Louisiana
Fewer fish spills reported after Louisiana pushes pogy boats from coast • Louisiana Illuminator
In 2022, a menhaden fishing ship and its net boats spilled about a million fish off the Louisiana coast, leaving the floating mass to rot in the summer sun. A few months later, another spill blanketed Louisiana beaches with an estimated 850,000 dead fish.
The two incidents pushed the state’s leaders to enact the first significant restrictions on the Gulf of Mexico’s largest but least-regulated fishery. Starting this year, catchers of menhaden, a foot-long fish with a host of industrial uses, must stay a half mile from much of the Louisiana coast and a mile from three ecologically sensitive areas.
The aim is to reduce the number of net tears in shallow water and ease tensions with recreational fishing and conservation groups who say the menhaden industry is damaging habitat, wasting fish that other species depend on for food and killing threatened fish that are often snagged in nets as bycatch.
As the first season with the half-mile buffer zone winds down this week, backers of the new rules are celebrating a dramatic reduction in fish spills. Just over 350,000 fish have been lost this year, a significant drop from the 1.3 million fish the industry has averaged each year over the past decade, according to an analysis by the Theodore Roosevelt Conservation Partnership, a group that has lobbied for tougher menhaden fishing rules.
“This data indicates that the efforts to move the industrial (menhaden) boats into deeper waters to protect nearshore, shallow habitat is paying off,” said Chris Macaluso, the partnership’s marine fisheries director.
But the menhaden industry says better nets rather than bigger buffers have played a far bigger role in reducing spills. The two foreign-owned companies that dominate the U.S. commercial menhaden fishery have replaced most of their rip-prone nylon nets with ones made of stronger materials, said Francois Kuttel, president of Westbank, the fishing arm of Daybrook Fisheries.
“It’s ten times stronger than steel and very light, but also very expensive,” he said, estimating it cost his company about $500,000 for 12 new nets. “Having fewer spills has nothing to do with buffer zones. It has everything to do with the investments we’ve made.”
Ocean Harvesters, the company that fishes for Omega Protein, also credited new nets for fewer spills.
“The combination of these new nets, and a renewed commitment from captains to be more mindful of net tears at sea, has been the primary factor behind the decrease in incidents, with only two occurring in 2024,” said Ben Landry, a spokesman for Ocean Harvesters and Omega Protein.
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Also called pogy and fatback, menhaden form a foundational part of the Gulf’s food web, providing calorie-rich food for dolphins, sharks, pelicans and dozens of other marine animals.
Between 600 million and 900 million menhaden are caught in the Gulf each year, making it by far the region’s largest fishery. Louisiana’s better-known catches — shrimp, crab, crawfish and oysters — don’t amount to a third of the menhaden caught in state waters.
Much of the menhaden catch is ground up at large processing plants and then mixed into fertilizers, pig feed, cat food, fish oil pills and other uses. Bony and loaded with oil, menhaden are rarely eaten by people.
The menhaden industry opposed Louisiana’s new buffers, warning that having to fish farther from the coast would make catching menhaden harder and more costly. So far, the industry says the predictions have come true.
“This is having a significant financial impact,” Kuttel said. “The company will lose money this year.”
He declined to cite specific numbers but said some fishing captains who work on commission have had their earnings reduced by as much as 30%.
Menhaden fishing operations involve spotter airplanes that locate the fish, which form large schools within a mile or two from the shore. “Motherships” with 1 million fish-capacities deploy smaller boats that encircle the schools in long nets called purse seines.
At least 44 large-scale spills have happened in Louisiana waters between 2020 and 2023, with the tally rising from two in 2020 to 18 last year, according to Louisiana Department of Wildlife and Fisheries records.
Net tears caused about half the spills over the four years. Mechanical failures and overloaded nets were also listed as common causes in LDWF incident reports.
The industry has blamed the incidents on sharks biting through nets to eat menhaden and crews miscalculating the weight and volume of some net loads.

While the Gulf’s menhaden population appears relatively stable, conservation and recreational fishing groups are concerned that the industry is taking food from predator species like dolphins, speckled trout, and redfish, which have suffered population declines in recent years. The groups also worry that nets and fishing vessels are raking across sensitive seafloor habitats.
All other Gulf states either prohibit menhaden fishing or have such strict rules that the industry now focuses entirely on the Louisiana coast, which sets no catch limits and has only recently begun limiting near-shore fishing, first with a quarter-mile buffer and then this year’s half-mile buffer. Virginia is the only other state where large-scale menhaden fishing is still active.
Almost all commercially caught menhaden are processed by two companies — Daybrook, which is owned by Oceana Group of South Africa, and Omega Protein, a subsidiary of Cooke Inc. of Canada. The parent companies have ownership links, staffing overlaps and exclusive purchase agreements with the companies that handle the fishing operations.
The Gulf menhaden industry supports 2,000 jobs and generates about $25 million in state and local tax revenue each year, according to a Westbank spokesperson.
Recreational fishing has even more of an economic impact, say the buffer’s proponents. Anglers who fish the state’s coastal waters support three times as many jobs and produce double the annual tax revenue, according to data from LDWF.
