Texas
To tackle high housing costs, Texas lawmakers push to build more homes
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As Texas contends with traditionally excessive house costs and rents, state legislators would possibly attempt to ease the affordability disaster with proposals rooted in a easy thought: construct extra properties and prices will come down.
Texas lawmakers have launched a number of payments this legislative session meant to hurry up the development of latest homes and flats. Some would permit builders to make use of much less land to construct single-family properties, assist them get native permits sooner and make it harder for neighborhood teams to dam new housing tasks.
For a Legislature that traditionally hasn’t handled housing affordability as a precedence, these steps would symbolize a dramatic intervention — an indicator that top housing prices have turn into more and more troublesome to disregard and no a part of the state has gone untouched.
“In years passed by, folks might need checked out inexpensive housing and stated, ‘Oh effectively, this is a matter simply within the city facilities,’” stated Sherri Greenberg, a former state consultant who’s now a fellow on the LBJ College of Public Affairs on the College of Texas at Austin. “That’s not true anymore.”
How precisely the controversy over boosting housing development will play out within the Legislature — if it picks up steam in any respect — stays to be seen. It has the potential to turn into a nasty battle between advocates of constructing extra housing and neighborhood teams which might be vehemently opposed. But it surely additionally might show a uncommon bipartisan trigger that pulls the help of each Democrats and Republicans.
Texas’ affordability disaster
A rising variety of housing consultants consider a nationwide scarcity of properties and flats of every kind, coupled with excessive demand, has fueled large jumps in housing prices.
Low-income households are feeling this scarcity most acutely. Texas misplaced practically half of its low-rent housing models within the final decade, making it even tougher for low-income households to search out housing they’ll afford. The state has one of many largest gaps within the nation between the variety of households thought of extraordinarily low revenue and the variety of accessible inexpensive properties, based on estimates from the Nationwide Low Revenue Housing Coalition. For each 100 extraordinarily low-income households, there are 25 accessible rental models.
However the disaster is affecting households at practically each revenue degree, stated Roger Arriaga, government director of Texas Affiliation of Reasonably priced Housing Suppliers.
“The problem of excessive value and excessive value of housing has type of gone up the revenue chain,” he stated. “It’s not simply these on the lowest finish.”
Though Texas builds extra properties than another a part of the nation, there’s broad consensus amongst housing advocates, builders and actual property consultants that the state merely isn’t constructing sufficient to maintain up with its booming inhabitants and financial development. In 2019, based on one estimate, Texas wanted 330,000 extra properties than it had — a scarcity second solely to California.
That want has grown within the final two years as a whole bunch of 1000’s of latest residents flocked to the state. Millennials and company patrons trying to buy properties drove up demand for a restricted provide of housing and pushed house costs and rents in Texas to historic highs.
If housing development doesn’t ramp up, some worry Texas — which is predicted to achieve practically 1.6 million new residents by the tip of the last decade — might discover itself in the identical boat as New York and California: going through even greater house costs, forcing out residents who can’t pay them and shedding its standing as an inexpensive state, one of many foremost points of interest for folks and firms to maneuver right here.
“Texas has made its financial improvement messaging round affordability,” stated Steven Pedigo, director of the College of Texas at Austin’s LBJ City Lab. “The price benefit shouldn’t be there anymore.”
The state wants extra housing to maintain up with its job and financial development, stated Luke Nosek, PayPal co-founder and chair of Texans for Cheap Options, a nonprofit pushing most of the initiatives that Republicans are calling for this session.
“Texas wins if the Legislature acts to permit builders to construct extra housing at a sooner tempo,” he stated.
What’s on the desk
High GOP leaders’ go-to answer to the state’s housing affordability issues has normally been reducing the state’s property taxes, that are among the many highest within the nation.
However Republicans are additionally contemplating different approaches this session. Alhough inexpensive housing is often a difficulty championed by Democrats, this time Republicans are behind most of the housing development payments into account — maybe spurred by the massive soar in housing prices in practically each a part of the state over the previous few years.
“We’re recognizing the apparent that we’re not as dangerous as [California and New York] and individuals are shifting right here,” stated state Sen. Paul Bettencourt, a Houston Republican. “So these are points that we have to care for now and never wait and have the identical drawback run you over.”
