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MAGA’s next wave of influencers saved TikTok

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MAGA’s next wave of influencers saved TikTok

The death knell for American TikTok should have been on March 13th, 2024, when Congress voted on an overwhelmingly bipartisan basis to force its parent company to sell the app or face an outright ban. Rarely do you ever see Republicans and Democrats in agreement over anything, but both sides saw the app as a national security threat and worried that the Chinese government would use it to sow misinformation and secretly harvest its users’ personal data. After the bill was signed into law by President Joe Biden and negotiations with ByteDance dragged on, a ban seemed inevitable, even if his adversary Donald Trump won.

After all, MAGA had always been consistent about hating two things that happen to proliferate on TikTok: the Chinese Communist Party, whom they believed were secretly bankrolling the Bidens; and people who openly support Palestine. And in 2020, Trump signed an executive order attempting to ban TikTok, partially after seeing how TikTok was boosting support for his then-rival Joe Biden.

But months after the law officially kicked in, Trump sits in the Oval Office, TikTok remains online under Chinese ownership, and its fate hinges on whether the US and China can come to an agreement that would end an international trade war that’s already wiped out over $5 trillion. Trump has repeatedly extended a (dubiously legal) pause on enforcing the ban, which could well be pushed back even farther. And this time, you really can blame the kids for this one.

Every old elected official has an army of younger, ambitious staffers supporting them — drafting the bills, filling their schedules, and staying up late to run files up and down the halls. And the day that bill passed, the Republican Hill staffers were glued to the app, binging on aspirational content from right-wing TikTokers as their bosses railed about threats to national security next door. It was those younger, ambitious staffers who eventually got in Trump’s ear as he conducted his alternative media blitz to the White House.

It had taken a few years for them to come around, but young MAGA influencers were less inclined to see the app as a Chinese psy-ops machine. One of the final blows came when a 2022 Washington Post investigation revealed that Meta, a company they widely loathed for its content moderation policies and meddlesome CEO, had been paying a Republican comms firm called Targeted Victory to push a narrative tying TikTok to the CCP. (If there’s anything they hate more than Big Tech, it’s GOP establishment consultants working in cahoots with Big Tech.)

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Any lingering hesitations on Trump’s part vanished weeks after the law’s passage. The New York Times reported in May of 2024 that TikTok’s internal metrics revealed users vastly preferred Trump over Biden: there had been 1.29 million pro-Trump posts versus 651,000 pro-Biden posts since November 2023.

“That was a big wake-up call for a lot of us, when we saw that Gen Z was really supportive of President Trump,” a Republican digital operative familiar with the campaign’s strategy told The Verge. Trump soon launched his own account, TikTokers soon started reposting his content, and as the operative put it: “His account just crushed.”

One reelection and 100 days later — after his collabs were served into the feeds of Logan Paul and Aiden Ross’s followers outside the right-wing media ecosystem, after viral trends turned his awkward old-man dances into NFL touchdown celebration fodder, and after he promised to keep TikTok alive in the US in defiance of the Republican olds — Trump’s TikTok presence is now his crucial lifeline to the zoomers, who would have dismissed him as a boomer if he hadn’t packaged his attacks on the press and dehumanization of undocumented immigrants into an account speaking in their language of deep-fried 4Chan memes, aggressive use of emoji in captions, AI-generated images of Trump heroically protecting the border, and pro-Trump content hopping on the latest trending songs. (But in a based and red-pilled way, not a cringe way).

While Congress was passing its TikTok ban, congressional staffers were glued to their feeds

Over its roughly one-year lifetime, according to journalist Kyle Tharp, the campaign account @TeamTrump has garnered 2.8 billion views, the most of any campaign or politician on the platform. In contrast, the Democrats’ TikTok account has roughly 670 million views, while @KamalaHQ, the official account of Kamala Harris’s campaign, has been inactive since December. The momentum has carried past the election, too: since January 1st, @TeamTrump has gained a staggering 230 million views and 16 million likes. That month, Trump posted an infographic on Truth Social showing his performance on the platform and asked: “Why would I want to get rid of TikTok?”

