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Tight race looms in Virginia’s 7th Congressional District as Anderson and Vindman face off • Virginia Mercury

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Tight race looms in Virginia’s 7th Congressional District as Anderson and Vindman face off • Virginia Mercury


The election in Virginia’s 7th Congressional District is shaping up to be a tight contest, with two political newcomers vying for the support of swayable voters in one of the state’s most competitive districts. 

Democrat Eugene Vindman is taking on Republican Derrick Anderson in a race to succeed U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger, D-Prince William, who announced last year that she is not seeking reelection in favor of a 2025 gubernatorial bid.

The district, anchored in Prince William County and stretching west to Madison County and south to Caroline County, has a history of narrow victories in past elections. With this being Vindman’s inaugural run for office and Anderson’s second foray into the 7th District race, both are working hard to connect with undecided voters who may swing the election.

In addition to their shared ambition to represent the district in the U.S. Congress, both candidates bring a strong record of military service to the table — a key theme in their respective campaigns. 

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Vindman, a retired U.S. Army lieutenant colonel and attorney, has emphasized his commitment to defending democracy and advocating for national security. Anderson, also a veteran, served as a Green Beret in the Army Special Forces and has focused his campaign on conservative values, including strengthening national defense and supporting law enforcement.

“I was a troop leader paratrooper in the 82nd, and when we jumped out of airplanes, it didn’t matter who was to the left or right of us, who was Democrat, Republican or independent, or whether you’re Black, Hispanic, what part of the country you came from,” Vindman told The Mercury in a recent interview. “We’re focused on the mission, and that’s my mindset in everything that I do.”

Anderson did not respond to repeated interview requests for this article. 

The Republican has aligned himself with former President Donald Trump’s Make America Great Again agenda and has expressed his support for at least some proposals in the conservative policy roadmap known as Project 2025, which outlines plans to reshape government and policy under a future Republican administration.

Energy policy has also emerged as a significant point of debate between the two candidates, with each offering contrasting visions for the future of Virginia’s energy sector.

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Additionally, both have taken clear stances on abortion and immigration. Vindman has emphasized the need to protect reproductive rights and seek comprehensive immigration reform, while Anderson has focused on more restrictive immigration policies and has voiced support for overturning federal protections for abortion.

Candidates’ backgrounds 

Vindman’s family immigrated to the United States from Ukraine in 1979 when he was 3. He joined the Army’s 82nd Airborne division as a paratrooper before rising to lieutenant colonel and Judge Advocate General,,the highest-ranking uniformed lawyer in the military. He later joined the White House’s National Security Team. 

Vindman’s twin brother, Alex Vindman, became nationally known as a whistleblower who leaked details about a phone conversation betweenTrump and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine during his presidency, which led to Trump’s impeachment. 

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Vindman was fired by Trump in 2020. He was investigating war crimes in Ukraine when Spanberger announced her gubernatorial bid last year. Vindman dominated the Democratic nomination contest, garnering more than 50% of the vote in a seven-way primary

“I thought to myself, I really care about which direction this country is going in,” Vindman explained as his primary reason for running.

Anderson, who traces his beginnings to working at his mother’s restaurant, served in the Middle East in Afghanistan, Bahrain, Jordan, Israel, and Lebanon.

He went on to work at the White House’s Office of National Drug Control Policy during the Trump administration and became a lawyer, before witnessing the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, which he said was “botched.”

“I was upset with the lack of accountability for this administration,” Anderson said during an Oct. 2 candidates debate with Vindman at the University of Mary Washington in Fredericksburg. 

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District profile

Spanberger has represented the 7th District since 2019, after ousting U.S. Rep. Dave Brat, D-Henrico, by 50.3%-48.4%

A recent Cook Report analysis has moved the district from “lean Democrat” to “toss up.” 

By June, Vindman had raised $7.4 million — over five times as much as Anderson, who raised $1.4 million. The Democratic National Committee recently backed Vindman’s effort with another $50,000. 