One among Texas Home Speaker Dade Phelan’s prime legislative priorities is a market-friendly invoice that may primarily velocity up cities’ improvement overview processes so homebuilders can erect new properties sooner. Builders typically complain it might take months for a metropolis to approve permits for brand new properties.
“If it takes a very long time to get a allow, then that’s extra prices the developer has to soak up earlier than he can really begin turning these heaps into a house,” stated Tray Bates, vp of governmental affairs at Texas Realtors.
GOP lawmakers have filed different payments that may ease cities’ housing rules and charges for builders. One proposal would power cities to loosen their guidelines on the development of “accent dwelling models” — typically known as “ADUs” or “granny flats” — within the backyards of single-family properties. Constructing extra ADUs is seen as one answer to extend housing inventory with out drastically altering the make-up of neighborhoods.
One other invoice targets “compatibility” necessities that restrict a constructing’s top relying on how shut it’s constructed to a single-family house — a proposal aimed squarely at such guidelines in Austin. Critics argue these necessities make it harder to construct flats subsequent to single-family properties.
However maybe essentially the most notable — and doubtlessly most transformative — proposal is a invoice that may permit new properties to be constructed on smaller a lot of land.
Most cities require that new properties sit on a selected quantity of land, recognized at least lot dimension. In a few of Texas’ greatest cities, single-family properties should be constructed on pretty giant a lot of land, with minimal sizes that may vary from 3,500 to five,750 sq. ft. The apply stems partly from a cultural attachment to the thought of a home with a yard.
Massive lot sizes have functioned as a means of entrenching racial segregation by placing some properties exterior the attain of low-income households of colour. In addition they encourage builders to assemble costlier housing to offset the price of the land.
“Clearly, the larger you make the lot, the costlier the home goes to be, and the costlier the land,” stated Scott Norman, government director of the Texas Affiliation of Builders. “As a builder who’s attempting to promote a home, you may’t put a tiny, cheap home on a really costly piece of land. The economics don’t work.”
Urbanists say large lot sizes additionally discourage the type of inhabitants density essential to create walkable cities, accommodate public transit and battle local weather change by limiting city sprawl and automobile emissions.
Payments by Bettencourt and state Rep. Craig Goldman, a Fort Price Republican, would override these lot sizes and require cities in counties with greater than 300,000 residents — a portion of the state that features greater than 21 million folks — to undertake a minimal lot dimension of 1,400 sq. ft for a single-family house, the usual in Houston however considerably smaller than in most different main city areas.
Not each a part of these counties must undertake a brand new minimal lot dimension. House owner associations, for instance, can be allowed to choose out of the necessities.
One other Republican invoice would create a state housing tax credit score, which might complement the federal tax credit score program — the primary means inexpensive rental housing will get inbuilt Texas and across the nation. The invoice has been launched up to now however hasn’t cleared the Legislature.
Democrats have their very own proposals to spice up the manufacturing of cheaper housing. State Rep. Armando Walle, a Houston Democrat, reintroduced a invoice to arrange a state fund to finance housing for middle-income staff like lecturers, firefighters and well being care staff.
These staff have had an more and more troublesome time discovering housing they’ll afford in main city areas as prices have gone up and builders have centered on constructing properties for wealthier households. That housing scarcity has pressured middle-income staff to stay additional away from town facilities the place their jobs are situated and endure longer commutes.
However consultants warning that not one of the proposals are silver bullets for the state’s housing woes — and in the event that they turn into regulation, it could probably take years for his or her results to turn into seen.
“None of those payments are going to magically present extra housing,” stated Matthew Festa, a land-use professor at South Texas School of Regulation Houston. “What they’re going to do is permit folks to construct it if there’s demand for it.”
Political headwinds
Advocates consider the housing provide concern has the potential for broad bipartisan settlement this session. Many Democrats sympathize with proposals to make housing extra inexpensive for low-income households. Republicans involved about property rights and the state’s long-term financial viability might get on board.
