Texas
The data say Texas should expand Medicaid
It was with a combination of disdain and gratitude that I learn on this newspaper David Balat’s April 24 op-ed, during which he purports to beat the badly concussed Medicaid growth horse a little bit nearer to demise with one other spherical of … the identical previous arguments. Why gratitude? We’re again within the information!
It’s been a little bit over two years since I wrote an op-ed for this newspaper aiming to current, in an goal non-partisan manner, the big advantages of Medicaid growth for Texas: more healthy individuals residing higher and extra dignified lives, huge financial progress and job creation, and web income progress for state and native budgets (with out new taxes). Theories and myths concerning the perils of Medicaid growth, I defined, had lengthy since been disproven and dispelled by empirical knowledge from the 36 (now 38) states that had already expanded Medicaid.
Eight months later, on the eve of the 87th Legislative Session, I introduced at a press convention the submitting of my politically conservative Medicaid growth waiver invoice, SB 117. How the Legislature would deal with the query of Medicaid growth can be, I mentioned, both “a bipartisan success, or a partisan failure.” Alas, it was decidedly the latter.
Beneath stress from its GOP management and the unhappy inertia of a lack of know-how, the Texas Legislature once more refused to broaden Medicaid. We’ve misplaced one other two years of income and well being and job creation. Even worse, we rejected a $4 billion bonus incentive from the federal authorities to do what we needs to be doing anyway. Sure, $4 billion that may have flowed to Texas from Washington.
That very same ideological inertia continues to drive resistance to the confirmed success of Medicaid growth below the Inexpensive Care Act. That it persists regardless of mountains of empirical findings and analyses by esteemed economists and establishments, together with a number of right here in Texas, requires nearer scrutiny. And a brush.
The essential opposition argument asserts that Medicaid doesn’t work and subsequently we shouldn’t broaden it. Additional, opponents say, higher well being care entry fashions serve the identical goal. None of that is true.
Take, for instance, the 662,000 Texans who, although eligible for Medicaid below our current state regulation, supposedly “select” to not enroll. Round 550,000 of them are youngsters. They didn’t select to not enroll.
So why aren’t they enrolled? Lots of them have been routinely disenrolled by a coverage purportedly meant to fight fraud and abuse. In apply the coverage proved ineffective, expensive, and damaging. Fortuitously the Legislature terminated it final session. In the meantime the Trump administration, and Texas for all sensible functions, eradicated outreach to low-income households. Many households merely don’t know what to do. Or maybe they’re dissuaded by all of the false info on the market.
In his Op-Ed, Balat additionally asserted that “most Medicaid sufferers” get their care in emergency rooms. The alternative is true. In truth, since 2011 Texas’ Medicaid program has dramatically decreased the incidence of pointless ER visits and improved entry to primary major care.
Subsequent, whereas Medicaid growth may insure near one million individuals, it will not overwhelm the well being system. Texas well being plans, which at present cowl greater than 20 million individuals, have accommodated enrollment swings of even bigger magnitude with no downside. State regulation requires community adequacy, and well being plans have traditionally been fairly profitable at assembly community adequacy requirements.
Growth opponents and Medicaid detractors attribute to Medicaid issues which can be endemic to our well being care system. As anybody who has sought well being care within the U.S. can attest, issues with wait occasions to see a doctor and affected person frustration with a complicated system usually are not distinctive to Medicaid.
Sure, the state Medicaid program, and our general well being care infrastructure, should be improved. So right here now we have a possibility: different states have used their Medicaid growth packages to enhance their current Medicaid packages, within the course of introducing parts which have each ideological attraction and real performance. We must always, too.
The very fact is, the Texas Medicaid program — run by the state, not the federal authorities — is working. Current research from sources just like the Kaiser Household Basis present elevated entry to care (together with will increase within the variety of physicians accepting Medicaid), improved well being outcomes, reductions in preventable hospitalizations, increased affected person satisfaction, and general price progress considerably beneath that of personal medical insurance.
