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North Carolina voters should pay close attention to the state courts | NC Newsline

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North Carolina voters should pay close attention to the state courts | NC Newsline


With the 2024 presidential and congressional elections on the horizon, many of us may be thinking about how these elections will impact the United States Supreme Court. Presidents nominate U.S. Supreme Court justices, and the U.S. Senate confirms these nominations, placing justices on the highest court in the land for a lifetime of consequential and precedent-setting rulings.

North Carolina voters mustn’t forget that we also have state judges issuing rulings that are equally, if not more, consequential for our state’s residents, often impacting our day-to-day lives. These judges are not appointed — we directly elect them. 

Do you have the tools you need to not just make informed decisions about who you will vote for, but also to educate your family and friends about the importance of these races? Too often voters will check off the top-of-the-ticket races and leave the races further down the ballot — like judicial races — blank. In elections where the winner may just have a few hundred more votes than their opponent, every vote counts.

In North Carolina, we vote on judges for our state Supreme Court, Court of Appeals, Superior Courts, and District Courts. As abortion access has been “thrown back to the states” in the wake of the 2022 U.S. Supreme Court decision in the Dobbs case, many readers may be familiar with the role of state supreme courts in protecting aspects of abortion access (such as in Kansas and Pennsylvania) or in further restricting access (recently in Texas), with more state decisions expected in the coming months (Wyoming and Florida).

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In the late-1990’s the North Carolina State Supreme Court upheld the legislature’s anti-abortion law that severely limited the use of the state abortion fund, but the court has not really weighed in on abortion cases in the years since; many of the challenges that have been brought to our state laws typically took place in federal courts. Without the federal protection of Roe v. Wade, however, we will likely see more cases come back to our state Supreme Court.

A timely example of the impact of our state courts can be seen in recent voting rights cases. In 2023, our state Supreme Court took the extremely politicized step of reversing two voting rights rulings that it had issued just months before. While not directly addressing abortion access, we know that political gerrymandering and efforts to block people from voting directly impact reproductive rights. Without a representative and accountable government, anti-abortion lawmakers feel free to pass their restrictions over the will of the people. When our state Supreme Court overturned its own rulings on voting rights and maps last year, the only thing that had changed in either case was the composition of the court.

Who serves on the court matters.

While our state Supreme Court can rule on constitutional issues and the protection of civil rights, the lower courts also regularly have an impact on our lives and rights, including reproductive rights and healthcare. The lower courts hear criminal and civil cases, small claims, and family law proceedings, and many of us are more likely to interact with these courts rather than the higher courts. With the increasing criminalization of abortion, pregnancy outcomes, and reproductive healthcare, cases involving self-managed abortion, miscarriages, stillbirths, assisting minors accessing abortion, interactions with anti-abortion protestors at clinics, and even providing information for abortion care may come before our state’s courts. 

We don’t have to imagine these scenarios because they’ve been happening across the country in the wake of Dobbs, and even before the fall of Roe. As we see anti-abortion elected officials become more emboldened, it seems likely we’ll see more attempts to push their anti-abortion agenda.

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For example, late last year, a North Carolina Appeals Court judge tried to insert his belief that life begins at conception into a child custody ruling (that was later withdrawn). While all judges are going to have their personal beliefs, our judicial branch is set up to provide rulings based on the constitution, legal precedents, and the foundation that we are all equal under the law. We expect the judges we elect to craft their rulings based on this foundation, not on their personal political ideology. 

It’s not just abortion rights cases that will come before our state courts, of course. Challenges to discriminatory laws and practices, domestic violence cases, family law proceedings, consumer protection cases, public education funding, and voting rights lawsuits have appeared and will come back before our state courts. Our judiciary was set up to be our third branch of government and serve as a check on legislative and executive branch overreach — not to push an ideological agenda. This March and November, in the primary and general elections, the voters will have a chance to have our say in who sits on those judicial benches.

Who serves on all of our state courts has probably never been more important. 

