The U.S. Census Bureau continues to release data from the 2020 census, recently including population trends from 2010 to 2020, and it’s not good for West Virginia.
While the U.S. population grew by 7.4% during that decade, West Virginia’s population dropped by 3.2% – the worst population loss in the nation, and one of three states to lose population during that time (although Illinois and Mississippi lost a comparatively minuscule 0.1% and 0.2%).
Between 2010 and 2020, West Virginia’s population dropped from 1,852,994 to 1,793,716.
However, a deeper dig reveals details that are even worse.
The 18-24 age group grew by 1.9% nationally, but shrank by 7.4% in West Virginia, falling from 168,999 in 2010 to 156,515 in 2020, the fourth-worst percentage population decline for that age group in the U.S.
It’s even worse among 25-34 year olds, an age group that grew by 9.2% nationally, but dropped by 6.1% in West Virginia, falling from 220,699 to 207,306, third-worst in the U.S.
Things are equally bad in the 35-44 age group, a demographic that grew by 2.7% nationally, but fell 9.1%, from 237,494 to 215,772, in West Virginia. That was also the third-worst decline in the U.S.
Among 45-64 year olds – a demographic where one would expect individuals to be at the peaks of their working careers – the numbers grew by 3.4% nationally, but plunged 10.1% in West Virginia, falling from 540,981 to 486,324, worst in the nation.
You have to get to the 65-84 age group before you find a demographic that grew in West Virginia during the decade, going from 261,483 to 329,067, up 25.8%. However, that age group grew by 42.2% nationally, since whatever demographic group we Baby Boomers happen to fall into at the moment is where the party is.
The numbers at the other end of the age spectrum are also discouraging.
The 5-17 age group grew by 1.3% nationally, but fell 4.2% in West Virginia, dropping from 283,358 to 271,577, 10th worst in the nation.
The under-5 age group shrank by 8.9% nationally, but fell 14.3% in West Virginia, dropping from 104,060 to 89,207, sixth-worst in the U.S.
When parents move out of West Virginia, their children move with them, obviously.
Wherever you look — young adults, middle-aged adults, teenagers, children — the data is depressing.
And let’s not forget that West Virginia actually experienced population growth (albeit small) in 2010, 2011 and 2012, part of an 11-year stretch of annual population growth dating back to 2002.
From 2010 through 2014, the state population grew by an average of 0.12% annually. From 2015 through 2020, the population declined by an average of 0.65% a year.
Why is that significant? 2015 is when Republicans took control of the Legislature. (A year later, Republicans would claim four of the six statewide constitutional offices, or actually, five out of six, since Jim Justice was only pretending to be a Democrat in 2016.)
It’s easy to fall into a correlation is causation trap, and the numbers of senior West Virginians shuffling off this mortal coil certainly doesn’t help the state’s census numbers.
However, that doesn’t explain the population drops for the younger age groups – or why the overall population has dropped each year for the past 10 years.
Clearly, a lot of people, particularly young people, are voting with their feet and leaving the state.
We’re seeing the impact at places like West Virginia University, where administrators are making budget cuts in response to ongoing enrollment decline.
If WVU, with its inherent advantages in attracting out-of-state students, is seeing enrollment drop, we can assume other state colleges and universities likely are or soon will be experiencing the same enrollment pinch.
People move out of West Virginia for any number of reasons. Job opportunities, to be sure. A desire to live closer to family or friends, or to be close to big city amenities.
However, time and time again, I’ve watched young adults come to the Capitol to speak out against legislative proposals, including what amounts to a statewide ban on abortion, permitting guns on college campuses and various anti-LGBTQ measures, only to be ignored or rebuffed by legislative supermajorities.
The governor, constitutional officers and Legislature should be focused on enacting policies designed to encourage young people to stay in the state.
Instead, they take the attitude of state GOP chairwoman Elgine McArdle, who when asked whether the Legislature’s focus on divisive right-wing issues shows a distinct lack of inclusiveness, said: “I don’t think it necessarily excludes people. They can go to California, they can go to New York, they can go to Chicago. If they want that kind of atmosphere to live in, go nuts. Go live where you want to live, practice what you want to practice, but you’re not going to fit in well [here].”
The Census figures show that, in the past decade, a total of 47,599 West Virginians ages 18-44 — a group roughly equal to the population of the state’s largest city — have heeded McArdle’s directive, and gone to live elsewhere.
Add in the 26,634 children and teenagers who left the state during the decade, and you’re closing in on 75,000 folks who are no longer West Virginians, and the policies and rhetoric of state politicians surely are contributing to the exodus.
Could we be watching Gov. Justice go from billionaire to flat broke?
News reports of multiple Justice properties going up for public auction this week for nonpayment of property taxes drove home just what dire straits the Justice family appear to be in financially.
It’s difficult to comprehend a multi-million loan debt or millions in unpaid bills, fines, or judgments, but everyone can grasp the concept of having property auctioned off on the courthouse steps for failure to pay property taxes.
Having property go to auction is far different from having delinquent taxes. Heck, this and other papers around the state print multiple sections listing delinquent taxes each day, with the vast majority of property owners paying up their late taxes long before the properties are put up for public auction.
That the delinquent taxes on the Justice properties going up for auction total in the tens of thousands, not millions, suggests a dire cash-flow situation.
A check of multiple private aircraft sales websites confirmed that Justice has put his private jet, tail number N475JC, up for sale.
It looks like the jet flew from its home base in Roanoke, Virginia, to Greensboro, North Carolina, in early March to undergo a pre-sale inspection at the Textron Aviation Greensboro Service Center.
It currently is in possession of Atlanta-based Amjet Aviation, a private jet broker. At least one private plane website, Aircraft.com, lists the Cessna for sale at the reduced price of $3,975,000.
One interesting side note is that on April 24, about a month after the jet went up for sale, its registration was changed to list the Greenbrier Hotel Corp as the plane’s owner.
Owning a private jet is a sign of wealth. (On the TV series “Succession,” one of the ways producers portrayed the Roy family as being super-wealthy was by their having a fleet of private jets and helicopters at their beck and call.)
Conversely, having to sell a private jet is a sign of wealth slipping away.
Finally, it was disappointing but not surprising to see Justice and other state politicians, all of who have taken oaths to uphold the U.S. and state Constitutions, climbing over themselves to condemn the federal indictments against Donald Trump on charges stemming from his illegal possession of top-secret classified documents and obstructing federal efforts to secure those documents.
Of course, the politicians made these statements prior to the unsealing of the 38-count indictment, which states that Trump had classified military and weapons documents, the unauthorized disclosure of which could put the national security of the United States at risk.
Notably, not a single one of the politicians who jumped to Trump’s defense claimed that he is innocent of the charges against him.
I think there’s a reason for that. They know the evidence against Trump is strong, but feel compelled to pander to his MAGA supporters.