The first people in line on Tuesday, I was told, started camping out on the sidewalk two days ago. Luigi Mangione, the man accused of gunning down UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson in December 2024, was due in court at 9AM ET for a hearing in one of three concurrent criminal cases against him. And this time everyone was prepared for the mayhem: the signs, the fans, the livestreamers, the protests, the media circus. That’s why the line started even earlier than last time — the people who really wanted to get in to see him knew that no time was too early.
Technology
Can Luigi Mangione get too big to jail?
Mangione is both ubiquitous and fleeting. The last time the public saw him (aside from a bizarre, unauthorized appearance in a men’s shirt listing on Shein) was in February at this same courthouse in Manhattan, when hundreds of members of the general public and media convened for a routine pretrial hearing. He exists in memes, in passing references, and in content moderation decisions, and he lives rent-free in the mind of Donald Trump — yet most people are likely not thinking or talking about Mangione day to day. They are reminded of him when new photos drop or when there are incremental updates in the cases against him. But the wall-to-wall coverage of the case has waned, and it’s the people who are the most tapped in that are working to keep interest in the case alive. Mangione and the larger discussions around healthcare reform are one item in a list of approximately 8,000 pressing topics swirling in the US. How do you keep attention and energy alive in an information ecosystem defined by its fragmentation?
Court officials and police seem to have learned their lesson from February: don’t let a million people inside
The hearing on Tuesday was much more eventful than the one in February: Mangione’s team successfully got two terrorism-related charges tossed in the New York case, a development that supporters of his are celebrating. Given the magnitude of the news, the tempered atmosphere — and the smaller crowds — was noticeable.
Court officials and police seem to have learned their lesson from February: don’t let a million people inside. Instead of admitting members of the public to a hallway outside the courtroom where they could set up camp, the court kept most on the sidewalk.
There are fewer people here than in February, but in some ways the supporters and frenzy are even more fervent. Mason Alexander, who told The Verge he’d been one of the few to make it inside the courtroom for the first hearing, arrived at 11PM the night before and was 25th in line, meaning he wouldn’t get a spot the second time. Some in line have numbers written on the backs of their hands, which I later am told are not part of any official numbering system from the courthouse but were the work of an attendee walking around with a marker, trying to bring order to the line.
“The case just resonated with me,” Alexander says, explaining why he showed up. “Obviously what he allegedly did isn’t something to be cheered about, but I think it was beneficial in the way that it put a spotlight on [the healthcare system issue] that I think is probably the most important in the country, and how much it affects everyday people. It got people talking.”
People Over Profit NYC, a grassroots healthcare reform group with a focus on Mangione’s case, again organized a rally outside. A giant homemade spinning wheel has slots reading “APPROVED” and “DENIED” — spin the wheel to learn the fate of your insurance claim. There are Luigi hats, keychains, DIY T-shirts, flyers about local healthcare legislation. When I arrive shortly after 8AM, reporters and news crews outnumber rally attendees — there are fewer people here, too, than six months ago.
A POPNYC rally attendee who asked to remain anonymous, citing the current political climate, says “protest fatigue” could be a reason attendance dipped (the early morning timeslot also may have contributed).
“I think people are just tired, and they just want to either ignore what’s going on or just give up,” the attendee says. “That’s why we’re out here, to let them know we’re still here. Even if you’re tired, we’ll still go on. And maybe they’ll join us next time.”
There’s also the unavoidable reality that the hearing is happening a week after right-wing provocateur Charlie Kirk was killed at a public event in Utah. Though the two cases are not obviously connected, there’s been a swift and brutal crackdown from the American right wing, directed at anyone who is deemed to be “celebrating” Kirk’s murder. Private and in some cases innocuous social media posts are being used to report people to employers or dox them. It’s not surprising that Mangione supporters may be reluctant to be photographed at a rally for him.
It’s hard enough to keep major events and causes in the news, but Mangione’s case has unique, complicating factors. The central character — who many see as sympathetic — is accused of stalking and shooting Thompson point-blank (Mangione has pleaded not guilty). UnitedHealth Group has waged an all-out attack on critics, targeting filmmakers, social media users, and news outlets. Tech companies are working to moderate Mangione-related content, though some supporters complain that their content and accounts are being taken down without explanation. There is also the general specter of violence that clouds current US political discourse. It’s never a good time to be an alleged assassin, but especially not now.