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Trump is best known as an all-caps microblogger, and he’s several decades older than the vast majority of TikTok’s users. (Roughly 70 percent of American TikTok users are between 18 and 34.) But ever since the 1980s, Trump’s spent his entire adult life shamelessly feeding outrageous quotes and juicy, scandalous stories about himself to New York City tabloids and reality television, two voracious media ecosystems where all attention is good attention. Trump is basically doing the same thing in 2025, just with some technology involved. As a new media consultant might put it, he’s generating nonstop, attention-grabbing content for a social media platform — one that rewards creators who consistently upload content that viewers find engaging enough, whether out of entertainment or anger, to watch for more than two seconds. “TikTok is primarily an entertainment app,” noted the digital operative, “and our usage of it was just significantly more savvy than [the Democrats].”

Say what you will about geopolitical security and trade wars: if your goal is to convince enough Americans that you are a good president, it is absolutely worth keeping TikTok around for that reach alone. (Perhaps in a show of gratitude for swaying Trump and saving their company, TikTok sponsored a glitzy DC party on the eve of the inauguration in honor of MAGA’s biggest content creators.)

America has a long history of right-wing demagogues who grow their power via mass communication, from Father Coughlin on the radio in the 1930s, to Roger Ailes on cable television in the 2000s. The MAGA social media influencers are their digital descendants. They’re building a massive audience, holding their attention, and getting them to vote a certain way or boycott a certain thing — a political skill, no matter how you cut it, just like knocking on doors and kissing babies.

MAGA influencers see TikTok as a relatively stable platform for their work

Granted, they were not the first to the game: Barack Obama famously used Twitter to reach out to younger voters, raise hundreds of millions of dollars, and bypass traditional media. But the Democrats were never able to replicate his success, whereas the Republicans paid attention, studied his tactics, and launched training camps to create their own digital influencer army. By the time of the 2024 Republican primaries, their power was such that Ron DeSantis was actively trying to draft influencers to serve as his online surrogates, and Trump had stacked his war room with his own influencers, who ultimately persuaded him to get on TikTok.

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MAGA influencers also view TikTok as a relatively reliable platform to publish pro-Trump content without fear that their accounts will get demonetized, restricted, or worse, deactivated. After the events of January 6th, the MAGA influencer-industrial complex faced an existential crisis when tech companies began clamping down on their accounts: AWS booted the right-wing social media network Parler from its servers, while Facebook and Twitter shut down the accounts of election-denying content creators and influencers — including the ones that belonged to the President of the United States — causing them to suddenly lose their massive follower counts, and in some cases, their livelihoods.

TikTok had adopted the industry’s content moderation best practices at the time, removing QAnon content, vaccine conspiracies, and covid misinformation. Its broader policies around violence and sexually suggestive words helped inspire the rise of self-censoring “algospeak.” But it escaped right-wing scrutiny at the time — there largely were no high-profile MAGA accounts, much less any as high-profile as the President, to deplatform.

This left the door open for pro-Trump influencers to have a fresh start on TikTok, albeit with tempered expectations. The benefits of reaching a new audience began to override suspicions of Chinese interference. “It was a slow burn,” Vish Burra, the executive secretary of the New York Young Republicans Club who’s previously served as a communications adviser for Matt Gaetz and George Santos, told The Verge. “People on the right, especially young people, were appreciative of TikTok for being around and not canceling people and still paying people out.” They also realized that TikTok content could be uploaded to other platforms, whether on purpose or whether it just happened naturally. All good viral TikToks eventually end up on Instagram Reels and YouTube Shorts — a trend the Trump campaign leaned into by reposting its favorite pro-Trump TikToks to its X account.

Many MAGA creators don’t believe that TikTok labels their political views (regressive as they may be) as hate speech violating its terms of service agreements. “Maybe they take your video down, but they don’t, like, crush your whole channel,” says Burra.

