Virginia
Tight race looms in Virginia’s 7th Congressional District as Anderson and Vindman face off • Virginia Mercury
The election in Virginia’s 7th Congressional District is shaping up to be a tight contest, with two political newcomers vying for the support of swayable voters in one of the state’s most competitive districts.
Democrat Eugene Vindman is taking on Republican Derrick Anderson in a race to succeed U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger, D-Prince William, who announced last year that she is not seeking reelection in favor of a 2025 gubernatorial bid.
The district, anchored in Prince William County and stretching west to Madison County and south to Caroline County, has a history of narrow victories in past elections. With this being Vindman’s inaugural run for office and Anderson’s second foray into the 7th District race, both are working hard to connect with undecided voters who may swing the election.
In addition to their shared ambition to represent the district in the U.S. Congress, both candidates bring a strong record of military service to the table — a key theme in their respective campaigns.
Vindman, a retired U.S. Army lieutenant colonel and attorney, has emphasized his commitment to defending democracy and advocating for national security. Anderson, also a veteran, served as a Green Beret in the Army Special Forces and has focused his campaign on conservative values, including strengthening national defense and supporting law enforcement.
“I was a troop leader paratrooper in the 82nd, and when we jumped out of airplanes, it didn’t matter who was to the left or right of us, who was Democrat, Republican or independent, or whether you’re Black, Hispanic, what part of the country you came from,” Vindman told The Mercury in a recent interview. “We’re focused on the mission, and that’s my mindset in everything that I do.”
Anderson did not respond to repeated interview requests for this article.
The Republican has aligned himself with former President Donald Trump’s Make America Great Again agenda and has expressed his support for at least some proposals in the conservative policy roadmap known as Project 2025, which outlines plans to reshape government and policy under a future Republican administration.
Energy policy has also emerged as a significant point of debate between the two candidates, with each offering contrasting visions for the future of Virginia’s energy sector.
Additionally, both have taken clear stances on abortion and immigration. Vindman has emphasized the need to protect reproductive rights and seek comprehensive immigration reform, while Anderson has focused on more restrictive immigration policies and has voiced support for overturning federal protections for abortion.
Candidates’ backgrounds
Vindman’s family immigrated to the United States from Ukraine in 1979 when he was 3. He joined the Army’s 82nd Airborne division as a paratrooper before rising to lieutenant colonel and Judge Advocate General,,the highest-ranking uniformed lawyer in the military. He later joined the White House’s National Security Team.
Vindman’s twin brother, Alex Vindman, became nationally known as a whistleblower who leaked details about a phone conversation betweenTrump and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine during his presidency, which led to Trump’s impeachment.
Vindman was fired by Trump in 2020. He was investigating war crimes in Ukraine when Spanberger announced her gubernatorial bid last year. Vindman dominated the Democratic nomination contest, garnering more than 50% of the vote in a seven-way primary.
“I thought to myself, I really care about which direction this country is going in,” Vindman explained as his primary reason for running.
Anderson, who traces his beginnings to working at his mother’s restaurant, served in the Middle East in Afghanistan, Bahrain, Jordan, Israel, and Lebanon.
He went on to work at the White House’s Office of National Drug Control Policy during the Trump administration and became a lawyer, before witnessing the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, which he said was “botched.”
“I was upset with the lack of accountability for this administration,” Anderson said during an Oct. 2 candidates debate with Vindman at the University of Mary Washington in Fredericksburg.
District profile
Spanberger has represented the 7th District since 2019, after ousting U.S. Rep. Dave Brat, D-Henrico, by 50.3%-48.4%
A recent Cook Report analysis has moved the district from “lean Democrat” to “toss up.”
By June, Vindman had raised $7.4 million — over five times as much as Anderson, who raised $1.4 million. The Democratic National Committee recently backed Vindman’s effort with another $50,000.
The national support for candidates in the 7th District underscores the race’s significance in the broader political landscape. With Republicans holding a narrow majority in the U.S. House of Representatives — 220 to 211 over Democrats — the outcome of this race could have far-reaching implications. Control of Congress will be pivotal in advancing or obstructing the agenda of the next president, whether it’s Trump or Harris.
The economy
A September Pew Research poll revealed that the economy is the top issue on voters’ minds this election season, and both candidates offer contrasting approaches to addressing economic concerns.
Vindman has expressed worries about Trump’s policies and the potential impact of Project 2025 on the district’s workforce, which includes nearly 60,000 federal employees. In contrast, Anderson has focused his campaign on energy policy, emphasizing the need for a strong energy sector to bolster the economy.