Emancipate NC, North Carolina for the People, and Pro-Choice North Carolina will be hosting a “State Courts 101” webinar on Tuesday, February 13. You can find more information and register here: https://prochoicenc.org/Courts

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Undecided voters in North Carolina frustrated by first 2024 presidential debate

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Undecided voters in North Carolina frustrated by first 2024 presidential debate


Undecided voters in North Carolina frustrated by first 2024 presidential debate – CBS News

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CBS News senior White House correspondent Weijia Jiang spoke with five voters — three undecided, one President Biden supporter, and one supporter of former President Donald Trump — in Raleigh, North Carolina, about their reactions to the first 2024 presidential debate. Here’s what they had to say.

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North Carolina legislators leave after veto overrides, ballot question, unfinished business

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North Carolina legislators leave after veto overrides, ballot question, unfinished business


RALEIGH, N.C. (AP) — The North Carolina General Assembly wrapped up this year’s chief work session Thursday after overriding Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper’s vetoes, putting a constitutional amendment about citizens and voting on the November ballot and sending to Cooper’s desk many additional bills.

But during its two months of work, the Republican-dominated legislature stumbled by failing to pass a comprehensive budget-adjustment measure for the next 12 months. Attempts at putting additional constitutional referendums before voters fell short. And bills on other contentious topics didn’t get over the finish line.

“I wish we had been able to get more done. I think if we had gotten more done, we’d have a little more to talk about,” Senate leader Phil Berger told reporters after his chamber passed an adjournment resolution. But, Berger added, “there was a lot of productive activity that took place.”

The two chambers disagreed over how much more to spend for the fiscal year that began July 1. That included whether state employees and teachers should get raises that are higher than what were already planned in the second year of the already enacted two-year state budget.

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And while the House and Senate managed to approve $67.5 million to help for six months child care centers at risk of closing after federal grants expire, they couldn’t agree on setting aside close to $500 million for scholarships and other funds for K-12 students to attend private schools or receive services. GOP leaders in the two chambers identified the funding as a leading priority to address a spike in applications — and children on waiting lists — this year after the General Assembly removed income limits to receive Opportunity Scholarships.

The Senate initially sent the House a standalone spending measure for those private-school programs, but House members wanted the private-school money accompanied by public school spending increases within a budget bill, House Speaker Tim Moore said. Now it looks like tens of thousands of families will miss out, at least in the short term.

“It would be a real shame and a missed opportunity if we don’t get those Opportunity Scholarship dollars out,” Moore told reporters earlier Thursday. “At the same time, we need to make sure we’re doing all that we can for our public schools.”

Moore said later Thursday he was hopeful that the money could still be approved in time for the school year.

Lawmakers will still get another crack at these and other matters. The General Assembly formally agreed to reconvene occasional short sessions for the rest of the year, mainly to address veto overrides or emergencies. But they also could deal with larger matters.

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The Republican leadership succeeded Thursday by overriding Cooper’s three vetoes so far this year, extending a winning streak dating back to last year, when all 19 of Cooper’s vetoes were overturned. The GOP holds small veto-proof majorities in each chamber. Following votes on Wednesday in the House, the Senate completed the overrides of measures that alter the state’s face masking policy, youth prosecutions and billboard maintenance rules.

The constitutional amendment heading to the ballot seeks to change language in the state constitution to clarify that only U.S. citizens at least 18 years of age and meeting other qualifications shall be entitled to vote in elections. Voting by noncitizens is already illegal, but some supporters of the amendment say the current language in the constitution could be challenged so that other people beside citizens could vote.

Other amendment questions only passed one chamber. The House approved an amendment that attempts to repeal a literacy test for registering to vote that was used for decades to prevent Black residents from casting ballots. It became unlawful under the federal Voting Rights Act of 1965 and has been unenforceable. The Senate also approved a bill with two amendments — one to lower the cap on income tax rates from 7% to 5% and a second to make clear photo voter ID also applies to mail-in voting.

