North Carolina
How Kamala Harris Hopes to Take North Carolina Back for the Democrats
At 10 A.M. on the Tuesday after Labor Day, the traditional start of the final sprint to Election Day, ten people in the eastern North Carolina town of Wilson sat in folding chairs, typing numbers into their phones and waiting to see if anyone answered. Many didn’t, and some who did had little time for what the callers were offering. The pitch was for the campaign of Kamala Harris, who, until two months ago, was the largely undefined understudy to an unpopular President. “O.K., so you’re definitely a strong Trump supporter?” Ruth Thorne, a volunteer, said into her phone. The woman on the other end said yes. Thorne resumed her pitch, but the woman hung up. “She said we’re going to Hell,” Thorne reported, “and ‘I’m not going to listen to your bullshit.’ ” But earlier, as the negative responses had piled up, Jill Ortman-Fouse, a regional organizing director for the Harris campaign, had reassured her, saying, “Every so often, you get a win.”
It’s the occasional wins that are driving the Harris campaign to pour money into an effort to attract voters in rural areas of North Carolina, part of a national strategy to mobilize neglected pockets of Democrats and peel away Republican and independent voters in battleground states. Simply the fact that so many volunteers were willing to work the phones on a Tuesday morning, beyond the cities and the suburbs where Democrats have drawn their greatest strength in the state, inspires a quiet confidence in the Harris camp that the effort might work. Twenty minutes into the session, Thorne, who retired from a corporate-lending job in New York and moved to Wilson eighteen months ago, ended a call, smiled, and said, “She’s at work, but she’s going to vote for Kamala.”
In a race that, according to current state polls, could go either way, the potential payoff for Harris is large. Not only is the effort pushing Donald Trump to spend time and money in a state where he once felt sure of victory; there is also the fact that a Harris win there, capturing sixteen electoral votes, would make it highly probable that she would win the Presidency. As a Harris staff member put it in a training Webinar for about fifty volunteers last month, “There is really no way that Donald Trump can make it to the White House if Democrats win North Carolina.”
Barack Obama, who won North Carolina in 2008 by a scant fourteen thousand votes, is the only Democrat to win the state since Jimmy Carter did it, in 1976, and Obama failed to repeat the victory in 2012. North Carolina also happens to be the only one of the seven battleground states that Trump won in 2020. But optimists note that Democrats have held the governor’s mansion for twenty-seven of the past thirty-one years, and that this year’s G.O.P. gubernatorial candidate is Mark Robinson, who has described homosexuality as “filth,” while saying that abortion “is about killing the child because you weren’t responsible enough to keep your skirt down.” Trump endorsed Robinson this year, explaining to a crowd in Greensboro that he told him, “I think you’re better than Martin Luther King. I think you’re Martin Luther King times two.” (On Thursday, CNN reported a host of offensive and lewd comments that Robinson allegedly made some years ago on a porn site, including calling King a “huckster” and a “maggot.” Robinson denied making the remarks.)
Supporters upbeat about Harris’s chances also point out that Joe Biden lost to Trump by just seventy-four thousand votes out of more than five million cast. “If you’re talking about a half point among white non-college voters, and you pick up a third of a point with Black mobilization, and you slightly overperform with suburban voters, which is very likely, that’s winning and losing in North Carolina,” Michael Halle, a senior organizer in Obama’s campaigns in North Carolina, told me. He admires the Harris campaign’s emphasis on hiring local organizers who know their communities, and he thinks that it’s wise to avoid talking about gender, race, and polarizing cultural themes in favor of discussing values and practical issues that make voters say, “It seems like she’s talking to me about that.”
There is no clearer sign that Harris believes North Carolina is in play than her decision to hold her first post-debate rallies in Charlotte and Greensboro, Democratic strongholds where she hopes to run up the score. “It’s going to be a very tight race until the end, and we are the underdogs,” she said in Charlotte, before a crowd of about seventy-five hundred people, urging her supporters to press ahead and “fight.” A few hours later, in front of seventeen thousand supporters at the Greensboro Coliseum, she touted her proposals to give tax breaks to the parents of newborns and to people starting small businesses, while mocking Trump’s comment that, nine years after first calling for the repeal of the Affordable Care Act, he only has “concepts of a plan.”
North Carolina has the country’s second-largest rural population, behind Texas. East of Raleigh’s Democratic precincts, where the increasingly rural territory turns light blue and then red, lie Nash County and Wilson County (with a combined population of about a hundred and seventy-five thousand). Each went narrowly for Biden during the Covid-hampered election of 2020, when Democrats did little in-person campaigning until the final days. David Berrios oversaw the North Carolina Democratic Party’s ground game. One of his biggest regrets, he told me, was the failure to make a broad statewide push for rural voters who might have tipped the state to Biden.