In the meantime various fashions of entry to well being care, like unregulated quasi-insurance merchandise and so-called “direct major care,” can’t function alternate options to Medicaid growth. The growth inhabitants, nearly all of whom stay in working households however are, by definition, residing in poverty, can’t afford to purchase them. Although maybe helpful to lower- and middle-income wholesome populations in some contexts for some functions, these different fashions merely don’t cowl what medical insurance covers, they usually can’t change Medicaid or Medicaid growth. (Their general usefulness within the well being care area stays topic to debate.) As confirmed most lately by the rigorous, unbiased evaluation by Dallas-based coverage group Texas 2036, nothing comes near Medicaid growth.
That opponents proceed to proffer the identical deceptive numbers, false statements and doubtful and finally irrelevant alternate options, ought to inform us one thing. It’s time to brush apart ideologically motivated and factually bereft arguments, and forge a bipartisan Medicaid growth plan for Texas.
Nathan Johnson is a member of the Texas Senate. He wrote this for The Dallas Morning Information.
Texas
A&M-Texas rivalry is back where it belongs
My Aggie loyalty started in high school, when my future alma mater mailed a poster of Bonfire to a ZIP code at the very top of Texas. That was about all the recruiting I received from Aggieland, but it was enough. That poster hung on my wall (between Michael Jordan and a Porsche) and I memorized the only words on it:
Some may boast of prowess bold,
of the school they think so grand.
But there’s a spirit can ne’er be told.
It’s the Spirit of Aggieland.
My enrollment at what was then the third-largest university in the nation was a sea change for me, and a culture shock. It’s when I stitched the High Plains together with the rest of Texas and started to get perspective about the history, personalities and traditions that shape our state. One of those traditions will be renewed Saturday when maroon and burnt orange take the field together, for the first time in 13 years, below the roar of the 12th Man.
This rivalry started in 1894, and was renewed 97 consecutive times from 1915 to 2011. Altogether, the game has been played 118 times. It used to unite the state, and it used to divide families. In recent years, jokes about tension over Thanksgiving dinner because of the A&M-UT game have been replaced by dread of Thanksgiving dinner over political talk. With the election behind us, it’ll be good for Texans to get back to the old ways.
This rivalry has created our state’s own version of mixed marriages. Kevin Scheible, one of my closest friends from college, married a member of the Longhorn Band. Kevin and Sharon live in San Antonio now. They’ve somehow made it work, though it’s an arrangement I would counsel most young lovers to avoid.
A dozen years ago, right around the time the rivalry was being suspended, my Aggie wife and I found ourselves in a Bible study group that was evenly split between Aggies and Longhorns. It included two mixed marriages. Those people are still some of our closest friends. Only the supernatural bonds of the Holy Spirit could have kept us from cracking in half. That, plus we don’t watch the game together.
College football has changed enormously since this game was played last, let alone since it was played first. The crowds are larger. The record size of the 12th Man is 110,663; this game will almost certainly surpass that.
The payouts are bigger too. The era of Name, Image and Likeness (NIL) sponsorships has created a breed that would have been unthinkable in 1894: millionaire college athletes.
Two of the 10 highest paid college athletes in the nation are Longhorn quarterbacks Quinn Ewers and Arch Manning, according to Yahoo! Sports.
In the new Aggie tradition of paying football personalities not to contribute, benched quarterback Conner Weigman will earn his $628,000 NIL valuation from the sideline.
But at least the venue will be simple. The Aggies play at Kyle Field, the state’s largest stadium, named after Texas A&M horticulture professor E.J. Kyle, who created the school’s football field in 1904.
In contrast, the name of the Longhorns’ haunt is something like Campbell-Williams Field at Darrell K Royal-Texas Memorial Stadium presented by Bud Light in association with Hemp-It-Up-America Political Action Committee.