However state Sen. Sarah Eckhardt, an Austin Democrat and former Travis County choose, is skeptical of a statewide, top-down method to native housing rules that doesn’t embody cities’ enter on the best way to increase manufacturing. She didn’t shut the door on adopting new requirements, however she famous there are different methods the state might deal with housing affordability — like merely spending extra on housing.
Texas, a state of greater than 29.5 million folks, ranked forty ninth in state spending on housing and group improvement as a share of its total finances — simply forward of Nebraska, a state with lower than 2 million residents. Almost 98% of spending on housing within the state comes from native governments, based on a current UT-Austin report utilizing U.S. census knowledge.
“If the state needs to come back in and say that the cities have been doing it poorly, effectively, the place the hell has the state been all this time?” Eckhardt stated.
Whether or not cities converse out towards state lawmakers’ proposals stays to be seen.
Smaller cities looking for to guard their zoning guidelines and housing rules might oppose them, stated Bennett Sandlin, government director of the Texas Municipal League. However bigger cities which have sought to spice up their housing inventory and density solely to come across stiff resistance from neighborhood teams might wind up a minimum of quietly embracing the laws.
A starker divide might be between proponents of extra housing improvement and teams of neighbors who oppose it — also known as “NIMBYs,” an acronym for “Not in My Yard” — usually on grounds that new housing will hurt present property values, spur automobile visitors and disrupt a neighborhood’s character.
Neighborhood teams repeatedly attempt to block new housing by protesting at native zoning and metropolis council conferences. However because the state grows, some have gotten extra aggressive. In Austin, a bunch of householders efficiently sued to dam an tried 2018 overhaul of town’s land improvement code, which hasn’t been up to date for the reason that Nineteen Eighties, and not too long ago sued town once more over insurance policies meant to spur extra housing improvement.
“There’s a want for change, however there’s additionally folks’s expectations once they’ve purchased a home and constructed a neighborhood,” stated Fred Lewis, an legal professional who’s a part of that group of householders.
One invoice seeks to make it tougher for residents to dam new developments from getting approval from native metropolis councils — an thought more likely to encounter irate resistance from these neighborhood teams.
When a property proprietor needs to rezone their land, state regulation requires that house owners of neighboring properties are notified. If 20% of these house owners protest the rezoning, metropolis councils should acquire a three-fourths supermajority with a purpose to permit the zoning change. The invoice would increase that threshold of householders to 50%.
The notion of merely permitting the development of extra market-rate housing has additionally drawn skepticism from low-income housing advocates, who worry doing so would speed up gentrification and displacement in low-income neighborhoods if the Legislature doesn’t additionally undertake stiffer protections for tenants.
“We will’t construct or develop our means out of an affordable-housing disaster,” stated Ben Martin, analysis director for Texas Housers, a analysis and advocacy group. “It actually received’t remedy decency and situations, and it actually received’t remedy the profound fair-housing points we have now within the state of Texas.”
However a rising physique of analysis reveals that extra development can sluggish will increase in housing prices for households with decrease incomes. That’s as a result of higher-income households that may’t discover housing that caters to them in a neighborhood wind up competing with lower-income households for the housing that does exist — which in flip drives up the price of the prevailing housing inventory.
“If we’re limiting housing, it is at all times going to harm the folks on the decrease finish of the spectrum essentially the most,” stated Greg Anderson, director of group affairs for Austin Habitat for Humanity. “So we have now to provide you with extra insurance policies that promote housing creation for everybody.”
Whereas extra housing for lower-income households is critical, constructing extra market-rate properties would additionally assist loosen housing competitors for everybody, stated Arriaga with Texas Affiliation of Reasonably priced Housing Suppliers.
“We want all of it,” he stated. “On the finish of day, the necessity is provide.”
Lucy Tompkins works for the Tribune as a housing and homelessness reporting fellow by way of The New York Occasions’ Headway Initiative, which is funded by way of grants from the Ford Basis, the William and Flora Hewlett Basis and the Stavros Niarchos Basis (SNF), with Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors serving as a fiscal sponsor.
Disclosure: The Texas Affiliation of Reasonably priced Housing Suppliers, the Texas Affiliation of Builders, Texas Realtors, the Texas Municipal League, the College of Texas at Austin and the LBJ College of Public Affairs have been monetary supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan information group that’s funded partly by donations from members, foundations and company sponsors. Monetary supporters play no function within the Tribune’s journalism. Discover a full checklist of them right here.