Legislators did have bipartisan successes in the final days. They sent to Cooper bills that would create new sex exploitation and extortion crimes and that would help combat human trafficking. And the two chambers backed a compromise measure that will allow the resumption of the automatic removal of criminal charges that are dismissed or that result in “not guilty” verdicts. Such removals had been suspended since August 2022 while problems carrying out the expunctions got resolved.

But negotiators failed to hammer out a final bill that would force sheriffs and jailers to comply with federal immigration requests to hold inmates believed to be in the country illegally. The House and Senate couldn’t resolve what to do about a sheriff who still failed to comply, said Sen. Danny Britt, a Robeson County Republican and negotiator.

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And an effort by the Senate to authorize the legal use of marijuana for medicinal purposes didn’t get traction among enough House Republicans, even when the Senate attached it to another measure that placed tough restrictions on federally legal hemp products.

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Associated Press writer Makiya Seminera contributed to this report.





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Apple Delays Build Of Taxpayer-Subsidized North Carolina Campus

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Apple Delays Build Of Taxpayer-Subsidized North Carolina Campus


Apple Inc. appears to be delaying its plans to build a corporate campus in Research Triangle Park, which is sited on the boundaries of Raleigh, Chapel Hill and Durham in North Carolina.

Construction was originally slated to begin in 2026, but the tech giant has reportedly told state officials of its desire to delay groundbreaking for up to four years. The delay would be a considerable setback for the area, which anticipated substantial economic growth and job creation from the project.

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The first phase of the project was expected to include six buildings across 41 acres, with a promise of a future expansion on a 281 acre site. The proposed project was intended to house roles in machine learning, artificial intelligence, and software engineering, with estimates of 3,000 jobs with salaries approaching $200,000.

As the region grapples with news of the delay, the broader implications in terms of economic development are somewhat less clear. The taxpayer-funded incentives bound up in the project may have made the development less of an unalloyed positive for North Carolinians.

Massive Taxpayer Contributions

The cost to North Carolina for securing Apple’s investment was substantial, with $845.8 million in tax breaks promised over 39 years and local incentives adding another $20 million. The all-in cost to taxpayers totaled nearly $1 billion, or roughly $333,000 per job added.

For context, this is just a few thousand dollars shy of a noted tax incentive boondoggle: the “border war” between Kansas City between Missouri and Kansas. There, some 414 jobs were created in Kansas at a cost of $340,000 per job.

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The track record of the Job Development Investment Grant Program, which would facilitate the tax breaks accruing to Apple, has been mixed at best. Notable projects that have also been pushed back by the recipients of tax incentives include an agreement with Allstate to create 2,200 jobs which was made impractical by a shift to remote work and a commitment by a Vietnamese automaker to create 7,500 jobs which has been delayed until 2025.

Apple’s decision to delay the construction of its Research Triangle Park campus brings into question the future economic impact on the Raleigh-Durham area—but it is far from clear the result will be a net negative for North Carolina taxpayers.

Tax Incentives and Job Creation

The efficacy of tax incentives in fostering job creation more broadly has been long debated. While incentives are often touted as necessary to attract large companies and thereby spur economic development, evidence has for some time suggested that they may not be as effective as advertised.

One main criticism is that the incentives often result in a relocating of existing jobs rather than the creation of new ones—put differently, there is no net addition of jobs to the economy writ large, merely a subtraction from one region or state and an addition in another. This can have beneficial local effects, but those effects may be blunted by the broader net loss inherent where an expenditure is made to maintain the same total number of jobs.

The practice of offering tax incentives leads to a zero-sum game, where cities or regions engage in a destructive bidding war, each vying to spend more taxpayer money to the benefit of no one save for the corporations being fought over.

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In fact, research suggests that the primary drivers of job growth are not older firms—but young firms. This would suggest North Carolina would be better off incentivizing the next Apple to start its business in the Research Triangle, rather than trying to attract existing behemoths. Newer firms inject competition, spur innovation, and are more likely to hire new workers.

Thus, policies that support the creation of new businesses, rather than providing tax incentives to existing ones, may be more beneficial for long-term sustainable development—but they don’t make the headlines.



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