Trump’s own policy plan, Agenda 47, would remove about 100,000 of those jobs. George Mason University professor Terry Clower estimated that the eliminated positions would equal a $27-28 billion loss from Virginia’s economy annually.
Anderson, like Trump, publicly denies supporting Project 2025, which calls for major overhauls of the federal government.
“Folks, I did not know what Project 2025 was until this individual kept talking about it over and over again. But I can tell you that it’s not my plan,” Anderson said at a recent candidate’s forum at a Manassas middle school, referring to his opponent
Vindman has said he opposes Project 2025 because he doesn’t want to see it replace about 50,0000 “Schedule F” non-partisan federal employees with loyalists to whichever political party is in power.
“Eliminating those jobs would literally devastate the economy in this area. It’s profoundly unfair, and it’s also damaging to national security,” Vindman said. “These are people that have spent decades in government, understanding threats, understanding Russia, China, or law enforcement, and (Project 2025 calls for) replacing them with partisan political hacks.”
To help people’s pocketbooks, Vindman suggested building off the work of Democratic President Joe Biden to cap medication prices, including insulin, by placing limits on a broader range of medications.
Meanwhile, Anderson, who said he understands that “there is climate change,” underscored that businesses have named electricity bills as their top expense, and that the economy could get back on track by prioritizing domestic production of energy. Anderson falsely claimed about 35 minutes into the UMW debate that the country is a “net importer rather than a net exporter of oil.” According to the Energy Information Agency, a federal government tracker of energy trends, the U.S. in 2023 imported about 8.51 million barrels per day of oil from 86 countries, compared to exporting about 10.15 million barrels per day of oil.
Abortion
Abortion rights are another major issue for voters nationwide, and the candidates in the 7th District reflect opposing views.
Vindman has called for restoring Roe v. Wade, advocating for federal protections for abortion rights. Anderson, on the other hand, has stated that while he does not support a national ban on abortion, he believes the decision should be left to individual states, allowing them to determine their own abortion laws.
“There are two fundamental questions in this race: Will you restore women’s right to reproductive health care, as it was under Roe v. Wade?” Vindman asked. “And will you stand against a national abortion ban? I will restore Roe v. Wade, and I will stand against the national abortion ban.”
Anderson, in the UMW debate, denied supporting a federal abortion ban, or taking away reproductive rights to in vitro fertilization.
Anderson also said he would support over the counter contraceptives, but in a previous forum for both the 7th and 10th congressional districts, he stopped short of saying if he would support a woman’s right to choose.
“I support the states to be able to make those decisions that best fits those states,” Anderson said at the time.
Anderson has falsely stated that former Gov. Ralph Northam supported infanticide, which is illegal in all 50 states. Northam was talking about palliative care for babies born with complications during a 2019 interview that has been widely misquoted in every election cycle since.
Immigration
On immigration, both candidates acknowledge issues at the U.S. southern border, but their approaches differ.
Vindman has proposed reviving the Border Act of 2024, a federal measure aiming to address border security and immigration reform that nearly passed before being blocked by congressional Republicans.
In contrast, Anderson has emphasized the need for strong immigration and foreign policies to enhance community safety, but he has not offered a specific plan or proposal to address the issue.
Along with several other measures, the Senate proposal would have given the Department of Homeland Security emergency authority to shut down the border if daily migrant encounters reached 4,000 over a one-week span.
If those crossings rose to over 5,000 on average per day in a given week, DHS would be required to close the border to migrants crossing through ports of entry. Some migrants could stay if they proved they were escaping torture or prosecution.
Vindman said he would have supported the bill, which “would have been the toughest bill in decades, and we’re badly in need of comprehensive immigration reform.”
Visit the Virginia Mercury’s voter guide to see what other congressional and U.S. Senate candidates had to say on other key issues, including abortion, education, inflation, immigration and more.
Virginia
Virginia bill targets vape shops that sell to underage buyers – WTOP News
Vape shops in Virginia that sell tobacco products to underage buyers could soon face real consequences after years in a legal gray area.
March 27, 2026 | Del. Patrick Hope speaks to WTOP’s Nick Ianelli on new legislation that would shut down vape shops that repeatedly sell products to underage buyers.
Vape shops in Virginia that sell tobacco products to underage buyers could soon face real consequences after years in a legal gray area.
Del. Patrick Hope of Northern Virginia told WTOP he hears from parents often that their children know which vape shops will sell to them — even though the law prohibits the sale of tobacco or vape products to anyone under 21.