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Texas
Questions surround QB Quinn Ewers as Texas faces must-win game against A&M
AUSTIN, Texas (KTRK) — The Texas Longhorns clinched a 10-win season over the weekend, thanks to the win over Kentucky.
There’s a constant conversation about QB-1 and whether he has what it takes to lead the Longhorns to a National Championship.
The Houston Chronicle’s Kirk Bohls joined Eyewitness News to analyze Quinn Ewers’ performance under center and preview the Lonestar Showdown.
Bohls said despite an ankle injury Ewers received in the game against Kentucky, he expects Ewers will be healthy enough to start for the Longhorns against Texas A&M on Saturday.
Despite a shaky performance against Vanderbilt and the loss to Georgia, Bohls argued that Ewers doesn’t get the respect his talent deserves. He has led the Longhorns to back-to-back 10-win seasons and a playoff appearance last season. This season, he’s thrown for over 2,000 yards with 23 touchdowns and six interceptions. Bohls said he’s among the top five quarterbacks the Longhorns have had.
Texas sits at the top in The Houston Chronicle’s SEC Power Rankings, but the upcoming Lonestar Showdown is a must-win.
The SEC Championship is on the line for the Longhorns and the Aggies.
Bohls said it will come down to whether Texas’ offensive weapons can break through a tough Aggie defensive line. He also predicted that Arch Manning could get playing time if Ewers isn’t at the top of his game.
You can watch the Lonestar Showdown on ABC13 on Saturday night. Kickoff is set for 6:30 p.m.
For updates on this story, follow Briana Conner on Facebook, X and Instagram.
Copyright © 2024 KTRK-TV. All Rights Reserved.
Texas
Texas vs. Texas A&M football picks: What the oddsmakers say
A classic college football rivalry returns after more than a decade and with plenty on the line as Texas visits Texas A&M on Saturday night. Here’s what the oddsmakers are predicting for the game.
Texas improved to 6-1 in SEC play and stayed atop the conference standings after knocking off Kentucky, and needs to win this game in order to earn a place against Georgia in the SEC title bout.
Likewise for the Aggies, but they’re coming off a four-overtime loss against Auburn that dropped the team to 8-3 overall and 5-2 in conference games.
What do the wiseguys expect as the Longhorns and Aggies meet this weekend?
Let’s check in with the early predictions for Texas vs. Texas A&M in this Week 14 college football game, according to the oddsmakers.
Texas is a 6 point favorite against Texas A&M, according to the updated lines posted to FanDuel Sportsbook.
The book set the total at 48.5 points for the game.
And it lists the moneyline odds for Texas at -230 and for Texas A&M at +195 to win outright.
Texas: -6 (-110)
Texas A&M +6 (-110)
Over 48.5 points: -110
Under 48.5 points: -110
Texas is 6-5 against the spread (54.6%) overall this season …
Texas A&M is 3-8 (27.3%) ATS in ‘24 …
Texas is 2-2 against the spread in road games …
Texas A&M is 2-5 ATS at home …
Texas is 1-4 against the spread in its last 5 games …
A&M is 2-6 ATS in its last 8 home games …
Texas is 4-1 against the spread in its last 5 games played in Week 14 …
The total went over in 5 of Texas A&M’s last 6 games …
The total went under in 6 of Texas’ last 7 games and 7 of its last 9 road games …
A&M is 3-10 ATS in its last 13 games on a Saturday …
A plurality of bettors expect the Longhorns will take care of the Aggies on the road, according to the spread consensus picks for the game.
Texas is getting 63 percent of bets to win the game and cover the narrow point spread.
The other 37 percent of wagers project Texas A&M will either win outright in an upset or keep the game under a touchdown margin in a loss.
The game’s implied score suggests a narrow victory for the Longhorns over the Aggies.
When taking the point spread and total into consideration, it’s implied that Texas will defeat Texas A&M by a projected score of 28 to 22.