Both schools have storied programs. The Longhorns have Darrell Royal, Earl Campbell, Ricky Williams and four national championships if you include the one in 1970 when they lost to Notre Dame in the Cotton Bowl but United Press International writers awarded them the title anyway because the media loves them. Some things never change.
The Aggies have Bear Bryant, Gene Stallings and Jackie Sherrill (for the purposes of this column, please forget the state of Alabama exists), as well as Heisman Trophy winners John David Crow and Johnny Football Manziel. When I was a student, Aggies claimed just one national championship, back in 1939. But then other schools started putting such achievements in big letters on their stadiums and we demanded a recount. Now, Aggies include the undefeated seasons in 1919 and 1927 under Coach D.X. Bible who later coached at, you guessed it, UT.
The rivalry has included its share of pranks. The official story (and by “official” I mean made up by Aggies) of how UT mascot Bevo got its name is that a group of Aggie students snuck over to Austin one night, long ago, after the horns had lost to A&M 13-0, and branded the cow with the score. In a mascot cover-up, UT students converted the 13 to a B, the – to an E and added a V before the 0 to create the name.
It is true that A&M beat UT 13-0 in 1915, and it’s true that some Aggies branded the mascot. But the brand-conversion part remains unconfirmed and Longhorns refuse to admit the obvious: that this is a terrific story that should live long in Texas lore.
For all the differences between these schools, there is still more that unites us than divides us, as it’s popular to say these days. Both institutions are doing important work in research and molding the next generation of Texas leaders. Aggies and Longhorns love their state. We love our schools. And we would love to see our rivals lose. Both school’s songs mention the other.
That poster on my bedroom wall would be as close as I would come to the real Bonfire until I stood on Duncan Drill Field watching it burn in the fall of 1991. My unit in the Corps of Cadets was known for building Bonfire. We had spent thousands of man hours in exhausting manual labor kindling Bonfire’s purpose: the burning desire to beat the hell outta UT.
I remember watching the news just a few years later, heartbroken by the loss of 12 Aggies who were making their own Bonfire memories when tragedy struck. Aggies everywhere remembered them this week.
Longhorns did too. I’ll never forget how Austin dropped the rivalry taunts and stood shoulder-to-shoulder with grieving Aggies in the wake of that tragedy. UT showed its class that year. The school canceled its Hex Rally, the ritual that traditionally preceded the game. The UT Tower went dark and the Aggie War Hymn was played there — the one that derides the “orange and the white.” It’s the only time in UT history that has happened, I’m told. At the game, the Longhorn Band played Taps, a fitting salute at a school with military roots.
Longhorn coach Mack Brown offered to postpone the game and he said he has shed tears over the loss of those 12 Aggies. His staff organized a blood drive. Brown was a great coach whose players would have run through a wall for him. In November 1999, I think a lot of Aggies would have too.
Two weeks ago, Mrs. Aggie and I attended a gathering sponsored by the Coppell Aggie Moms Club where we got to meet the Texana artist Benjamin Knox. Knox was in the Aggie Cadet Corps just a few years before I was. He went on to paint the school spirit at several Texas institutions, including commissions by the State of Texas, and the George Bush Presidential Library and Museum.
Knox showed us a new painting he created to mark the revival of this Texas Thanksgiving tradition. And because I accosted him after the meeting, he agreed to let The Dallas Morning News reproduce it here.
From a folded poster hung with thumbtacks to a work of art by one of Texas’ great painters, this rivalry has produced a lot of memorable images. If the Aggies don’t run out of time, I look forward to treasuring the image of the Kyle Field scoreboard Saturday, and sharing it with a few of my Longhorn friends.
Editor’s note: Over Sanders’ loud objections, this column was edited for a variety of blatant biases and subtle but consistent grammatical slights (such as the use of “tu”) that did not meet our editorial standards.