“I’ve heard from parents and I know we’ve seen the proliferation of these vape shops. These liquid nicotine products have flooded our markets in recent years and there hasn’t been sufficient oversight or regulatory measures in place. And oftentimes these products are making their way in the hands of underage buyers,” Hope said.
A new bill passed by the General Assembly would set up an enforcement system targeting vape shops that repeatedly sell to people under 21. Hope said that if those shops continue to break the law, the state will shut them down.
Hope said a major problem has been a lack of information. “We just haven’t known who they are. Last year, we passed a law that required these vape shops to register with the Department of Tax, and only 52 actually sent in their registration.”
“We believe that there are close to 10,000 vape shops in the state and we want to make sure that we pull them under this regulatory scheme,” Hope added.
The bill directs the Virginia Alcoholic Beverage Control Authority, which already enforces alcohol sales laws, to hire inspectors for vape and tobacco shops. Once the bill is signed, Hope said he expects a quick rollout.
“Typically, bills in the General Assembly go into effect July of the year that they’re passed. We’ll have an educational program for a few months, but I would think that we would be operational probably by October. … I think they’ll be doing underage programs probably within the end of this year,” Hope said.
Hope said the legislation earned broad support in the Virginia General Assembly.
The bill now heads to Spanberger for her signature.
Thursday, Fairfax County police said a major drug investigation targeted multiple vape shops, including a dozen Tobacco King vape shops, that are accused of selling illegal items, ranging from drugs to synthetic urine, and laundering money.
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Virginia
State of Virginia takes new focus on clean energy
In light of Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s new cabinet nomination of Chief Energy Officer Josephus Allmond, 7News sits down with Senior Fellow of Thomas Jefferson Institute for Public Policy, Steve Haner, to explain how new energy policies will be impacting Virginians.
Haner spoke on the new direction Spanberger is taking by appointing Allmond and what it will mean for the Virginia Clean Economy Act, signed in 2020. Haner also expounds on how the administration is opposed to the use of natural gas and coal, and will be pushing for more wind and solar energy.
Virginia
How much to become Cinderella? Virginia’s March Madness run fueled in part by Reddit co-founder gift
Fairy tales aren’t real. But if they were, then No. 10 seed Virginia might be the closest thing the women’s NCAA Tournament has to a Cinderella. Playing the role of fairy godmother in this story would be Reddit co-founder, multimillionaire and 2005 Virginia alum Alexis Ohanian.
The Hoos have been the biggest surprise of the postseason — the first team to advance from the play-in round to the Sweet 16, and the only team left standing that was truly a bubble team on Selection Sunday. And yet, here they are, still dancing — with a matchup against No. 3 seed TCU on Saturday — and the prime example of what it looks like to build a program, and build quickly no less, during the NIL era.
Last season, Virginia was on the outside looking in during March Madness, its seventh year in a row without an NCAA Tournament bid. Coach Amaka Agugua-Hamilton was in her third year and slowly rebuilding the program after taking over a five-win program. The Hoos finished 2024-25 with a winning record for the first time in seven years, so there were signs of life, and athletic director Carla Williams was confident in the program’s direction. But in a college sports landscape where college football rules all — and with a Cavaliers football program in the middle of a rebuild as well (the Hoos won their first bowl game since 2018 this past season) — there’s only so much money to go around. Outside investment is key.
In today’s age, programs need catalysts — preferably one with many zeroes at the end. For Virginia women’s basketball, that was Ohanian, who poured lighter fluid all over this program in late 2024 with a “transformational” multiyear gift — per Sportico, it was more than three-quarters of a million dollars every year over the next four years — to the women’s basketball program intended to help “boost recruiting and retention.”
“It’s time to bring the nation’s best hoops talent to Charlottesville and win some championships in the next four years,” Ohanian said in a statement released by the university after his donation.
Money plays a bigger part than ever in the equation of winning in college sports. Either through revenue sharing or name, image and likeness deals, top talent gets top dollar. With a transfer portal that allows for immediate movement, there’s always another program that might offer more, and that’s not always the driver for player movement, but money is now a necessary factor in college sports.
Last season, in one of the most active transfer portal seasons yet, Virginia retained two of its top three players, Kymora Johnson and Paris Clark, while bringing in four players from the transfer portal who’ve become the top six players in the Hoos’ rotation this season.
“With Alexis, we were just so thankful for him coming in last year and helping us with some of our resources,” Agugua-Hamilton said. “It allowed us to recruit — allowed us to retain and attain. You need that, in this day and age, with the way collegiate athletics is moving. You have to have donors, you have to have support, you have to have financial resources in order to compete.”