“These fucking people are worthless, and you can’t trust them”

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Giving the MAGA influencers access to the app preserves their ability to push Trump’s message to a Gen Z audience, and in turn, gives him more momentum to steamroll over Republicans’ traditional third-rail issues: the China hawks, the pro-Israel officials who believe the app serves up too much pro-Palestine content, the evangelicals who think the app is turning the children into enbies, the business lobby terrified that a fight over an entertainment app for young people could prolong a trade war. It also fits into his biggest brand attribute: being good at deals. (In a Supreme Court filing opposing the ban, the administration bragged about Trump’s “consummate dealmaking expertise” and mentioned, without any specifics, that his first term was “highlighted by a series of policy triumphs achieved through historic deals.”)

None of this has translated into actual trust that TikTok will remain friendly, however. Due to its foreign ownership, MAGA users feel the algorithm and content moderation policies are somewhat insulated from American political changes. But given that whoever’s in the White House directly controls whether Google and Apple can keep it on their app stores, that insulation looks threadbare. And TikTok is still theoretically looking to sell to a US owner. Over the past several months, these users have watched tech CEOs like Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos (who are far less legally vulnerable than TikTok) rapidly restructure their companies’ core values — cutting DEI programs, eliminating content moderation policies, even turning a legacy newspaper into a “free market” mouthpiece — hoping to appease Trump and get tariff exemptions in return. And if a tech CEO can turn MAGA overnight for business purposes, they believe, there’s nothing stopping them from flipping back if a Democrat becomes president.

“The moment a Democrat is in, these fucking people are worthless, and you can’t trust them,” Burra says. “[The CEOs] will just start fucking canceling people and tweaking algorithms once the Democrats come and say, ‘We’re gonna fucking regulate you if you don’t.’”

But TikTok posing a national security threat — the reason that MAGA initially wanted a ban — now seems to be a nonissue. Besides, Burra says, he and his peers grew up under the assumption that some mysterious entity somewhere was already spying on them: a corporation, the CIA, China, whatever. “Everyone has my data except me. At least can’t I enjoy it? Can’t I make some money?”

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Oregon’s Attorney General withdraws effort to delay Paramount and Warner Bros. merger

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Oregon’s Attorney General withdraws effort to delay Paramount and Warner Bros. merger

Oregon Attorney General Dan Rayfield had been seeking documents from Paramount related to its takeover of Warner Bros. Discovery. Rayfield also asked a state circuit court judge to delay the closing of the deal by 60 days so that his office could review the documents. But according to Deadline and Variety, he’s now dropped his civil investigative demand for the records.

Obviously, Paramount is pleased with Rayfield’s decision to withdraw his request, but the AG’s office isn’t exactly satisfied with the outcome.

Jenny Hansson, communications director for Rayfield, told Deadline that, “Paramount made it clear that they weren’t going to comply with the investigative demand, and that they think they’re above the law. We’re not going to let them waste Oregonians’ resources on these games. We’ve withdrawn the motion to consider our next steps.”

Rayfield specifically was interested in documents relating to Paramount’s lobbying efforts, which were codenamed “Project Warrior.” Paramount is run by David and Larry Ellison, major supporters of Donald Trump who enjoy a cozy relationship with the White House. The President went out of his way during the proceeding to say that Netflix, Paramount’s primary rival for Warner Bros. Discovery, would “pay the consequences” if it didn’t remove Trump critic Susan Rice from its board.

While Oregon’s efforts to stop the merger have stalled, others, including California, New York, and even the UK, are considering moves to block the deal on antitrust grounds. Hollywood has also spoken out in opposition to the merger.

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Robotaxi pit stops could pop up near you

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Robotaxi pit stops could pop up near you

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

You may already be used to seeing empty robotaxis cruising through city streets. No driver. No passenger. Just a car rolling along as if it has somewhere important to be. Sometimes it does. It may be heading to pick someone up. Other times, it may be driving back to a faraway depot to get cleaned, charged or checked before the next ride. That empty driving has a name: deadhead miles. In other words, the car is using time, power and road space without carrying a paying rider.

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Now a Redwood City, California, startup called Aseon Labs wants to bring the depot closer to the robotaxi. The company is building parking-space-sized robotic service pods that can clean, charge, inspect and reset driverless cars closer to where riders actually need them. Aseon calls them modular “reset pods.” But if these boxes start showing up near parking lots, gas stations or busy streets, plenty of people may see them another way: as robotaxi pit stops in a box.