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The national support for candidates in the 7th District underscores the race’s significance in the broader political landscape. With Republicans holding a narrow majority in the U.S. House of Representatives — 220 to 211 over Democrats — the outcome of this race could have far-reaching implications. Control of Congress will be pivotal in advancing or obstructing the agenda of the next president, whether it’s Trump or Harris.

The economy

A September Pew Research poll revealed that the economy is the top issue on voters’ minds this election season, and both candidates offer contrasting approaches to addressing economic concerns. 

Vindman has expressed worries about Trump’s policies and the potential impact of Project 2025 on the district’s workforce, which includes nearly 60,000 federal employees. In contrast, Anderson has focused his campaign on energy policy, emphasizing the need for a strong energy sector to bolster the economy.

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Trump’s own policy plan, Agenda 47, would remove about 100,000 of those jobs. George Mason University professor Terry Clower estimated that the eliminated positions would equal a $27-28 billion loss from Virginia’s economy annually.

Anderson, like Trump, publicly denies supporting Project 2025, which calls for major overhauls of the federal government.

Folks, I did not know what Project 2025 was until this individual kept talking about it over and over again. But I can tell you that it’s not my plan,” Anderson said at a recent candidate’s forum at a Manassas middle school, referring to his opponent   

Vindman has said he opposes Project 2025 because he doesn’t want to see it replace about 50,0000 “Schedule F” non-partisan federal employees with loyalists to whichever political party is in power.

“Eliminating those jobs would literally devastate the economy in this area. It’s profoundly unfair, and it’s also damaging to national security,” Vindman said. “These are people that have spent decades in government, understanding threats, understanding Russia, China, or law enforcement, and (Project 2025 calls for) replacing them with partisan political hacks.”

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To help people’s pocketbooks, Vindman suggested building off the work of Democratic President Joe Biden to cap medication prices, including insulin, by placing limits on a broader range of medications.

Meanwhile, Anderson, who said he understands that “there is climate change,” underscored that businesses have named electricity bills as their top expense, and that the economy could get back on track by prioritizing domestic production of energy. Anderson falsely claimed about 35 minutes into the UMW debate that the country is a “net importer rather than a net exporter of oil.” According to the Energy Information Agency, a federal government tracker of energy trends, the U.S. in 2023 imported about 8.51 million barrels per day of oil from 86 countries, compared to exporting about 10.15 million barrels per day of oil.

Abortion

Abortion rights are another major issue for voters nationwide, and the candidates in the 7th District reflect opposing views. 

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Vindman has called for restoring Roe v. Wade, advocating for federal protections for abortion rights. Anderson, on the other hand, has stated that while he does not support a national ban on abortion, he believes the decision should be left to individual states, allowing them to determine their own abortion laws.

“There are two fundamental questions in this race: Will you restore women’s right to reproductive health care, as it was under Roe v. Wade?” Vindman asked. “And will you stand against a national abortion ban? I will restore Roe v. Wade, and I will stand against the national abortion ban.”

Anderson, in the UMW debate, denied supporting a federal abortion ban, or taking away reproductive rights to in vitro fertilization.

Anderson also said he would support over the counter contraceptives, but in a previous forum for both the 7th and 10th congressional districts, he stopped short of saying if he would support a woman’s right to choose.

“I support the states to be able to make those decisions that best fits those states,” Anderson said at the time.

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Anderson has falsely stated that former Gov. Ralph Northam supported infanticide, which is illegal in all 50 states. Northam was talking about palliative care for babies born with complications during a 2019 interview that has been widely misquoted in every election cycle since.

Immigration

On immigration, both candidates acknowledge issues at the U.S. southern border, but their approaches differ.

Vindman has proposed reviving the Border Act of 2024, a federal measure aiming to address border security and immigration reform that nearly passed before being blocked by congressional Republicans. 

