Georgia
Why the “Russian law” is so dangerous for Georgia
There is an apparent attempt to distance Georgia from the geopolitical area which is supported by the vast majority of Georgians and put this Eastern European country in isolation under the claws of Russia. The stakes could not be higher.
May 5, 2024 –
Grigol Julukhidze
Mariam Gubievi
–
Hot Topics
Georgian women protest on Rustaveli Avenue in Tbilisi
Photo: k_samurkas/Shutterstock
The ongoing protests of Georgian society under the slogan “Yes, to Europe, no to Russian law” have become massive and large-scale. Opposition to the draft bill introduced by the ruling Georgian Dream party was first voiced in March 2023. As a result of last year’s huge demonstrations and public unrest, the ruling party withdrew the so-called foreign agent law. The issue was assumed to be closed. Yet, on April 3rd 2024, the executive secretary of the ruling party, Mamuka Mdinaradze, stated that the draft law would be reintroduced and explained last year’s failure as “poor communication” with the Georgian society – the name of the bill was changed to the “transparency of foreign influence” law.
The reaction of Georgia’s strategic partners – the United States, the United Kingdom and the European Union – was immediate. The general context was as follows: if Tbilisi adopts this law, it will damage Georgia’s European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations and cause devastating consequences for its freedom and democracy. As a result, sanctions could even be applied to billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, Georgian Dream MPs, and members of the government.
What the law is about?
Many people are still asking why this draft law is dangerous for Georgia. We will try to explain briefly and simply.
Article 1: Purpose and Scope of the Law
The purpose of the law is the transparency of financing, which is a banal manipulation. There is already legislation in Georgia which regulates the manner of disposal of grants, the transparency of spending and finances: the law “On Grants” and the law “On Lobbying Activities”. If the real goal of the Georgian Dream was transparency, it would have introduced minor changes to the above-mentioned laws.
Article 2: Agent of Foreign Influence
An “organization carrying out the interests of a foreign power” is defined as any media outlet or non-entrepreneurial legal entity that receives more than 20 per cent of its annual income from abroad. This does not matter what you do or where your funding comes from. (Of course, Russian “black money” reaches Georgia not through bank transfers but through cash exchanges, which make them untraceable). It is also manipulative to compare the Georgian bill with the American Foreign Agents Registration Act, or FARA. For example, the Russian propaganda television (RT) has an obligation to register in the US federal register because Russia is a hostile state for America, and the British one (BBC) does not as the UK is not hostile. There is no similar red line in Georgia. For example, a non-governmental organization which helps persons affected by blindness in Akhaltsikhe City and receives funding from Belgium is obliged to register as a “carrier of influence of a foreign country”.
Article 4: Registration of the Entity as an Agent of Foreign Influence
No self-respecting person wants to wear this dreaded label (“agent of foreign influence”). In cases of voluntary registration refusal, the draft law requires compulsory registration. This means that such non-governmental organizations must either cease to operate or continue to work under the label of “foreign agent”.
Article 8: Monitoring
A letter (even anonymous) submitted by a citizen to the ministry of Justice which contains a proper reference (denunciation) to a specific organization that might be carrying out the interests of a foreign power can lead to the definition of this entity as a foreign agent. The law gives the Ministry of Justice the authority, without any warrant or evidence, based on the “denunciation” of any person, “to obtain the necessary information, including personal data”.
As Ted Jonas analyzes in his article titled “US FARA vs. Georgian Foreign Agents Law: Three Major Differences”, the US FARA exempts from the definition of foreign agent all the following persons and organizations:
- Humanitarian aid organizations;
- Persons and organizations engaged in the following activities: Religious, Scholastic, Academic, Scientific, Fine Arts;
- Media organizations with foreign ownership whose policies are not directed by a foreign power;
- Allies of the United States
- Lawyers representing clients in legal proceedings.
The Georgian law does not exempt any of these persons or activities. Accordingly, under the Georgian law, unlike in the United States, the following are considered “foreign agents”:
- Georgian organizations which receive funding from allies of Georgia, like the US, the EU, Japan, and many other friendly countries;
- Humanitarian aid organizations who provide help to the 650,000 Georgians who live below the country’s poverty line;
- Georgian scientific, academic and artistic organizations which receive foreign funding;
- Georgian religious organizations which receive foreign funding;
- Media organizations that receive foreign funding, even if their policies are not directed by a foreign power;
- Non-profit entities with foreign funding representing clients in Georgian court and administrative proceedings.