Matt Hildreth, the Harris campaign’s new national rural-outreach director, has spent the past dozen years leading Rural Organizing, a progressive nonprofit that develops strategies for communities where Republicans have repeatedly triumphed. “Sometimes I think we have had a message that’s too narrow,” he told me, pointing out that millions of Democrats of all races and ethnicities live in rural America. “There has been a temptation to run campaigns based on stereotypes. Agriculture is a cornerstone of the economy, but most people work in education, in health care, in manufacturing.” How can Harris win people over? “First, we need to show up,” he said. He added that the messenger is almost as important as the message, which means recruiting local organizers. “People in these areas know who is gettable. They know what messages work.”
The Harris campaign now has more than two hundred and thirty paid staff members in North Carolina, including at least a hundred and seventy assigned to twenty-six field offices around the state. One person who has noticed their activities is Thom Tillis, the Republican senator, who told Semafor, “What we’re seeing in North Carolina that we haven’t seen for a time, though, is a really well organized ground game by the Democrats.” Among the rural counties where the campaign has opened offices is Nash, where the popular Democratic governor, Roy Cooper, spent summers working on his family’s tobacco farm and later raised his own family. When organizers launched an office in Wilson County, after Harris entered the race, sixty volunteers showed up.
On the day I visited, amid memorabilia from past campaigns, including an old bumper sticker reading “Gimme Jimmy. Vote Democratic,” Thorne and the other volunteers were making phone calls. They wore T-shirts in pastel colors that read “Vote.” They had been given scripts and talking points that described Harris as a loyal partner to Joe Biden who has helped produce millions of jobs and lower drug costs while investing in roads and bridges. The sheets suggested ways to reply if a voter they reached raised character, abortion, January 6th, or the economy. There was also an entire page of pointers on Project 2025, covering topics from book banning and Head Start to abortion pills. Nancy Hawley, the former president of Democratic Women of Wilson County, started a call by describing Harris as a proven leader, a “protector of our American freedoms,” and someone who worked side by side with Biden to deliver large sums for infrastructure. The verdict? “She said that she and her husband would have to talk about it. She said, ‘He may vote for one, and I may vote for another.’ And I wanted to say, ‘Yay! Halfway there!’ ”
North Carolina
2 Candidates Emerge in NC State’s Coaching Search
RALEIGH — NC State replaced Kevin Keatts with Will Wade in March 2025, introducing him 368 days ago in front of the Wolfpack community at Reynolds Coliseum. A little over a year later, Wade decided to leave his new program to return to LSU, the school that fired him for cause in 2022, beginning a long journey back to Power Four basketball.
Now, athletic director Boo Corrigan and the rest of the NC State administration must find a new leader for the men’s basketball program. To make matters more complicated, they won’t have a lot of time to do so, as the new head coach needs to be in place firmly before April 7, the day the transfer portal opens. However, early noise indicates the group in charge has eyes on two candidates.
Who are the candidates?
According to multiple reports, Corrigan and other power brokers at NC State zeroed in on Saint Louis head coach Josh Schertz and Tennessee associate head coach Justin Gainey as the primary two candidates for the opening. Both names were expected to be in the mix as soon as the Wade exit became more and more likely, although Corrigan shared no specific names during his Thursday press conference.
The NC State University Board of Trustees hosted an emergency meeting on Friday, with the primary subject being Wade’s buyout negotiation. Of course, speculation began quickly that there were discussions about the next coach of the Wolfpack, but that’s been confirmed not to be the case in the behind-closed-doors meeting for the board.
NC State Board of Trustees emergency meeting related to change in term of Will Wade’s buyout (from $5M to $4M, as AD Boo Corrigan said yesterday) not a new coach hire. Quickly went into closed session. No public business.
— Brian Murphy (@murphsturph) March 27, 2026
Even so, it seems as though NC State plans on making a strong push for Schertz first, despite his status as head coach at Saint Louis still and his recent agreement to a contract extension. That certainly makes things more complicated, but hiring Schertz would allow NC State to maintain any sort of positive momentum established by Wade and his regime in Raleigh. Still, Corrigan isn’t totally committed to a sitting head coach.
“I don’t think it has to be a sitting head coach at this point,” Corrigan said. “I think we want to find someone that knows how to coach and is a great coach, and has the ability to connect with people, both internal and external, with the players, be able to recruit. You have to be a good recruiter in this day and age.”
NC State will move as quickly as it possibly can, with Gainey and Schertz atop the list. That doesn’t rule out other options entirely, but all signs point to one of them being the most likely to be the next coach of the Wolfpack, ending the Will Wade era as quickly as it started.
North Carolina
NC offshore wind project canceled as $1B deal shifts investment to fossil fuels
A planned offshore wind project off North Carolina’s coast that could have powered roughly 300,000 homes has been scrapped after the federal government agreed to spend nearly $1 billion to halt its development, a decision that is drawing sharp reactions and raising questions about future energy costs in the state.