Through this season, even with the financial resources boosting the Cavaliers, the benefits weren’t immediately translating onto the floor, ping-ponging between highs and lows before ending the season with a three-game skid.
Agugua-Hamilton knew progress would be slow. She had taken the UVA job ahead of the 2022-23 season after leading Missouri State to consecutive NCAA Tournaments, including the 2021 Sweet 16.
Many in her circle advised against the job. But Agugua-Hamilton, a Virginia native who grew up during the program’s heyday of Debbie Ryan’s mid-1990s stretch of deep tournament runs — believed in the program’s foundation. Virginia’s athletic director’s background as a college player and coach, as well as its affiliation in the ACC, were other selling points.
But her memories of Dawn Staley carrying the Hoos to Final Fours? Those were ancient history.
“Obviously, I knew it was a rebuild, and I was up for that task,” Agugua-Hamilton said. “I had to rebuild the culture, the players. I had to rebuild the community. There was not a fan base at that point. … We had to rebuild the resources, which we’re still doing. All of that stuff. We were so behind.
“But I never regretted my decision.”
The uphill battle got steeper as collegiate athletics went from collectives dominating NIL to the NCAA attempting to legislate to Congress’ involvement. Money wasn’t exactly pouring into Virginia women’s basketball’s slow rebuild.
Ryan, who now works in Virginia Athletics fundraising, knew money would be a part of the challenge.
“People aren’t used to giving money to women’s basketball, so a lot of them just don’t,” Ryan said.
Revenue sharing became the law of the land ahead of last season with donor money becoming a secondary source for roster building.
Ohanian had wanted to donate before, he has said, but the university wanted to wait for legislation to pass.
“As soon as that switch was flipped, and the judges ruled, I called up, I said, ‘Hey, I want to make UVA a contender, let me know what to do,’” he told Front Office Sports.
Virginia coach Amaka Agugua-Hamilton said Alexis Ohanian’s donation has been a game-changer for the program. (Courtesy of UVA Athletics)
After the Hoos’ home opener last season, Ohanian visited the locker room and told the team he planned to invest in them.
“I was just super grateful,” Agugua-Hamilton said. “He didn’t even know me before that. And he’s putting his belief in me to lead this program and also the players that we can recruit. He really believes in his school. He really believes in women’s basketball. So, I just felt honored that he felt that way.”
It wasn’t Ohanian’s first foray into women’s sports investment. He was the lead investor in Angel City FC and he’s a minority owner of Chelsea Women. He launched Athlos, an all-women pro track series and is bringing League One Volleyball to Los Angeles. He’s married to tennis legend Serena Williams, who, he said, actually tried to talk him out of investing in women’s sports because she had seen how broken the industry had been and didn’t think it could change.
“For decades, people have said to support women’s sports for society, for feminism,” Ohanian said in a recent Sports Illustrated Q&A. “But when you win with capitalism, you just drop the mic.”
Ohanian has been vocal about how these investments are smart financial moves, but his investment in Virginia women’s hoops signals a shift. There is no return on investment for a college basketball team that can be measured in a bottom line on a financial ledger. And Virginia women’s basketball isn’t going to appreciate in the same way professional women’s sports franchises have boomed in recent years.
So, Ohanian’s Virginia investment might not be a win for capitalism. But it’s a win for UVA women’s hoops. It’s not unlike how billionaire Mark Cuban helped transform Indiana football from Big Ten mediocrity into national champs. The Hoosiers committed to the right coach and put up the foundation first, but Cuban’s money helped secure and retain a roster that made Indiana elite. And then, the national title came.
Could that be the next step for Virginia? The Hoos are still dancing, and if they get past TCU on Saturday, they’ll have a date in the Elite Eight, most likely against South Carolina. Staley, who is one of four players who has her jersey retired at Virginia, built South Carolina into a national power during the pre-NIL era but has continued the program’s dominance, and as Agugua-Hamilton and Virginia chase those top-tier programs, they know they have all the pieces in place to do so, including crucially, the financial part.
“There are a lot of factors — having great coaching, coaches that care about the student-athletes and that the student-athletes want to play hard for, along with the resources to build the roster, those things are really important,” Carla Williams said. “Knowing that coach (Tony) Bennett and our men’s program won a national championship in 2019 pre-NIL, knowing that you can do that here at UVA, and understanding that committing to the rev share, committing to NIL, gives our basketball program a chance to compete at the highest level.”
The Hoos have been given the chance to compete at the highest level. Now, they must prove they can turn that into their own ROI.
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