We welcome your thoughts in a letter to the editor. See the guidelines and submit your letter here. If you have problems with the form, you can submit via email at letters@dallasnews.com
Texas
TCU Volleyball Dominates Texas Tech on Senior Night
A common theme for No. 22 TCU has been their complete dominance on their home floor this season. The Horned Frogs finished the year 14-1 at Schollmaier Arena. On Friday night, in front of over 3,000 fans, TCU swept Texas Tech (25-14, 26-24, 25-11).
The four seniors honored by TCU were Melanie Parra, Cecily Bramschreiber, Stephanie Young and Ashlyn Bourland. All four players found ways to contribute as Parra finished with 14 kills and seven digs. Bramschreiber filled up the stat sheet with four kills, four aces and seven digs. Both Young and Bourland got an ace.
Both teams traded points in the early going, but Bramschreiber sparked a 7-2 run to give the Frogs a 16-9 lead. TCU hit .417 in the first set and dominated the first set capped off by a Becca Kelley ace.
In set two, Texas Tech made things much closer jumping out to a 8-5 lead. A 4-0 run from TCU put them back in front. This set included multiple runs and it was Tech that got it to set point leading 24-22. TCU was able to end the set on a 4-0 run courtesy of kills from Jalyn Gibson and Parra paired with aces from Bramschreiber.
Trying to keeps things alive, TCU wasn’t met with much resistance from the Red Raiders in the third set. The Frogs kept up the pressure with multiple runs to build a massive 17-8 lead. Bourland picked up her first career ace and an attack error ended things.
It was a fun night for the seniors that played in front of the TCU crowd for the last time. The 14 wins at home tied the school record for most wins at home in a single season. They also picked up the most wins in a season since 2015. What Jason Williams has done for this program in such a short time has been remarkable to watch.
The Frogs move to 19-7 overall 11-5 in conference. They still are fifth in the Big 12 standings with two games to go. They will travel to Morgantown on Wednesday to take on West Virginia at 6 p.m. and then to Cincinnati on Friday at 1 p.m.
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Texas
Texas AG sues Dallas for decriminalizing marijuana
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton announced a lawsuit Thursday targeting the blue city of Dallas over a ballot measure that decriminalizes marijuana.
Paxton alleges that Proposition R, which “prohibits the Dallas Police Department from making arrests or issuing citations for marijuana possession or considering the odor of marijuana as probable cause for search or seizure,” violates state law.
The attorney general argues in the lawsuit that the ballot measure is preempted by Texas law, which criminalizes the possession and distribution of marijuana. Paxton also claims the Texas Constitution prohibits municipalities from adopting an ordinance that conflicts with laws enacted by the state legislature.
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“Cities cannot pick and choose which State laws they follow,” Paxton said in a statement. “The City of Dallas has no authority to override Texas drug laws or prohibit the police from enforcing them.”
Paxton called the ballot measure “a backdoor attempt to violate the Texas Constitution” and threatened to sue any other city that “tries to constrain police in this fashion.”
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The lawsuit comes after interim Dallas Police Department Chief Michael Igo directed Dallas police officers not to enforce marijuana laws against those found to be in possession of less than 4 ounces.
Ground Game Texas, a progressive nonprofit group that campaigned in favor of the ballot measure, argued it would help “keep people out of jail for marijuana possession,” “reduce racially biased policing” and “save millions in public funding.”
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“It’s unfortunate but not surprising that Attorney General Ken Paxton has apparently chosen to waste everyone’s time and money by filing yet another baseless lawsuit against marijuana decriminalization,” said Catina Voellinger, executive director for Ground Game Texas.
“Judges in Travis and Hays counties have already dismissed identical lawsuits filed there. The Dallas Freedom Act was overwhelmingly approved by 67% of voters — this is democracy in action.”
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Since January 2024, Paxton has filed lawsuits against five Texas cities that decriminalized marijuana possession, arguing these policies promote crime, drug abuse and violence.
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