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In contrast, Anderson has emphasized the need for strong immigration and foreign policies to enhance community safety, but he has not offered a specific plan or proposal to address the issue.

Along with several other measures, the Senate proposal would have given the Department of Homeland Security emergency authority to shut down the border if daily migrant encounters reached 4,000 over a one-week span. 

If those crossings rose to over 5,000 on average per day in a given week, DHS would be required to close the border to migrants crossing through ports of entry. Some migrants could stay if they proved they were escaping torture or prosecution.

Vindman said he would have supported the bill, which “would have been the toughest bill in decades, and we’re badly in need of comprehensive immigration reform.” 

Visit the Virginia Mercury’s voter guide to see what other congressional and U.S. Senate candidates had to say on other key issues, including abortion, education, inflation, immigration and more.

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Virginia voters nominate candidates in Fairfax, Prince William ahead of January special election – WTOP News

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Virginia voters nominate candidates in Fairfax, Prince William ahead of January special election – WTOP News


Voters in several Northern Virginia districts are nominating candidates Tuesday who could be elected to serve on the state’s House of Delegates.

Voters in several Northern Virginia districts are nominating candidates Tuesday who could be elected to serve on the state’s House of Delegates.

Whoever wins Tuesday’s contests will compete in a special election on Jan. 13, 2026, for vacated seats in the Virginia General Assembly, where Democrats currently hold a 63-37 majority.

The series of shake-ups comes as several Democratic lawmakers step down from the House of Delegates to join Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger’s administration.

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Two of the resigning lawmakers represent Northern Virginia: Del. David Bulova, of Fairfax City and Fairfax County; and Del. Candi Mundon King, of Prince William and Stafford counties.

Last week, Spanberger named Bulova as her pick for Virginia’s next secretary of natural and historic resources.

And the future governor tapped King to serve as the secretary of the commonwealth.

Each party has until Dec. 17 to submit a nominee to the Virginia Board of Elections for next month’s special election, according to a writ of special elections filed by Virginia House Speaker Don Scott.

District 11: Fairfax City and part of Fairfax County

Democrats

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Five candidates are running for the Democratic nomination in a firehouse primary, including the exiting delegate’s wife, Gretchen Bulova, as well as Vanessa Cardenas, So Lim, Douglas Shuster and Denver Supinger.

Any voter registered in Virginia House of Delegates District 11 can participate — but they have to sign a declaration of support for the Democratic Party, according to the democratic committees in Fairfax County and Fairfax City. In a firehouse primary, the political parties organize the contest, not the state.

District 11 includes all of Fairfax City and portions of Fairfax County. If you’re not sure whether your home sits within the district’s boundaries, check out this website.

The caucus locations are open 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. at these locations:

  • Fairfax Presbyterian Church at 10723 Main Street
  • Jim Scott Community Center at 3001 Vaden Drive
  • Fairfax County Government Center at 12000 Government Center Parkway

Gretchen Bulova is the chair of the Fairfax County 250th Commission and the county’s history commission.

Cardenas is also a Fairfax City resident who works as the executive director of America’s Voice, which works to garner support for policy changes that create paths toward full citizenship for immigrants.

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At a candidate forum on Sunday, Lim introduced herself as a progressive Democrat. She served three terms on the Fairfax City Council.

Shuster is the president of the Miller Heights Neighborhood Association and works at an advisory firm.

Supinger, former chief of staff to Del. Karrie Delaney, is the founder of a consulting firm that specializes in social impact strategy, political advocacy, and policymaking, according to its website.

It’s the second time Fairfax voters have participated in a firehouse primary this year, after earlier nominating candidates who competed to replace the late Rep. Gerry Connolly in June. Democrat James Walkinshaw ultimately won that special election in September.

Republicans

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The Fairfax County Republican Committee confirmed with WTOP that Adam Wise will be the nominee, and there will be no caucus held.

Wise had previously run for the District 11 seat in November but lost to David Bulova, the incumbent.