Our early pick: Texas A&M +6 … Strange things can happen at Kyle Field under the lights, especially as this intense rivalry game is resurrected, and with so much on the line, so asking for a greater than touchdown margin might be too much, and this is a game the Aggies can outright win.
When: Sat., Nov. 30
Where: College Station, Tex.
Time: 6:30 p.m. Central
TV: ABC network
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Game odds refresh periodically and are subject to change.
If you or someone you know has a gambling problem and wants help, please call 1-800-GAMBLER.
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More college football from SI: Top 25 Rankings | Schedule | Teams
Follow College Football HQ: Bookmark | Rankings | Picks
Texas
Should States Like Texas Be Allowed to Grade Their Own Highway Homework? — Streetsblog USA
In late October, protestors in Houston watched as officials wheeled a trough out into the middle of St. Emanuel Street and each scooped out a ceremonial shovelful of sand.
The officials were ostensibly there for a symbolic groundbreaking for the North Houston Highway Improvement Project, which will widen or rebuild around 25 miles of Interstate 45 in the heart of Texas’s largest city. For the protesters, though, the bulldozers that loomed in the background of that photo-op were a very real threat of the harm soon to come to St. Emanuel Street, and the estimated 1,079 homes, 344 businesses, five places of worship and two schools that will be razed to make way for the highway.
“Half of that street is going to be gone,” added Erin Eriksen, an organizer with Stop TxDOT I-45. “Half of those businesses are going to be torn down. And TxDOT was basically thumbing its nose at these places that were going to be destroyed because of this project.”
According to official analyses, though, the destruction of St. Emanuel Street and so many like it isn’t enough of an “environmental impact” to justify canceling the I-45 project, even though it will dramatically exacerbate pollution, flooding, and inequality in the disproportionately low income communities of color through which the expansion will largely run.
And that’s probably because the Texas Department of Transportation wrote those official analyses itself.
‘A fox guarding a hen house”
Thanks to a little-known loophole in federal law known as the “NEPA assignment” program, DOTs from Texas and six other states — Alaska, Arizona, California, Florida, Ohio, and Utah — are temporarily “assigned” the responsibility of conducting what are normally federally overseen environmental assessments (the states must reapply every five years when their authority expires. Texas’s authority expires this year, and members of the Texas Streets Coalition are urging advocates to comment on whether it should be rescinded before Dec. 9.)
In theory, NEPA assignment is supposed to help responsible state DOTs build projects quickly, without having to wait on a single understaffed federal agency to work through a backlog of proposals from across the country before giving the green light on simple repaving or repair. Some argue that it also gives environmentally progressive states an opportunity to conduct an even more thorough analysis than the feds would do on their own.
In car-dominated Texas, though, NEPA assignment is essentially a “fox-guarding-the-henhouse situation” — and its consequences shouldn’t be surprising to anyone, argues Heyden Black Walker of Reconnect Austin.
In Walker’s native Austin, for instance, advocates say that Texas DOT misleadingly “segmented” the expansion of a single intestate known as I-35 into three smaller projects along the exactly same road, hiding the staggering impacts the expansion would have for the region on the whole — and, advocates say, violating federal law. Walker says the “9,000 pages” of official documents about the project also didn’t adequately consider the highway’s impacts on air pollution, and failed to study whether railway investments could address the same problems the expansion was meant to solve.
That the I-35 expansion received even that degree of scrutiny, though, is something of an outlier.
Texas activists found that between 2015 and 2022, only six TxDOT projects receive a full-blown “environmental impact statement,” an exhaustive process that details exactly how the agency will mitigate the harm it will cause. A staggering 130 projects, by comparison, only received a far-simpler “environmental assessment,” all of which resulted in a “finding of no significant impact,” or FONSI, which is pronounced like the shark-jumping character on “Happy Days.”
Cumulatively, though, those “insignificant” projects displaced a stunning total of 477 homes and 376 businesses, and consumed $24 billion. And advocates say that lack of oversight is particularly damning for a state that would rank eighth in the world for carbon dioxide emissions if it were a country, and that polluted nearly twice as much as second-ranked California in 2019.