Part of what makes the Brian Thompson murder case so strange is the way most people consume and follow it: through the hundreds of photos and videos of Mangione looking “hot.” Mangione’s overlapping and high-stakes legal battle is relayed to the public via new photos of him; it obfuscates both the seriousness of the crime and charges, as well as the punishment he faces if convicted. There is a clear tonal disconnect in coverage of the case: the Daily Mail is both running stories about the “sick” fans that support him and posting 29-photo slideshows to TikTok that are a collection of Mangione’s face from every possible angle.
On Tuesday, Mangione wore a khaki prison outfit instead of street clothes. He was once again shackled at the ankles, wrists, and waist — something his attorneys have complained about. As we waited for him to enter, another reporter remarked that it felt a bit like a wedding: the press and two dozen or so members of the public kept glancing back at the slightest of noises, like we were waiting for a bride to walk down the aisle. A supporter who managed to get into the courtroom, who asked to be named as SAS, later told me she could hear his shackles before she saw him. Some online commenters described him as looking “pale,” “skinny,” and like he had been “crying a lot.” (I’m not really seeing this, personally.) After both hearings, there’s been a lot of reading into Mangione’s demeanor — but the truth is that the court dates have been exceedingly normal and professional. There is no deeper personality or psychology to be gleaned from being inside a room with him for 20 minutes.
The most significant development from Tuesday’s hearing brought good news for Mangione: Judge Gregory Carro, who is overseeing the New York state case against Mangione, dropped two major terrorism-related charges in what is seen as a major win for the defense. The state argued that Thompson’s murder was meant to “intimidate or coerce a civilian population,” but Carro found the claims to be “legally insufficient.” Carro says in essence that under New York law, the alleged “ideological” motive doesn’t fit the definition of terrorism.
As Carro announced that he was dropping the terrorism charges, a few supporters in the courtroom audibly reacted
“The court agrees with the defendant that the [state] appear[s] to conflate an ideological belief with the intent to intimidate or coerce a civilian population,” Carro writes. “While the defendant was clearly expressing an animus toward UHC, and the health care industry generally, it does not follow that his goal was to ‘intimidate and coerce a civilian population,’ and indeed, there was no evidence presented of such a goal.” Mangione still faces charges of second-degree murder in the New York state case.
As Carro announced that he was dropping the terrorism charges, a few supporters in the courtroom audibly reacted — a faint exclamation, maybe even a gentle clap, that drew a scolding from a guard.
On other motions, Mangione’s defense was less successful. Mangione is facing three concurrent cases: the one in New York, a separate state case in Pennsylvania, and a federal case. Mangione’s defense team has argued that the state and federal cases happening at the same time amounts to double jeopardy: the US Constitution bars defendants from being prosecuted for the same crime twice. Carro rejected the double jeopardy argument. Mangione’s lawyers have also argued that the federal case against him — which carries the possibility of the death penalty — should proceed before the state case. On Tuesday, Carro denied Mangione’s request to put the state case on hold. The next hearing in the state case is scheduled for December 1st. Mangione is due in court for the federal case a few days later.
Luigi Mangione’s fate and his public persona are inextricably linked. Widespread and sustained attention on his case depends on how often he can get in front of people through their digital feeds. The windows of opportunity to grab attention and deeper public engagement are limited because he is making public court appearances only once every several months. The public spectacle of the case is ever-present: Mangione’s attorneys have written at length objecting to him being shackled during court appearances that are then photographed and shared, saying they are “deeply prejudicial” and damaging to his right to a fair trial.
One avenue Mangione supporters have been pursuing is around jury nullification, when a jury acquits even if it believes a defendant committed a crime (in February, a truck with an LED billboard on the side showing jury nullification information circled the courthouse during the hearing). But even that relies on a massive public outreach campaign in an era of short attention spans and a fractured media ecosystem.
As I wrote in February, a cycle is beginning to take shape: One day Mangione is all we see on social media. The next he is gone. Rinse and repeat. While I was in court with my phone tucked away, friends texted me about new Luigi photos, just as they did six months ago. Is becoming a meme — no matter how beloved or reviled — enough to have your life spared? The stakes couldn’t be higher, and the culture couldn’t be more fickle.