District 23: Parts of Prince William and Stafford

Democrats

A Democratic caucus will also be going on in Virginia House of Delegates District 23 on Tuesday, according to the Democratic committees in Prince William and Stafford counties.

The caucus is scheduled to run from noon to 7 p.m. at these locations:

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  • Dumfries Community Center at 17757 Main Street, Dumfries
  • Porter Branch Library at 2001 Parkway Boulevard, Stafford

Two candidates qualified to be on the ballot: Woodbridge Supervisor Margaret Franklin and Muhammed “Sef” Casim.

WTOP will report on the full ballot once the Republican nominee is finalized.

What’s happening in January

Voters in District 23 and District 11 will head to the polls on Jan. 13, 2026, for a special election to replace Dels. Bulova and King.

Early voting will be open from Jan. 3 to Jan. 10.

Outside of Northern Virginia, a separate special election is being held on Jan. 6, 2026, to replace representatives headed to Spanberger’s administration. Voters in the Richmond area will elect a new state senator in House District 15 and a new delegate in District 77.

Get breaking news and daily headlines delivered to your email inbox by signing up here.

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Top 25 Virginia Girls High School Basketball State Rankings – Dec. 15, 2025

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Top 25 Virginia Girls High School Basketball State Rankings – Dec. 15, 2025


The high school basketball season is underway in Virginia and it’s time to unveil the first High School on SI girls Top 25 of the regular season.

Princess Anne, the preseason No. 1, remains at the top, followed by The Saint James Performance Academy. Bishop Ireton, Catholic-Virginia Beach and Menchville complete the Top 5.

The second 5 include Virginia Academy, Saint Anne’s-Belfield School, Osbourn Park, Saint Paul VI Catholic and Shining Stars Sports Academy. Shining Stars moved into the Top 10 after defeating then-No. 7 Norfolk Christian Academy at the She Got Game Classic at The St. James Complex in Northern Virginia over the weekend.

Five teams – Clarke County, Briar Woods, Loudoun Valley, Potomac Falls and Washington-Liberty – enter this week’s poll. 

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Here’s this week’s High School on SI Virginia girls basketball Top 25:

Preseason rank: No. 1

Record: 5-0

The Cavaliers are averaging nearly 80 points a game.

Preseason rank: No. 2

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Record: 5-2

The Strivers’ two losses have been by a total of 18 points.

Preseason rank: No. 5

Record: 4-1

The Cardinals defeated then-No. 4 Osbourn Park at the She Got Game Classic. 

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Preseason rank: No. 3

Record: 4-4

The Crusaders went 1-2 at the She Got Game Classic.

Preseason rank: No. 6

Record: 4-0

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The Monarchs topped Rosedale Christian Academy (Md.) and Mallard Creek (N.C.) at the She Got Game Classic.

Preseason rank: No. 8

Record: 6-0

The Patriots have wins over then-No. 9 Saint Anne’s-Belfield School and Maryland Top 25 schools Elizabeth Seton, St. Mary’s Ryken and Our Lady of Good Counsel.

Preseason rank: No. 9

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Record: 6-2

The Saints split two matches at the She Got Game Classic.

Preseason rank: No. 4

Record: 4-2

The Yellowjackets defeated Saint Neumann-Goretti (Pa.) and Southern-Garrett before falling to then-No. 5 Bishop Ireton at the She Got Game Classic.

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Preseason rank: No. 10

Record: 4-2

The Panthers dropped decisions to then-No. 4 Osbourn Park and Christ the King (N.Y.) at the Art Turner Memorial.

Preseason rank: No. 11

Record: 5-2

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The Panthers handled then-No. 7 Norfolk Christian Academy at the She Got Game Classic.

Preseason rank: No. 7

Record: 3-3

The Ambassadors have dropped decisions to then-No. 5 Bishop Ireton and  then-No. 11 Shining Stars Sports Academy.

Preseason rank: No. 12

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Record: 4-1

The Lancers’ only setback came against No. 1 Princess Anne. 