Under the agreement, the French energy company TotalEnergies will be reimbursed for leases it purchased in federal waters near Bald Head Island. In exchange, the company will redirect that investment into oil and natural gas projects, including liquefied natural gas (LNG) production.
The move comes as electricity demand in North Carolina and across the Southeast is rising, driven by population growth and the rapid expansion of energy-intensive data centers.
Energy analysts say removing a major potential source of power from the pipeline could have lasting implications.
“I think folks are trying to figure out how to reconcile this with the fact that we do need more electrons on the grid,” said Katharine Kollins, president of the Southeastern Wind Coalition. “Every state right now is looking at how we can develop more energy, not how we should be taking options off the table.”
The canceled project, known as Carolina Long Bay, was one of two offshore wind developments TotalEnergies had planned along the East Coast. The North Carolina portion alone would have generated about 1,300 megawatts of electricity and brought significant economic development to the region.
State leaders were quick to criticize the decision. In a post on X, Gov. Josh Stein said the Trump administration is “spending nearly $1 billion in taxpayer money to pay off a company to stop investments in the clean energy we need,” calling it “a terrible deal for the people of North Carolina and our country.”
The Interior Department, which negotiated the agreement, defended the move, saying offshore wind projects are too costly and unreliable to meet the nation’s energy needs. In a statement, officials said redirecting investment toward natural gas would provide “affordable, reliable and secure energy” while strengthening grid stability.
The debate reflects a broader divide over how to meet growing electricity demand while keeping costs down.
Offshore wind projects typically require high upfront investment but have no fuel costs once operational. Fossil fuel plants rely on fuel that can fluctuate in price.
“Using a billion dollars of taxpayer money to remove an option for North Carolina and then require that company to invest in LNG just doesn’t feel right,” Kollins said.
She and other advocates argue that offshore wind could help stabilize energy prices over time by diversifying the state’s power mix, particularly during periods of high demand or fuel volatility.
The federal government and industry leaders backing the deal say natural gas offers a more dependable source of power, especially as the grid faces increasing strain.
Part of that shift now points to LNG, which is traded on a global market. That means prices can rise or fall based on international demand, geopolitical tensions and export levels — dynamics that do not affect wind energy.
The cancellation also highlights uncertainty around offshore wind development in North Carolina. Duke Energy, the state’s largest utility, holds a neighboring lease in the same area but paused development last year as it reevaluated costs and policy conditions.
As state regulators and utilities map out how to meet future demand, the loss of Carolina Long Bay narrows the range of options.
For residents, the stakes may ultimately show up in monthly bills.
“When we limit our choices,” Kollins said, “we limit our ability to control costs.”
North Carolina
What North Carolina Wants to See Happen in the Sweet 16
The North Carolina Tar Heels were a first-round exit in this year’s NCAA Tournament, but that does not mean that what transpires the rest of the way does not matter for the program.
It has been less than a week since the Tar Heels blew a 19-point lead in the second half against the VCU Rams, en route to an 82-78 loss in overtime. The result has raised doubts about Hubert Davis’ future as North Carolina’s head coach.
With all of that being said, here are a couple of things the Tar Heels should be wishing to happen later this week in the Sweet 16.
Duke Falls Short
The North Carolina-Duke rivalry is arguably the best one in all of sports. It was a tantalizing matchup the first time these two squared off this year, with Caleb Wilson and Cameron Boozer going head-to-head, as both players are expected to be selected in the top five of the 2026 NBA Draft.
However, the discrepancy between the two teams was apparent, even though the Tar Heels split the season series. The Blue Devils entered the NCAA Tournameent as the No. 1-overall seed in the entire field, while the Tar Heels limped into the field as a six-seed.
While North Carolina would obviously prefer playing in the upcoming round, which starts on Thursday night, nothing would make Tar Heels fans happier than to see Duke fall to St. John’s in the Sweet 16.
The Blue Devils have been playing with fire in the first two rounds, at various points, but they ultimately advanced to the second weekend of the tournament. St. John’s is a formidable opponent that could legitimately take down Duke.
One of the Teams With a Legitimate Head Coaching Option To Lose
It has been well-documented that North Carolina is likely to be in the coaching market, as Davis appears to be on his way out in Chapel Hill. If this occurs, the Tar Heels need to make a substantial hire that will elevate the program back to competing for national championships.
There will be a slew of options for North Carolina to consider, but two names to keep an eye on are Iowa State’s T.J. Otzelberger and Alabama’s Nate Oats. You may be asking yourself, ‘Why should North Carolina be rooting for potential head coach candidates to lose?’
Here’s why: the transfer portal opens on April 7, and ideally, North Carolina would want its presumed new head coach in place well before then. Those coaches will not be the only two to watch for, but they are arguably the most ideal.
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