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Technology
The future of local TV news has taken a Trumpian turn
This is The Stepback, a weekly newsletter breaking down one essential story from the tech world. For more stories on Big Tech versus politics in Washington, DC, follow Tina Nguyen and read Regulator. The Stepback arrives in our subscribers’ inboxes at 8AM ET. Opt in for The Stepback here.
A long time ago, in 2004, the Federal Communications Commission laid down a rule designed to prevent a monopoly: No one company could broadcast to more than 39 percent of all the TV households in the United States. But then Donald Trump returned to the White House in 2025. Brendan Carr became FCC chairman and immediately kicked off a deregulatory initiative called “Delete, Delete, Delete,” in which Carr vowed to get rid of “every rule, regulation, or guidance document” that placed “unnecessary regulatory burdens” on companies. And within months, Nexstar, which already owned over 200 stations nationwide and had hit its ownership cap, announced that it had entered an agreement to purchase its rival, Tegna, for an estimated $6.2 billion — something that could only happen, however, if Carr agreed to change the FCC’s rules.
If you ask Nexstar why it’s pursuing a merger that would give it control of over 80 percent of the market, it’d point to Big Tech as the culprit. As advertisers take their money to Netflix, YouTube, and other digital streamers, linear television — the local television news, the broadcast affiliates, the basic cable networks — has suffered, forcing them to consolidate and shut down newsrooms. In that sense, Nexstar argued, the merger would help it compete for ad revenue with the streaming services, thereby building more robust local journalism. However, the merger’s opponents believe that this is a basic violation of antitrust laws and principles — not to mention the danger of letting one company have editorial control over the vast majority of America’s local television newsrooms.
But the second Trump administration handles regulatory hurdles a little differently than others, and companies have found that it’s faster to get what they want if they bypass the agencies and talk (read: suck up) to Trump directly. And when Nexstar did so publicly, it confirmed its opponents’ fears about political influence. Last September, in the fraught weeks after the fatal shooting of Charlie Kirk, Nexstar announced it would no longer broadcast Jimmy Kimmel Live! — a response to Carr’s claim that the FCC could revoke the broadcast licenses of TV stations that aired the comedian’s comments related to Kirk. It briefly led to ABC suspending Kimmel’s show, though ABC and Nexstar soon reversed their decision after a massive nationwide backlash and an ABC boycott.
However, Nexstar’s loyalty to Trump himself was not enough to win over his most powerful MAGA supporters. Newsmax, a cable news network with a deeply pro-Trump bent, and its CEO, longtime Trump donor and outside adviser Chris Ruddy, filed a lawsuit objecting to the merger, claiming that Nexstar’s anticompetitive behavior would force channels like his off the air with steeper carriage fees. He specifically accused Nexstar of jacking up the fees for stations to carry Newsmax, while offering its similar network, NewsNation, for much cheaper.
The Nexstar-Tegna MAGA makeover then took a more subtle turn. NewsNation hired the pro-Trump Fox News commentator Katie Pavlich and gave her her own primetime show. (The network had already hired a slew of former Fox journalists as well.) Around this time, a political group called Keep News Local began airing ads in DC that seemed to directly address Trump, praising him for having “defeated the fake news monopolies before through independent voices and local news” and claiming that the Nexstar-Tegna merger was “crucial for MAGA to survive.” (A little self-contradictory and mildly illogical, but it’s the kind of stuff that Trump likes to hear.) When I last spoke to Ruddy in February, I asked if he’d worried that the dark money going into Keep News Local would sway Trump, and he chose his words carefully: “I think at the end of the day, Trump makes up his own mind. I’m not sure he’s going to be influenced by an ad campaign.”
For months, no one could accurately predict if Trump would override Carr’s wishes and bless the deal, as he’s often done for other companies facing regulatory scrutiny. Trump’s Truth Social posts about the merger have been a good indicator of how precarious the merger has been and who’s been able to influence him at any given moment: Last November, he blasted the deal as an “EXPANSION OF THE FAKE NEWS NETWORKS,” but by February, he posted that the deal would “help knock out the Fake News because there will be more competition.”