Preseason rank: No. 13

Record: 5-1

The Knights dropped a 57-48 decision to then-No. 6 Menchville in the opening week.

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Preseason rank: No. 14

Record: 5-2

The Panthers have won five straight, including victory over Whitney Young (Ill.) at She Got Game Classic.

Preseason rank: No. 18

Record: 4-0

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The Wolverines have won their four decisions by an average of 31 points.

Preseason rank: No. 22

Record: 6-0

After back-to-back two-point wins (then-No. 20 Centreville and then-No. 23 Gainesville), the Saxons routed Lake Braddock and West Springfield.

Preseason rank: No. 23

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Record: 6-1

The Cardinals’ only blemish is a two-point loss to Langley.

Preseason rank: No. 15

Record: 5-1

The Stallions dropped a 56-534 decision to Gainesville in the season opener.

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Preseason rank: Not ranked

Record: 5-0

The Eagles own a pair of victories over Loudoun Valley.

Preseason rank: Not ranked

Record: 4-0

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The Falcons opened the season with a win over then-No. 16 Heritage.

Preseason rank: Not ranked

Record: 5-2

The Vikings are riding a three-game winning streak after loss to Clarke County.

Preseason rank: Not ranked

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Record: 5-1

The Panthers own victories over then-No. 16 Heritage and then-No. 19 Chantilly.

Preseason rank: No. 19

Record: 5-1

The Chargers’ only loss is a 44-43 decision to Potomac Falls.

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Preseason rank: No. 20

Record: 3-2

The Wildcats’ losses to Langley and Gainesville are by a total of seven points.

Preseason rank: Not ranked

Record: 4-1

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The Generals have won four straight by a margin of 44 points.



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What will Virginia’s Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin do next? He’s not ready to tell

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What will Virginia’s Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin do next? He’s not ready to tell


RICHMOND, Va. — Almost from the moment that Glenn Youngkin became Virginia’s governor four years ago, the political world has wondered what’s next for a Republican who seemed to keep one foot in the MAGA movement and the other in the party’s traditional country club establishment.

He’s still not ready to say.

Does he want to be president? “I’m focused on Virginia,” he said.

Does he want to lead the Department of Homeland Security? “I don’t play that game.”

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What about another role in President Donald Trump’s administration? “I have been incredibly focused every day on what we need to do to transform Virginia.”

During an interview with The Associated Press, Youngkin insisted that he’s not looking ahead to after he’s replaced by Democrat Abigail Spanberger next month. But there’s little doubt that he’s been preparing for a post-Trump future that has not yet arrived, leaving someone long considered to be a potential Republican star without a clear next move.

This past summer, Youngkin headlined annual party dinners in Iowa and South Carolina, early primary states that would be natural launchpads for a presidential campaign. The ex-Carlyle Group executive has a personal fortune that could fuel a candidacy, if he chose to pursue one.

Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin gestures during an interview in his office at the Capitol Wednesday Dec. 10, 2025, in Richmond, Va. Credit: AP/Steve Helber

“If Glenn Youngkin runs for president, I’m 100% in,” said Republican Delegate Israel O’Quinn, a longtime Virginia lawmaker. “I think he would make a fantastic president — if that’s what he wants to do.”

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Others say he missed his opportunity.

“You can probably find some red sweater vests” — a sartorial signature of Youngkin — “on sale down at the thrift store for $1, and that’s on the record,” Democratic Virginia Sen. Scott Surovell said.

‘MAGA lite to full MAGA’

Youngkin quickly became a Republican to watch after defeating Democratic stalwart Terry McAuliffe in 2021. Trump was still lying low after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol by a mob of his supporters, and some party leaders were eager to find another standard-bearer.

Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin gestures during an interview in his...

Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin gestures during an interview in his office at the Capitol Wednesday Dec. 10, 2025, in Richmond, Va. Credit: AP/Steve Helber

A politician who could energize the MAGA base and court swing voters in a purple state seemed like a promising possibility.