The idea could help cut wasted miles and keep driverless cars moving. However, it also raises a very interesting debate for cities and neighborhoods: where exactly do you put these big boxes?

ZOOX ROBOTAXI REDESIGN BRINGS BIG RIDER UPGRADES

The system could help robotaxi fleets spend less time driving empty, but these big boxes may still spark debate over curb space. (Aseon Labs)

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What are robotaxi pit stops?

Aseon Labs describes its system as a “depot in a box” for self-driving cars. Instead of sending robotaxis back to large centralized depots outside busy areas, the company wants to place smaller automated pods closer to where riders actually need cars. These pods are roughly the size of a parking space. They are designed to inspect vehicles, clean interiors and charge robotaxis between rides. Aseon also says the pods can handle vehicle reset operations, data synchronization, recalibration and lost-and-found handling.

Think of one as a mini service station for driverless fleets. A robotaxi pulls in, the pod checks the vehicle and gets it ready to go back out. That could make a huge difference for robotaxi companies. A car sitting at a depot is not earning money. A car driving empty across town is also not earning money.

Why robotaxi pit stops could cut empty miles

Robotaxi companies face a tough math problem. The vehicles need to stay on the road when demand is high. Yet every car still needs cleaning, charging and inspection. Right now, much of that work happens at depots. Those depots often sit outside dense city centers because real estate costs less there.

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Aseon says fleets may travel 10 to 15 miles each way to reach centralized depots. That can turn a routine reset into a long, empty trip at the exact time a vehicle could be picking up another rider. The company’s goal is to place service pods within roughly one mile of where robotaxis operate. If that works, Aseon says servicing could be up to 15 times closer to the areas where riders are waiting.

How Aseon Labs robotaxi pit stops would work

Aseon’s pods use cameras to inspect robotaxis. Robotic arms clean the interior of the vehicle and retrieve lost items from the cabin. The company also wants the pods to be moveable. That part is important. If one location performs poorly, Aseon could relocate the unit instead of being stuck with a permanent facility.

Aseon says each reset pod is designed to fit within a single parking space and requires no permanent construction. The company also says the pods can be delivered by flatbed truck and become operational within 24 hours. Early versions are expected to have staff nearby. Over time, the company wants the system to operate more autonomously.

The pods could connect to existing power sources through partnerships with EV charging companies. They could also use mobile power, including a propane generator, depending on the location. Aseon says the pods can also integrate with existing DC fast-charging networks, which could help charging operators get more use out of underused stations.

That flexibility may help with rollout. Still, it also opens the door to questions from neighbors, city planners and business owners.

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Why robotaxi pit stops could face pushback

If these robotaxi pit stops start showing up across U.S. cities, plenty of people will notice them. You could walk past one on your way to a coffee shop and wonder what it is doing there. Is it a charging station? Is it recording anything? Is it blocking parking? Is it taking up curb space that delivery drivers, cyclists or nearby businesses already fight over?

Those questions are important. City curb space has become some of the most contested space in transportation today. Ride-hailing pickups, delivery trucks, bike lanes, outdoor dining, EV chargers and public transit all compete for the same streets.

Now imagine adding automated robotaxi service boxes to that mix. Even if the pods help reduce empty driving, cities will still need to decide where they belong. A parking lot may make more sense than a residential block. A commercial corridor may work better than a narrow street. In some places, the answer may be no.

Robotaxi pit stops could test city rules

Aseon’s pods are considered temporary structures, according to the company’s plan. That could help avoid a long permitting process and make the units easier to move. However, “temporary” does not mean invisible. If a pod takes up a parking space for weeks or months, neighbors may not care whether it can be moved later. They will care about the space it occupies today.

WAYMO RECALLS ROBOTAXIS OVER CONSTRUCTION-ZONE RISK

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Inside the pod, robotic arms and charging equipment are designed to service autonomous vehicles closer to busy pickup areas. (Aseon Labs)

Local governments will likely have to weigh the trade-offs. A pod may reduce empty robotaxi trips, which could lower congestion from cars heading back to remote depots. On the other hand, the pod itself becomes a new piece of street infrastructure. That means cities may need rules around placement, noise, power use, appearance and how close these units can sit to homes or storefronts.

