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Gerrymandered off the Hill, Kathy Manning eyes what’s next – Roll Call

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Gerrymandered off the Hill, Kathy Manning eyes what’s next – Roll Call


Rep. Kathy Manning has no interest in retiring, which is precisely what she’s doing at the end of this term.

“I have no idea what I’m going to do when this job is over,” the North Carolina Democrat told Roll Call during a sit-down interview a few weeks ago.

Manning, of course, isn’t really choosing to leave Congress so much as being forced out. Following state judicial elections in 2022, the new GOP majority on the North Carolina Supreme Court reversed a recent decision that barred partisan gerrymandering, paving the way for Republicans in the state legislature to draw up new congressional maps that heavily disfavor Manning and her fellow Democrats. 

Under court-drawn maps used in 2022, the swing state elected an even set of seven Democrats and seven Republicans to the House; in 2024, Republicans can safely expect to capture 10 or 11 seats. 

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While some of her colleagues quickly pivoted to pursue other offices, Manning took a wait-and-see approach, hoping to remain in the House before eventually accepting the reality that no Democrat has much of a shot in the newly formed district. Manning may be done with running for office for now, but “I’m not ready to give up trying to help my community,” she said. 

This interview has been edited and condensed.

Q: You came to Congress in 2021. Are you going to miss it?

A: I started in the middle of COVID, and I was caught in the House gallery during the insurrection. That was my third day in Congress, so that’s a pretty tough way to start a new job. 

We didn’t have our committee meetings in person [during the pandemic]. Literally everything was done by Zoom. The only advantage was I got to learn a lot of names because I could look at all the different boxes on the screens and figure out who was who. 

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Like any new job, it takes a while to figure out who I could work with and how to work best, but I absolutely will miss it. It’s a privilege to get to represent your community.

Q: You’re leaving because of gerrymandering in North Carolina. The state legislature drew a pretty partisan new map.

A: Let’s be clear. They passed the most egregiously partisan map they could possibly pass to get rid of as many Democrats as they could in Congress.

In the past when there used to be gerrymandering, it used to be a best guess. Today, they can gerrymander with surgical precision because of computer programs. So this is a different kind.

The district I represented the first time is a Triad district, and if you know anything about North Carolina, [you know] Greensboro, High Point and Winston-Salem are in the Triad. It is the absolute definition of a community of interest. And now I represent all of Guilford County, which is Greensboro, High Point, Kernersville and a little bit of Winston, but still communities of interest. And I also represent Rockingham County and Caswell County, two more rural areas.

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What makes me the most angry is that the communities I love are not going to have a representative who represents their interests and their values.

Q: That answer makes me think you’re not ready to give up being a politician. What’s next for you?

A: I’m not ready to give up trying to help my community. But I have no idea what I’m going to do when this job is over. I spent much of last year hoping that the Republican-led legislature would do the right thing in redrawing the maps, which obviously they didn’t. 

And then I spent a couple months really examining the maps to see if I ran on my record in any of the three pieces that the district had been divided into, and if I really worked hard to get out and talk to people, was there any way to win? And, you know, there’s not. You can’t win in a map where your opponent, whoever he or she might be, has a 16-point advantage. 

Q: What about other elected offices? Jeff Jackson was in a similar boat with redistricting, and he decided to run for state attorney general.

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A: Honestly, I really haven’t thought about it. I was trying to figure out if there was any way to stay in this job. It was a tough decision, but it was the right decision. And now I’m focused on figuring out what I can get done in the time I have left.

Q: What can you get done?

A: We’ve worked on health care issues, bringing down the cost of health care. And I have another round of community project grants that I get to submit. We’ve been very successful in bringing money back to the district: for child care, for food banks, for innovation districts to help renovate some rundown areas, for a homeless shelter. 

We’ve got one more chance to get federal dollars. I know that whoever takes over any of the three pieces of my district probably won’t submit for community funding because a lot of the Republicans don’t believe in bringing our own tax dollars back to help us. 

Q: What has surprised you about working in Congress?

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A: I think it’s amazing that anything gets done.

Q: Why?

A: Because the partisan divide is so disruptive. Last Congress, thanks to really extraordinary leadership on our side of the aisle, we were able to get more significant legislation passed than probably any administration in 50 years, like the infrastructure law and the Inflation Reduction Act. 

But now that I see us operating with a divided Congress, I see how challenging it is. I have good friends on the other side of the aisle — people I have traveled with, people I’ve been on committees with — and they’re well-meaning people, but a lot of them are just afraid to step out of line from what Donald Trump wants. 

Q: What do you think needs to happen to reduce the partisan divide?

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A: Well, I think partisan gerrymandering is a real problem. Some members who are in gerrymandered districts have to get through the primary but never have to worry about the general. They don’t have to focus on what people with different political leanings want and how you move forward. 

I’ll be honest, another thing that’s a problem is running every two years, because once you’re into the second year and people are looking at running again, it’s really hard to get things done. 

Q: What are you most proud of from your time here?

A: Number one, how much I’ve been out listening to my community and bringing back funding.