“The things that NEPA was intended to protect us from — from inordinate displacement, from worse air quality — Texas is failing on all of those metrics,” said Peter Eccles, director of policy and planning at LINK Houston, a transportation advocacy group. “Since TxDOT entered NEPA assignment in 2014, displacements have skyrocketed across Texas, dwarfing the national average in terms of how many households are displaced for freeway projects, as well as the number of counties that are no longer in attainment for criteria pollutants. … It’s not working as intended.”
If the federal government was conducting the NEPA process, advocates argue that Texas might face stricter parameters for what constitutes a “significant” impact of a highway project, rather than letting the state write off families losing their homes and residents getting sick as unfortunate but necessary evils. And maybe, bad projects might even be stopped before they start.
“TxDOT is setting up its own environmental reviews, setting its own parameters, and then self-grading its own performance by the parameters that it sets,” said Bobby Levinski, an attorney with the Save Our Springs Alliance. “And we don’t have that federal oversight that used to exist where, if you did have a disagreement over what the current state of the science is, [you might have] a technical expert at the federal level who could say, ‘No, you didn’t quite do a good enough job looking at, say, this air quality aspect.’
“That check no longer exists,” he continued. “And at the end of the day, they’re going to give themselves an ‘A.’”
NEPA Assignment Under Trump
Levinski and the rest of the coalition acknowledge that some might be wary of handing environmental power back to the federal government — especially with Trump returning to the White House.
Project 2025, which many believe will serve as the incoming president’s playbook, promises to restore regulations limiting environmental review that Trump put in place the last time he was in office, as well as “frame the new regulations to limit the scope for judicial review of agency NEPA analysis and judicial remedies.”
Advocates in Texas, though, say they’re already living in a world where NEPA has been badly watered down — and because of their state’s special authority, Washington was powerless to intervene. Restoring federal oversight, they argue, is a critical first step to making things right, followed by voting in a presidential administration that takes NEPA seriously.
“Here in Texas, we’ve been facing basically a mini-Trump administration, anyway, with our governor,” said Katy Atkiss, facilitator for the Texas Streets Coalition, referring to Gov. Greg Abbott. “He appoints the Texas Transportation Commission, which is basically five old white men — none with transportation experience. So I feel like we’ve been working in a similar environment anyway. We’ve had several conversations with DOT and other federal representatives throughout the course of of the year, and while they are extremely sympathetic, basically, they said, ‘We believe you, but there’s nothing we can do.’”
Until Texas’s NEPA assignment is revoked, all advocates can do is sue to stop bad projects — though with the president picking many of the judges, that’s an increasingly bleak prospect, too.
“With Trump being in office, the courts aren’t getting easier either,” added Levinski. “[And] making the public be the enforcer of NEPA, I think, puts a big onus on the residents of Texas to go up against the giant Goliath that is TxDOT on every single case. … We need some sort of measure of oversight. You can’t just write off the entire state of Texas.”
The members of the Texas Streets coalition acknowledge that getting their state’s NEPA assignment revoked won’t be easy — and if it can’t be done, they hope USDOT will at least make some common-sense changes.
The state might still be allowed do its own environmental assessments, but not on massive highway projects that displace hundreds of residents. The feds also might force the DOT to wait at least 30 days to collect public comment after they make changes to their plans, or submit to “an annual NEPA compliance audit” to ensure they’re not flouting federal laws. At a minimum, they could acknowledge that granting states like Texas the ability to do their own environmental review even as they’re suing to hide their greenhouse gas emissions from the public seems like a pretty obvious flaw in the system.
At the end of the day, though, advocates say we need to address the shortcomings of NEPA itself, which still doesn’t factor in the power of induced demand — and still offers all states too many opportunities to build destructive highways, even when the federal government is grading their projects.
“I think that NEPA assignment and its abuses by TxDOT are a symptom of the larger failings of NEPA as a whole,” added Eccles. “NEPA was very well intentioned at the time [it was written], but certain states like TxDOT have gotten very good at gaming it to rubber stamp projects that they want to do regardless. Contrast that with the NEPA burden that the Federal Transit Administration puts on transit projects; it’s much more rigorous, and it ends up slowing down those projects significantly. We need to have a clearer picture of what projects benefit the environment and which projects harm it.”
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