What happens when a robot cannot clean the mess?

One smart part of Aseon’s plan is that the pod will not try to solve every problem. The company says its system can use computer vision and AI to detect issues that should go to a human instead. For example, if a camera spots melted chocolate on a seat, the robotic arm may avoid cleaning it because the wrong move could make the stain worse.

At that point, the vehicle could head to a central depot for a person to handle it. That is a good reminder of where this technology stands. Robotaxis may be driverless, but the operation behind them still depends on human judgment.

Aseon Labs robotaxi pit stops are still early

Aseon Labs has raised $10 million in seed funding and plans to build five prototypes. So, this is still an early-stage rollout, not something already popping up in cities across the country. The company has not publicly named signed robotaxi customers yet. However, Aseon says it is talking with autonomous vehicle operators, EV charging network providers and commercial real estate partners. It also says early pilot deployments are starting to take shape.

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The business model is also important. Aseon does not plan to simply sell these pods and walk away. Instead, robotaxi companies would use the pods as needed, while Aseon handles deployment, maintenance and daily operation. That could make it easier for robotaxi companies to add service points without building full depots across a city.

For now, these boxes are not suddenly appearing on every corner tomorrow. Still, Aseon’s vision is much bigger than a few test units. The company wants thousands of reset pods across major cities, close enough to keep robotaxis moving without sending them back to distant depots.

What this means to you

If robotaxi services expand in your area, you may not only see more driverless cars. You may also see the support system that keeps them running. That could mean automated pods near shopping centers, transit hubs, parking lots or busy pickup zones.

For riders, this could mean cleaner cars and shorter wait times. For cities, it could mean fewer empty trips back to distant depots.

However, for residents, the trade-off may feel different. You may ask why a robotaxi company gets curb space when parking is already tight. You may also want clear answers about cameras, noise and how long each pod stays in one spot.

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Kurt’s key takeaways

I can see why robotaxi companies would love this idea. If a driverless car can get cleaned and charged closer to riders, it wastes less time driving empty across town. However, I can also see the pushback coming fast. You know how hard it can be to find parking in a busy city. Now picture a big automated service box taking up space near your home, office or favorite restaurant. That does not mean the idea is bad. It means cities need to be careful before handing over valuable public space to robotaxi infrastructure. Aseon says its reset pods could cut costs, reduce downtime and keep driverless cars closer to where riders need them. That’s all great, but the big question is still who decides where these boxes go?

Aseon’s robotaxi pit stop concept shows how a driverless car could pull into a parking-space-sized pod for charging, cleaning and inspection. (Aseon Labs)

Would you be OK with a robotaxi pit stop on your block if it helped cut down on empty driverless cars cruising through your city? Let us know by writing to us at Cyberguy.com.

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After years of teasing, the viral Nopia synth is ‘basically finished’

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After years of teasing, the viral Nopia synth is ‘basically finished’

After setting the music gear corner of the internet on fire back in 2023 with the first glimpse at the Nopia, creators Martin Grieco and Rocío Gal are almost ready to bring it to market. The duo brought it to the MusicRadar offices for an in-depth first look and revealed that it will be launching in “a couple of months” for around £550.

Nopia is built around harmonic interplay in a unique way. Rather than a few knobs and a keyboard controlling a single synth patch, it blends multiple modules — keys, bass, arp, and pad — into a single performance, not unlike a drumless groovebox. There’s a one-octave keyboard called the Chord Builder, a 12-button Tonal Selector, and an Extensions Dial that dictate the key and voicing of the chords. The idea is to let you play complex harmonies with just a finger or two.

Additional performance features include a strum plate in the top-right corner for plucking specific notes from a chord and a slider for full chord pitch bends.

In addition to the virtual analog and sample-based synth engines, there are basic effects like delay, reverb, tape emulation, and beat repeat, as well as a ton of connectivity options, including per-module MIDI output for controlling other instruments with Nopia’s harmonic engine.

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