Several current and former NewsNation employees told Status at the time that they feared that the parent company was steering NewsNation away from the centrist, “unbiased” reputation they’d long cultivated. “A lot of people within the network believe that the network has gone hard right to appeal to Trump and Brendan Carr,” one former employee told Status. Coincidentally, days before the deal was finalized, NewsNation began ramping up its explicitly pro-Trump content, tweeting a clip of CNN’s Kaitlan Collins being berated by White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt, along with the comment “Just going to leave this here.”
When Trump greenlit the merger in mid-March, but before the FCC’s three commissioners could vote on whether to waive the ownership cap, Nexstar and Tegna immediately announced a new complication: Tegna and Nexstar had already started merging. Tegna was no more and CEO Mike Steib had already sold $22.6 million of his company stock.
In response, eight state attorneys general and satellite TV operator DirectTV, which had already been planning to file separate federal antitrust suits against the merger, asked US District Judge Troy Nunley in Sacramento for an emergency restraining order that would prevent Nexstar from taking over Tegna’s assets. The order was granted on March 27th and on April 17, Nunley issued a formal injunction, ruling that Tegna must be operated as an independent financial entity, and Nexstar must take steps to ensure it remains separate from Tegna before further legal proceedings.
For now, Nunley has allowed the states and DirecTV to combine their cases, in which both argue that the merger was a clear violation of antitrust laws and would crush news competition.
Meanwhile, Republicans and Democrats in Congress are furious at Carr. On March 30th, Sens. Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Maria Cantwell (D-WA) sent the chairman a joint letter admonishing him for allowing his staff to waive the regulations to let the merger pass, instead of having the full commission of political appointees — one from the Biden administration — vote on it. “Under these circumstances,” they wrote, “any subsequent vote risks being largely procedural rather than a genuine exercise of commission responsibility.” They also pointed out that their hasty approval without the commission’s approval would now complicate the merger financially: “In a transaction of this scale, where integration proceeds quickly and unwinding becomes impractical, delay in judicial review can insulate the decision from meaningful challenge.” Notably, though they share similar ideological views on the media and deregulation, Cruz and Carr have frequently clashed over how to achieve their objectives. Cruz previously slammed Carr as a “mafioso,” for instance, for the way he’d used the FCC to silence Kimmel.
But even if it’s legally paused, the journalistic merger’s fallout has started to hit local news. NPR’s David Folkenfirk reported on Tuesday that Tegna journalists had already started receiving orders to stop broadcasting content from major broadcasters like ABC, CBS, and NBC — media outlets being targeted by Carr — and instead begin airing content from Nexstar’s NewsNation.
- Brendan Carr’s views on using the FCC to punish major broadcasters was outlined pretty extensively in the chapter he authored in Project 2025, an initiative led by the conservative Heritage Foundation on how to reform the federal bureaucracy to be more favorable to the American right.
- Exactly how much is local television losing to digital? According to industry publication NewscastStudio, in an investor call defending the purchase, Nexstar chairman Perry Sook cited a market research study from Borrell Associates, which found that “digital advertising in local markets exceeds $100 billion, compared to just $25 billion for local linear television advertising, with nearly two-thirds of digital ad dollars flowing to five major technology companies.”
- If you want to see exactly how much Keep Local News was trying to suck up to Trump, the ads are archived here.
- The Vergecast has a long-running segment called “Brendan Carr is a dummy.”
- The LA Times reported on last week’s preliminary hearings in front of Nunley, and how lawyers for Nexstar, the states, and DirecTV plan to argue their case.
- The Desk has insights from Kirk Varner, a former TV newsroom director, on how the case could go.
- Andrew Liptak covered Nexstar’s previous acquisition sprees for The Verge in 2018.
- Adi Robertson walks through exactly how the Kimmel suspension was an attack on free speech.
- Brendan Carr keeps trying to convince people that he’s not threatening to suspend broadcast licenses for reporting on unfavorable things like the Iran war, reports Lauren Feiner.
- The Vergecast has a long-running segment called “Brendan Carr is a dummy.”