Fishing groups say anglers have noticed an uptick in menhaden, mullet and other forage fish in the buffer zone this year. That, they hope, will lead to better fishing for sought-after catches like trout and redfish.
“Louisianans are fed up with our resources being wasted and shorelines being fouled” from menhaden spills, said David Cresson, CEO of the Coastal Conservation Association of Louisiana. “It’s refreshing to see this progress.”
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This article first appeared on Verite News and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.
Louisiana
As Seas Rise, Louisiana Faces a Choice: Plan for Movement or Let Crisis Decide – Inside Climate News
The shoreline of Louisiana has never been still or fixed, though recent generations have treated it as such.
Since the last ice age roughly 20,000 years ago, around when people arrived in what is now the United States, sea levels have repeatedly reshaped aspects of the Gulf Coast. But today, human-caused warming is accelerating that ancient process, pushing Louisiana’s dynamic shoreline into conflict with cities, roads, ports and levees built to contain and stabilize nature.
A new study in Nature Sustainability argues that this history is a guide to what comes next. Coastal Louisiana, the authors write, is ground zero for coastal climate adaptation: a place where rising seas and sinking land are already reshaping where people live, and where planning for movement could offer more agency than crisis-driven displacement.
“We have got to remember that when people first came to North America 20,000 years ago, there had already been a lot of climate change,” said Jesse Keenan, a co-author of the paper and professor of sustainable real estate and urban planning at Tulane University. “There’s been a lot of sea level rise in the region, and Indigenous populations have always moved with that shoreline.”
In geologic time, he added, “New Orleans has been there for just a blip. We’ve got to get it out of our heads that this is terra firma.”
The physical stakes are still stark. Southern Louisiana is facing a convergence of rising seas, wetland erosion, stronger storms and land subsidence, much of it worsened by decades of oil and gas canals cut through the coast. The state contains what theIPCC has identified as the world’s most exposed coastal zone, where the shoreline is projected to move more than 30 miles inland of New Orleans.
By comparing today’s warming trajectory with the last interglacial period roughly 125,000 years ago, when global temperatures were similar and seas were much higher, the new study estimates that the region could eventually face three to seven meters of sea-level rise and lose as much as three-quarters of its remaining coastal wetlands.
Keenan emphasizes that the point is not to forecast a sudden disappearance, but to widen the planning lens: if the coast is already moving, Louisiana has a chance to decide how people, infrastructure and economies move with it.
The danger is assuming everyone has the same ability to act on that choice. Social mobility, he said, depends on financial mobility— which means adaptation cannot simply tell people to move to safer ground. It has to move opportunity, too: jobs, industries, schools and affordable housing beyond the form of voluntary buyouts, a common managed-retreat tool in which governments purchase flood-prone homes and return the land to open space.
“Outmigration is often framed as tragedy or failure, but in some cases it signals agency,” said Brianna Castro, a co-author of the paper, who highlights that this is a chance to plan around choices people are already making.
Nearly all of Louisiana’s coastal zone has lost residents since 2000, and since Hurricane Katrina in 2005, about a quarter of Orleans Parish’s population has left the area, while more than half of rural Cameron Parish has relocated.
“If you build jobs and you build homes, specifically affordable homes, [on] safer ground, people will come,” said Castro, who is a professor of urban sustainability at Yale University’s School of the Environment.
The opportunity, she argues, is to make those moves possible before crisis forces them on harsher terms—with schools, housing and work in places where communities can carry culture forward rather than be scattered by disaster. New Orleans at its core, she said, is not confined to its current footprint.
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“We’re not going to ‘lose’ New Orleans,” she said. “New Orleans has an incredibly rich local culture, and that will carry across the lake.” What must change, she argued, is the assumption that a moving coast can be met with immovable systems.
That idea resonates beyond Louisiana. Vivek Shandas, a professor of earth, environment and society at Portland State University who was not involved in the study, said the paper widens the frame from emergency response to long-term adaptation.
“We’ve been resettling for hundreds of thousands of years as a species,” Shandas said. “I think we’ve gotten really complacent with thinking that once we’ve set up a place and invested in it that it has to be like that forever. But the Earth is a very dynamic and incredibly fluid system.”
For that reason, he said, Louisiana is a “bellwether” for the rest of the country—a place where planners, policymakers and communities can study what adaptation strategies work before the same pressures intensify elsewhere.
“It’s super important for people to recognize that what we’re ultimately calling for in this paper is a public, private, and civic engagement with adaptation policy, planning and practice,” said Keenan.
The study points to immediate action projects, including reviving the canceled Mid-Barataria Sediment Diversion—a $3-billion coastal restoration project designed to reconnect the Mississippi River with the Barataria Basin, the rapidly disappearing wetland area on the west bank of the river south of New Orleans—and advancing the Breton diversion on the other side of the Mississippi River.
Unlike dredging, which moves sediment once and deposits it in place, river diversions are designed to restore a more continuous flow of sediment into wetlands, mimicking the processes that built the delta over thousands of years. Dredged material can create land, Keenan said, but it does not sustain the same root systems and ecological processes as a living riverine system.
