.

Chris Blankenship drives a 1995 Suzuki Carry and has owned it for about two years after buying it from a previous owner in Tok.

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“You don’t need a full-size American truck to do a lot of stuff,” Blankenship said.

He uses the truck for everything from groceries to camping.

“You can do so much with them. I have mine with a cargo carrier on it, the GoPros, the Starlink. I have a truck bed tent for it too,” Blankenship said.

Before SB 239 was passed, Alaska did not align with the federal 25-year import rule.

“Over the decades before, SB 239 came along, folks that would import them thinking that the state would follow the federal 25-year law,” Blankenship said.

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While the vehicles could be imported, they couldn’t be registered.

“But before the bill was passed and signed into law, the state of Alaska says, ‘no, you can’t do it,’” he said.

SB 239 was passed last June, aligning Alaska with the federal law and allowing kei trucks that meet the age requirement to be registered as fully road legal.

Blankenship bought his truck in-state and does not have the original import form needed to register it under the new law. To obtain the paperwork, he must take the vehicle out of the state into Canada and back.

“And they’ll check it over, look at the paperwork and do their stamp and go, welcome to the U.S.,” he said.

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He is also looking for others in the same situation.

“I’m trying to find out who’s all in the same boat. Because maybe we can drive up there and do them all at once,” Blankenship said.

Prior to the law change, Blankenship’s truck was registered as an all-purpose vehicle, similar to an ATV, allowing for “limited on-road operation,” according to the Alaska DMV.

“It says up to the discretion of law enforcement if they want to pull you over and give you a ticket, tow it, whatever. But I’ve had so many different law enforcement at the city, state and federal — they’re like, ‘we love these things.’ I’ve had folks say, ‘Hey, can I buy it? Can you find one?’” Blankenship said.

Owners say the trucks draw attention from other drivers as well.

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“Folks will look at you, they will grin, they will laugh, they’ll say cute truck, they will ask about it,” Blankenship said.

Blankenship said his F350 with a plow has largely been replaced by the kei truck in his daily routine.

“It’s just a really fun truck to drive. My 2000 F350 that has the big plow on it — that stays parked like 99% of the time now, and I drive this,” he said.

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A frozen ground under Alaska’s tundra looks like ordinary soil from above, but scientists have put a $43 trillion price tag on what happens when it thaws

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A frozen ground under Alaska’s tundra looks like ordinary soil from above, but scientists have put a  trillion price tag on what happens when it thaws


Stand on the tundra in Alaska and it looks like nothing special.

A vast, flat plain of amber grass, shallow ponds, and dark soil stretching to the horizon.

No obvious drama, no visible crisis.

But a few feet below your boots, something has been building for millennia, and scientists have finally put a dollar figure on what happens when it wakes up.

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The ground beneath the Arctic has been keeping a secret for millions of years

Permafrost is frozen ground, soil and rock locked in ice for thousands of years across Alaska, Canada, Siberia, and the high Arctic.

It covers roughly a quarter of the land in the Northern Hemisphere.

Most Americans have never thought about it for a single second.

Permafrost contains about 1,700 gigatons of carbon in the form of frozen organic matter, accumulated over countless millennia of dead plants and animals that never fully decomposed.

That is roughly twice the carbon currently in the entire atmosphere above us.

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Think of it as a freezer the size of a continent, stocked with centuries of biological material that simply never had the chance to rot.

For as long as the ground stayed frozen, that carbon stayed locked away, harmless and invisible.

Something is going wrong with the world’s largest freezer

The Arctic is warming roughly four times faster than the global average.

As the ground softens, the organic matter inside it begins to rot.

Permafrost releases both carbon dioxide and methane as it thaws, through rotting organic matter, collapsing terrain, and waterlogged soils where methane-producing microbes thrive.

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That methane detail matters more than most people realize.

Methane is over 80 times more effective than carbon dioxide at trapping heat over a 20-year period.

Wildfires are accelerating the process further, scorching the insulating layer of moss and peat that once kept the frozen ground shielded from summer heat.

And once those gases escape, there is no putting them back.

The tundra is already changing in ways you can see from the ground

Across Alaska, roads are buckling and tilting where the ground beneath them has shifted.

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Strange new lakes are appearing on the tundra, formed as the frozen ground collapses inward.

Scientists call these thermokarst lakes, and they are spreading.

In some Alaskan villages, houses are sinking and cracking as if the earth beneath them is slowly giving way.

Wooden boardwalks that once crossed stable ground now lean at odd angles, and in a handful of communities, entire buildings have been condemned.

This is not a future warning, it is already happening across the far north.

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A study on permafrost and the remaining carbon budget found that including permafrost thaw in climate models meaningfully reduces the allowable carbon budget for avoiding dangerous warming targets.

Scientists ran the numbers and the total came out to $43 trillion

Greenhouse gas emissions from thawing Arctic permafrost could result in an additional $43 trillion in economic impacts by the end of the twenty-second century, according to research from the University of Cambridge and the National Snow and Ice Data Center.

That figure is not the cost of fixing permafrost.

It is the added damage thawing permafrost would layer on top of every other climate cost humans are already calculating.

To put it in scale: the University of Cambridge researchers note that the $43 trillion comes on top of more than $300 trillion in climate-change costs already projected by existing models, meaning permafrost alone could add roughly 13 percent to the total bill.

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The NOAA summary of the research makes clear that most existing climate models do not yet fully account for this feedback loop.

A more recent analysis by Woodwell Climate Research Center sharpens that picture further, finding that abrupt thaw and Arctic wildfires together shrink the remaining carbon budget faster than gradual models predict.

The frozen ground was never just scenery, it was a climate vault, and it is now unlocking.

There is still time to slow the key that is turning in the lock

The picture is serious, but it is not hopeless.

Thawing is projected to affect 50 percent of near-surface permafrost at 1.5 to 2 degrees of warming, and up to 90 percent at 3 to 5 degrees.

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That gap between those two numbers is the reason every fraction of a degree still matters enormously.

Scientists studying how the 2023 heat record overshot predictions are applying the same urgency to permafrost feedback, working to get these carbon costs into the models governments actually use.

Research teams are experimenting with methods to actively protect permafrost, from restoring grasslands that insulate the frozen layer to tracking thaw rates using satellites.

In places like Juneau, where a glacier burst open for the third summer in a row, residents are already living inside the feedback loops science is still racing to measure.

The ordinary-looking ground beneath the Arctic tundra turned out to be one of the most consequential things on Earth.

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And the price of ignoring it was frozen in plain sight all along.



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