Technology
Chinese robot breaks human world record in Beijing half-marathon
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A Chinese-built humanoid robot beat the human half-marathon world record in Beijing on Sunday, marking a breakthrough moment in a high-stakes global race for technological dominance.
A robot developed by Chinese smartphone maker Honor completed the 21-kilometer (13-mile) race in 50 minutes and 26 seconds, beating the human record of about 57 minutes set by Uganda’s Jacob Kiplimo last month.
The performance marked a dramatic improvement from last year’s inaugural event, when the top robot finished in more than 2 hours and 40 minutes.
Dozens of humanoid robots competed alongside about 12,000 human runners, navigating a parallel course to avoid collisions.
CHINA’S COMPACT HUMANOID ROBOT SHOWS OFF BALANCE AND FLIPS
A robot crosses the finish line in the Beijing E-Town Half Marathon and Humanoid Robot Half-Marathon held in the outskirts of Beijing on April 19, 2026. (Andy Wong/AP)
Nearly half of the robots ran using autonomous navigation, while others relied on remote control, organizers said.
Despite the breakthrough, the race still saw glitches, with some robots stumbling at the start or veering into barriers.
Engineers said the winning robot was designed to mimic elite athletes, featuring long legs of about 37 inches and advanced cooling systems to sustain performance.
US TARGETS CHINESE ROBOTS OVER SECURITY FEARS
“Looking ahead, some of these technologies might be transferred to other areas,” said Du Xiaodi, an engineer with the Honor team. “For example, structural reliability and liquid-cooling technology could be applied in future industrial scenarios.”
Team members celebrate next to the winning Honor Lightning humanoid robot during a medal ceremony after the second Beijing E-Town Half Marathon and Humanoid Robot Half Marathon in Beijing, China, on April 19, 2026. (Maxim Shemetov/Reuters)
Spectators reacted with a mix of amazement and unease at the machines’ rapid progress.
“It’s the first time robots have surpassed humans, and that’s something I never imagined,” Sun Zhigang, who attended the event with his son, told The Associated Press.
HUMANOID ROBOTS HIT MASS PRODUCTION IN CHINA
“The robots’ speed far exceeds that of humans,” spectator Wang Wen told the outlet. “This may signal the arrival of sort of a new era.”
A robot starts alongside human runners at the Beijing E-Town Half Marathon and Humanoid Half Marathon on the outskirts of Beijing on April 19, 2026. (Ng Han Guan/AP)
Experts say the race highlights China’s accelerating push to dominate robotics and artificial intelligence, even as widespread commercial use of humanoid robots remains limited, according to Reuters. The experts said Chinese robotics firms are still working to develop the AI software needed for humanoids to match the efficiency of human factory workers.
Runners take pictures of a humanoid robot during the second Beijing E-Town Half Marathon and Humanoid Robot Half Marathon in Beijing on April 19, 2026. (Haruna Furuhashi/Pool Photo via AP)
“The future will definitely be an AI era,” engineering student Chu Tianqi told Reuters. “If people don’t know how to use AI now … they will definitely become obsolete.”
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The competition underscores a broader technological race between China and the United States, as Beijing invests heavily in advanced robotics as part of its long-term economic strategy.
The Associated Press and Reuters contributed to this report.
Technology
The RAM shortage could last years
According to Nikkei Asia, even as suppliers ramp up DRAM production, manufacturers are only expected to meet 60 percent of demand by the end of 2027. SK Group chairman has even said that shortages could last until 2030.
The world’s largest memory makers — Samsung, SK Hynix, and Micron — are all working to add new fabrication capacity, but almost none of it will be online until at least 2027, if not 2028. SK opened a fab in Cheongju in February, but that is the only increase in production among the three for 2026.
Nikkei says that production would need to increase by 12 percent a year in 2026 and 2027 to meet demand. But according to Counterpoint Research, an increase of only 7.5 percent is planned.
The new facilities will primarily focus on producing high-bandwidth memory (HBM), which is used in AI data centers. With the companies already prioritizing HBM over general-purpose DRAM used in computers and phones, it’s not clear how much these new fabs will help alleviate the price crunch facing consumer electronics. Everything from phones and laptops, to VR headsets and gaming handhelds have seen price increases due to the RAM shortage.
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