North Carolina
North Carolina voters should pay close attention to the state courts | NC Newsline
With the 2024 presidential and congressional elections on the horizon, many of us may be thinking about how these elections will impact the United States Supreme Court. Presidents nominate U.S. Supreme Court justices, and the U.S. Senate confirms these nominations, placing justices on the highest court in the land for a lifetime of consequential and precedent-setting rulings.
North Carolina voters mustn’t forget that we also have state judges issuing rulings that are equally, if not more, consequential for our state’s residents, often impacting our day-to-day lives. These judges are not appointed — we directly elect them.
Do you have the tools you need to not just make informed decisions about who you will vote for, but also to educate your family and friends about the importance of these races? Too often voters will check off the top-of-the-ticket races and leave the races further down the ballot — like judicial races — blank. In elections where the winner may just have a few hundred more votes than their opponent, every vote counts.
In North Carolina, we vote on judges for our state Supreme Court, Court of Appeals, Superior Courts, and District Courts. As abortion access has been “thrown back to the states” in the wake of the 2022 U.S. Supreme Court decision in the Dobbs case, many readers may be familiar with the role of state supreme courts in protecting aspects of abortion access (such as in Kansas and Pennsylvania) or in further restricting access (recently in Texas), with more state decisions expected in the coming months (Wyoming and Florida).
In the late-1990’s the North Carolina State Supreme Court upheld the legislature’s anti-abortion law that severely limited the use of the state abortion fund, but the court has not really weighed in on abortion cases in the years since; many of the challenges that have been brought to our state laws typically took place in federal courts. Without the federal protection of Roe v. Wade, however, we will likely see more cases come back to our state Supreme Court.
A timely example of the impact of our state courts can be seen in recent voting rights cases. In 2023, our state Supreme Court took the extremely politicized step of reversing two voting rights rulings that it had issued just months before. While not directly addressing abortion access, we know that political gerrymandering and efforts to block people from voting directly impact reproductive rights. Without a representative and accountable government, anti-abortion lawmakers feel free to pass their restrictions over the will of the people. When our state Supreme Court overturned its own rulings on voting rights and maps last year, the only thing that had changed in either case was the composition of the court.
Who serves on the court matters.
While our state Supreme Court can rule on constitutional issues and the protection of civil rights, the lower courts also regularly have an impact on our lives and rights, including reproductive rights and healthcare. The lower courts hear criminal and civil cases, small claims, and family law proceedings, and many of us are more likely to interact with these courts rather than the higher courts. With the increasing criminalization of abortion, pregnancy outcomes, and reproductive healthcare, cases involving self-managed abortion, miscarriages, stillbirths, assisting minors accessing abortion, interactions with anti-abortion protestors at clinics, and even providing information for abortion care may come before our state’s courts.
We don’t have to imagine these scenarios because they’ve been happening across the country in the wake of Dobbs, and even before the fall of Roe. As we see anti-abortion elected officials become more emboldened, it seems likely we’ll see more attempts to push their anti-abortion agenda.
For example, late last year, a North Carolina Appeals Court judge tried to insert his belief that life begins at conception into a child custody ruling (that was later withdrawn). While all judges are going to have their personal beliefs, our judicial branch is set up to provide rulings based on the constitution, legal precedents, and the foundation that we are all equal under the law. We expect the judges we elect to craft their rulings based on this foundation, not on their personal political ideology.
It’s not just abortion rights cases that will come before our state courts, of course. Challenges to discriminatory laws and practices, domestic violence cases, family law proceedings, consumer protection cases, public education funding, and voting rights lawsuits have appeared and will come back before our state courts. Our judiciary was set up to be our third branch of government and serve as a check on legislative and executive branch overreach — not to push an ideological agenda. This March and November, in the primary and general elections, the voters will have a chance to have our say in who sits on those judicial benches.
Who serves on all of our state courts has probably never been more important.
Emancipate NC, North Carolina for the People, and Pro-Choice North Carolina will be hosting a “State Courts 101” webinar on Tuesday, February 13. You can find more information and register here: https://prochoicenc.org/Courts
North Carolina
Statewide tornado drill has NC schools and workplaces practicing safety
Wednesday, March 4, 2026 6:41PM
RALEIGH, N.C. (WTVD) — North Carolina schools and businesses took part in a statewide tornado drill Wednesday morning as part of Severe Weather Awareness Week.
The National Weather Service led the drill at 9:30 a.m., broadcasting it on NOAA Weather Radio and the Emergency Alert System. Schools, workplaces and households across the state were encouraged to join in.
The National Weather Service didn’t issue a follow up alert to mark the end of the drill. Instead, each school or business wrapped up once they felt they had practiced the procedures thoroughly.
Wednesday’s drill also replaced the regular weekly NOAA Weather Radio test.
SEE | New warning for parents amid new ‘fire-breathing’ social media trend
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North Carolina
North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam
Nida Allam in 2022; Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-NC) in 2025.
Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
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Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
Incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee holds a narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam in the Democratic primary for North Carolina’s 4th Congressional district as ballots continue to be counted.
In a race seen as an early test of whether Democratic voters desire generational change within the party, Foushee holds a lead of just over 1,000 votes with 99% of results in so far, according to the Associated Press.
Under state law, provisional votes will be counted in the coming days in a district that includes Durham and Chapel Hill. If the election results end up within a 1% margin, Allam could request a recount.
Successfully ousting an incumbent lawmaker is often extremely difficult and rare. However, there have been recent upsets in races as some voters are calling for new leaders and several sitting members of Congress face primary challengers this cycle.
Allam, a 32-year-old Durham County Commissioner, is running to the left of Foushee, 69, framing her candidacy as part of a broader rejection of longtime Democratic norms.
On the campaign trail, Allam ran on an anti-establishment message, pledging to be a stronger fighter than Foushee in Congress, both in standing up against President Trump’s agenda and when pushing for more ambitious policy.
“North Carolina is a purple state that often gets labeled red, but we’re not a red state,” she told NPR in an interview last month, emphasizing the need to address affordability concerns. “We are a state of working-class folks who just want their elected officials to champion the issues that are impacting them.”
She drew a contrast with the congresswoman on immigration, voicing support for abolishing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Foushee has declined to go that far, advocating instead for ICE to be defunded and for broader reforms to the federal immigration system.
Allam also clashed with Foushee over U.S. policy towards Israel. As a vocal opponent of Israel’s war in Gaza, Allam swore off campaign donations from pro-Israel lobbying groups, such as AIPAC, and repeatedly criticized Foushee for previously accepting such funds.
Though Foushee announced last year that she would not accept AIPAC donations this cycle, she and Allam continued to spar over the broader role of outside spending in the race.
Their matchup comes four years after the candidates first squared off in 2022, when Allam lost to Foushee in what became the most expensive primary in the state’s history, with outside groups spending more than $3.8 million.
However, this year is poised to break that record. Outside groups have reported spending more than $4.4 million on the primary matchup, according to Federal Election Commission filings.
WUNC’s Colin Campbell contributed to this report.
North Carolina
Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy
North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.
State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.
“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.
For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.
Beyond outdated flood lines
Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.
“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.
Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.
“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”
Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.
“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”
Thousands of projects, limited dollars
Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.
“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”
That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.
The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.
For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.
Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.
“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.
The policy gap
Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.
“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.
A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.
Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.
“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.
North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.
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