And I have to say, one of my proudest moments was in my first term, when I was able to pass my Right to Contraception Act in the House. That was a bill we thought of when the Roe decision was leaked, and we realized they weren’t going to stop at the stripping away of abortion rights. We got support from all the relevant outside groups and got it on the House floor within two weeks. This term, I’ve been trying to get a Republican co-lead, but we haven’t been successful. Even though they know contraception is an issue, they’re afraid to do anything that might give a benefit to Democrats.

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I’m very proud of the work I’ve done in leading the Bipartisan Task Force for Combating Antisemitism. We’ve had an explosion of antisemitism in this country, and not just since Oct. 7 — it predates that. We pushed the Biden administration to put together an interagency task force, which they did, and they introduced the first-ever U.S. national strategy to counter antisemitism.

Q: What about your biggest regret?

A: That I have to leave.

Quick hits

What are you reading? “The Two-Parent Privilege,” which talks about the advantage kids have when they’re lucky enough to grow up in a two-parent household. 

In politics, can the ends justify the means? It depends on the ends. If the desired end is to be a dictator, and you do it by disrupting the peaceful transfer of power, then no.

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Your least popular opinion? Apparently my least popular opinion is that gerrymandering should be outlawed by the Supreme Court.

One thing you’ll miss about Congress? I will miss working with my staff. I have this great team both in D.C. and in my district.

One thing you won’t miss? I won’t miss having to leave my husband home by himself all the time. Being a member of Congress is really hard on your spouse.



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North Carolina

Statewide tornado drill has NC schools and workplaces practicing safety

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Statewide tornado drill has NC schools and workplaces practicing safety


Wednesday, March 4, 2026 6:41PM

NC schools and businesses encouraged to practice tornado safety

RALEIGH, N.C. (WTVD) — North Carolina schools and businesses took part in a statewide tornado drill Wednesday morning as part of Severe Weather Awareness Week.

The National Weather Service led the drill at 9:30 a.m., broadcasting it on NOAA Weather Radio and the Emergency Alert System. Schools, workplaces and households across the state were encouraged to join in.

The National Weather Service didn’t issue a follow up alert to mark the end of the drill. Instead, each school or business wrapped up once they felt they had practiced the procedures thoroughly.

Wednesday’s drill also replaced the regular weekly NOAA Weather Radio test.

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SEE | New warning for parents amid new ‘fire-breathing’ social media trend

Make sure to download the ABC 11 Mobile App ABC11 North Carolina Apps for Connected TV, Mobile News, Echo

Copyright © 2026 WTVD-TV. All Rights Reserved.



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North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam

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North Carolina Rep. Valerie Foushee holds narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam


Nida Allam in 2022; Rep. Valerie Foushee (D-NC) in 2025.

Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images


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Jonathan Drake/Reuters; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

Incumbent Rep. Valerie Foushee holds a narrow lead over challenger Nida Allam in the Democratic primary for North Carolina’s 4th Congressional district as ballots continue to be counted.

In a race seen as an early test of whether Democratic voters desire generational change within the party, Foushee holds a lead of just over 1,000 votes with 99% of results in so far, according to the Associated Press.

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Under state law, provisional votes will be counted in the coming days in a district that includes Durham and Chapel Hill. If the election results end up within a 1% margin, Allam could request a recount.

Successfully ousting an incumbent lawmaker is often extremely difficult and rare. However, there have been recent upsets in races as some voters are calling for new leaders and several sitting members of Congress face primary challengers this cycle.

Allam, a 32-year-old Durham County Commissioner, is running to the left of Foushee, 69, framing her candidacy as part of a broader rejection of longtime Democratic norms.

On the campaign trail, Allam ran on an anti-establishment message, pledging to be a stronger fighter than Foushee in Congress, both in standing up against President Trump’s agenda and when pushing for more ambitious policy.

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“North Carolina is a purple state that often gets labeled red, but we’re not a red state,” she told NPR in an interview last month, emphasizing the need to address affordability concerns. “We are a state of working-class folks who just want their elected officials to champion the issues that are impacting them.”

She drew a contrast with the congresswoman on immigration, voicing support for abolishing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Foushee has declined to go that far, advocating instead for ICE to be defunded and for broader reforms to the federal immigration system.

Allam also clashed with Foushee over U.S. policy towards Israel. As a vocal opponent of Israel’s war in Gaza, Allam swore off campaign donations from pro-Israel lobbying groups, such as AIPAC, and repeatedly criticized Foushee for previously accepting such funds.

Though Foushee announced last year that she would not accept AIPAC donations this cycle, she and Allam continued to spar over the broader role of outside spending in the race.

Their matchup comes four years after the candidates first squared off in 2022, when Allam lost to Foushee in what became the most expensive primary in the state’s history, with outside groups spending more than $3.8 million.

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However, this year is poised to break that record. Outside groups have reported spending more than $4.4 million on the primary matchup, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

WUNC’s Colin Campbell contributed to this report.



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Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy

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Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy


North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.

State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.

“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.

For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.

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Beyond outdated flood lines

Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.

“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.

Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.

“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”

Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.

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“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”

Thousands of projects, limited dollars

Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.

“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”

That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.

The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.

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For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.

Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.

“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.

The policy gap

Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.

“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.

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A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.

Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.

“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.

North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.

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