But by the time 2024 rolled around, Youngkin passed on jumping into the race. Trump steamrolled the competition on the way to the Republican nomination, then won a second term.

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With Trump back in the White House, Youngkin has been a stalwart supporter. He embraced the administration’s cuts to the federal workforce and other programs, despite its unpopularity among many Virginians who rely on neighboring Washington for their livelihoods.

Richmond-based political strategist Bob Holsworth described Youngkin as someone who went from “MAGA lite to full MAGA” in four years.

“He’s made this calculation: That’s where the Republican Party is, and that’s where it’s going,” Holsworth said. He added, “But at the same time, whether he can actually connect to the MAGA base, I think, is an open question.”

Alex Conant, a Republican strategist, was more confident about Youngkin’s ability to straddle party factions in the future.

“If Trump’s political stock falls, the MAGA movement will still be important,” he said. “Youngkin has shown an ability to appeal to both Trump supporters and Republicans who are the first to fall away from Trump.”

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Youngkin faced political promise and peril

Virginia governors aren’t allowed to serve consecutive terms, giving them only four years to make their mark before it’s time to decide what’s next.

Youngkin tried to demonstrate political finesse as governor. He charmed donors with his private equity background and suburban-dad polish. In his office at a Virginia government building, Youngkin had Legos on the coffee table and a basketball prominently on display. Shovels from business groundbreakings lined the wall.

“Virginia is as strong as she’s ever been,” Youngkin said in the interview, nearly identically repeating what he had said to lawmakers this year. “Financially, she’s stronger than she’s ever been. Economically, there’s more opportunity than we’ve ever had, and we’re growing.”

But there were challenges along the way, including legislative stalemate with Democrats who expanded their control of the state legislature during Youngkin’s term. The governor vetoed roughly 400 bills passed by the legislature, and Democratic lawmakers doomed many of his initiatives, such as building a new arena for the Washington Wizards and Capitals in Virginia.

Youngkin’s relationship with Trump ebbed and flowed, too. In 2022, Trump mocked the governor’s name on social media by saying it “sounds Chinese” and accused Youngkin of not appreciating MAGA support. They later appeared to reconcile, and this year the president described Youngkin as “a great governor, one of the great governors in our country.”

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Youngkin returned the favor, saying Trump was “making America great again, and along with that, making Virginia great as well.”

But the embrace did not pay off politically. Youngkin’s chosen successor, Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears, lost by 15 points to Spanberger last month. Republicans also lost 13 seats in the House of Delegates.

Democrats notched similar victories in New Jersey, demonstrating momentum they hope will carry them to a blue wave in the midterms.

Democrats have been gaining ground in Virginia

Youngkin pushed back on the idea that Trump’s agenda — and his support of it — contributed to the losses, arguing that the 43-day federal government shutdown “became a cacophony around everything” for voters.

He also rebuffed the idea that Trump’s absence on the campaign trail contributed to Virginia Republicans’ defeat. The president did not campaign in the state and didn’t endorse Earle-Sears by name.

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“He described her as an excellent candidate,” Youngkin said of Trump’s endorsement. “He described her opponent as a bad candidate. He did two tele-town halls, which is one more than he did for me when I was running.”

Youngkin may not blame Trump for Virginia’s losses, but some of Trump’s most loyal allies have faulted the governor.

“Glenn Youngkin, you just ended your political career last night,” Steve Bannon’s WarRoom posted on X following the November election. “You destroyed the Republican Party in Virginia for a GENERATION.”

He said Youngkin shouldn’t have backed Earle-Sears, who once described Trump as a liability to the party.

Meanwhile, Virginia Democrats also credit Youngkin for their November victories, arguing he leaned too hard to the right while leading a purple state.

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“I think he’s gonna look in the mirror and, and regret his embrace of all the MAGA nonsense,” said Surovell, the state Senate majority leader.



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