“We’ve got a big challenge here, but this isn’t about the challenge. This is about the opportunity,” he said. “You catch more flies with honey than vinegar. There is so much economic opportunity to engage with people and to build things. Data centers won’t give people more jobs, but adapting to climate change just might.”
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Louisiana
How is U.S. immigration policy hurting a key Louisiana industry? : Consider This from NPR
Crawfish sit in a water bucket to get clean before they are boiled in New Orleans, Louisiana on Saturday, April 11, 2020.
Claire BANGSER/AFP via Getty Images
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Claire BANGSER/AFP via Getty Images
Louisiana leads the country in crawfish production, bringing more than $300 million to the state each year. What happens when there aren’t enough employees to get them to buyers?
Farmers, landscapers and the hospitality industry have long argued that the U.S. government doesn’t issue enough temporary visas to meet seasonal labor needs.
Current limits under Trump’s second term have worsened that problem.
And farmers in rural Louisiana are feeling that pinch.
NPR’s Debbie Elliott went to Louisiana to find out how.
For sponsor-free episodes of Consider This, sign up for Consider This+ via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org. Email us at considerthis@npr.org.
This episode was produced by Christine Arrasmith and Alejandra Marquez Janse, with audio engineering by Tiffany Vera Castro.
It was edited by Russell Lewis and Courtney Dorning.
Our executive producer is Sami Yenigun.
Louisiana
Louisiana Governor Signs Bill That Will Send People To Jail For Smoking Marijuana Near College Campuses – Marijuana Moment
Louisiana’s governor has signed a bill that threatens to send people to jail for up to one year if they smoke marijuana within 2,000 feet of a school property—including a college campus.
The legislation from Rep. Gabe Firment (R) was passed by the Senate in a 23-10 vote earlier this month after having cleared the House of Representatives in a 59-34 vote last month.
Gov. Jeff Landry (R), whose staff previously testified in favor of the measure at a committee hearing, quietly signed it into law last week.
The new policy applies to people who violate drug laws “while smoking, vaping, or otherwise abusing such controlled dangerous substance while on any property used for school purposes by any school, within two thousand feet of any such property, or while on a school bus.”
Firment previously told senators at a House committee hearing that his bill “strengthens enforcement of Louisiana drug-free school zone laws by creating a clear behavior-based offense, so that when someone is openly smoking or vaping illegal drug in the school zone, law enforcement can act and prosecutors can prove the case.”
“For marijuana, the bill establishes a clear and consistent penalty—up to a year in jail and $1,000 fine, ensuring that violations in school zones result in real, enforceable consequences,” he said.
Sen. Rick Edmonds (R) argued on the Senate floor ahead of this month’s final vote that the bill, HB 568, “strengthens enforcement of Louisiana drug school zone law by adding a behavior-based trigger for violations and clarifying the penalty structure.”
“The bill does not change what’s legal. It gives law enforcement a practical tool [and] ensures consistent consequences in school zones,” he said.
Kevin Caldwell, Southeast legislative manager for the pro-legalization Marijuana Policy Project (MPP), said the group is “disappointed to see this deeply flawed legislation become law with the signature of Gov. Jeff Landry.”
“His personal lobbying efforts forced many legislators to vote for a bill they know will have profound negative life altering consequences for potentially thousands of Louisianans,” Caldwell told Marijuana Moment. “His solution to every perceived problem has been a return to incarceration. These failed policies of the past should remain in the past.”
“No child in Louisiana will be any safer after this legislation goes into effect,” he said. “But historical data clearly shows who will bear the brunt of this policy. The governor and legislature are seriously out of touch with the people of Louisiana.”
In 2021, then-Gov. John Bel Edwards (D) signed a bill decriminalizing marijuana by removing the threat of jail time for possessing up to 14 grams.
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Meanwhile, a Louisiana Senate bill to let patients with terminal and irreversible conditions use medical marijuana in hospitals is also on Landry’s desk for final action.
Separate legislation to create a psychedelic-assisted therapy pilot program, using opioid settlement dollars to fund clinical trials aimed at developing alternative treatments such as psilocybin, ibogaine and MDMA is also being considered this session.
A lawmaker recently filed a proposal that would create a new state task force to “study and develop findings and recommendations regarding the potential legalization of recreational marijuana.”
Another lawmaker also introduced a bill to create an adult-use marijuana legalization pilot program in the state to determine whether the reform should eventually be expanded and permanently codified.
Rep. Candace Newell (D)—who has long championed legislation to end cannabis criminalization and filed a similar legal marijuana pilot program measure last session—is sponsoring what’s titled the “Adult-Use Cannabis Pilot Program Regulation and Enforcement Act.”
Getting the bill across the finish line could prove complicated in the conservative legislature, however. Newell’s earlier version of the pilot program legislation didn’t advance to enactment last year, and lawmakers that session also rejected other marijuana reform proposals such as one that would have established a tax system to prepare the eventual legalization of adult-use cannabis.
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