Current situation
Following the first passage of the contentious “foreign influence” bill by parliament, which Brussels and Washington have warned will undermine Tbilisi’s long-standing European aspirations, tens of thousands of Georgians staged a protest. By a vote of 83 to 23, the measure passed its second reading in parliament on May 1st. The day before, police had forcibly dispersed a protest against it, assaulting and arresting numerous people while using tear gas, water cannons and rubber bullets. Ursula von der Leyen denounced the violence and urged Georgia to continue its path towards Europe.
Von der Leyen posted on X, saying, “I am following the situation in Georgia with great concern and condemn the violence on the streets of Tbilisi.”
I am following the situation in Georgia with great concern and condemn the violence on the streets of Tbilisi.
The Georgian people want a European future for their country.
Georgia is at a crossroads. It should stay the course on the road to Europe.
— Ursula von der Leyen (@vonderleyen) May 1, 2024
Later in the evening, hundreds of protestors attempted to block the side entrance to the legislature, and police responded by using water cannons, pepper spray and tear gas from inside the parliament building’s courtyard. In a statement, the parliament stated that the attack on the facility had “activated the red level of security due to the parliament building, which poses a threat to the lives and health” of people within. According to the interior ministry, police employed “special means provided by the law – pepper spray and water cannons – in order to restore law and order”.
According to Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, western politicians and diplomats have been “slandering” the measure, which aims to “boost transparency of NGO’s foreign funding in accordance with European values”. He charged Georgian civic organizations with attempting to utilize western funds “at least twice in the last three years” to launch revolutions.
What’s at stake?
At a sizable pro-government gathering in Tbilisi on April 30th, billionaire founder of the ruling Georgian Dream party, Bidzina Ivanishvili, delivered a conspiracy theory-laden speech. In front of tens of thousands of spectators outside the parliament on Monday night, Ivanishvili made the suggestion that the Georgian government was effectively opposing a covert worldwide plot that was led by western nations. He denounced the “global party of war,” claiming it was to blame for the August 2008 war and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. He also proposed that a “foreign agency” had chosen Georgia’s leaders between 2004 and 2012.
He went on to say that the reelected government would “be able to deliver a strict political and legal verdict to the collective National Movement” following the legislative elections in October. In recent years, Georgian Dream has labeled almost all of its opponents as enemies of the state, ranging from prominent democratic watchdog organizations to opposition MPs and political parties. The main task for Ivanishvili was to portray the West and NGOs as the main sources of instability. He repeated almost all the narratives from the Kremlin playbook. From Ivanishvili’s speech and the actions of the ruling party, we can assume that the Georgian Dream is going “all in” and no longer interested in the country’s European and Euro-Atlantic integration. Relations with the West will become more and more precarious while “cooperation” with Russia more intense.
The stakes could not be higher. There is an apparent attempt to distance Georgia from the geopolitical area which is supported by the vast majority of Georgians and put this Eastern European country in geopolitical isolation under the claws of Russia. The draft law has already left the margins of “controversial legislative initiative” and serves as a cursor for the country’s future. The final reading and passage of the law is scheduled for May 17th. If the law is fully adopted and implemented, the fate of Georgia will become closely attached to Russia. If not, Tbilisi can hope for a brighter future closer to the EU.
Grigol Julukhidze is the director of the Foreign Policy Council, a think tank in Tbilisi. He specializes in security studies and propaganda research. He is also a lecturer at Ilia State University.
Mariam Gubievi is a junior researcher at the Foreign Policy Council in Tbilisi.
Georgia
Georgia woman charged in abortion case granted bond as questions grow over murder charge
A Georgia woman facing a rare murder charge tied to an alleged abortion has been granted bond.
Alexia Moore, 31, was granted bond Monday by a judge in Camden County, according to the Georgia Public Defender Council. The court set bond at $1 on the malice murder charge and $2,000 total for two drug-related charges.
Prosecutors agreed Moore was entitled to bond and to an amount she could reasonably pay, the public defender’s office said.
Moore had been jailed since early March after police accused her of taking pills to end a pregnancy in violation of Georgia law, which bans most abortions after about six weeks.
Authorities allege Moore was about 22 to 24 weeks pregnant when she went to a hospital in late December, reporting abdominal pain. According to an arrest warrant, she told medical staff she had taken misoprostol, a drug commonly used in medication abortions, along with oxycodone. Investigators said the fetus was delivered alive and survived for about an hour.
The case has drawn national attention because it could be one of the first times a woman in Georgia is prosecuted for murder in connection with ending a pregnancy since the state’s 2019 abortion law took effect.
In a statement, the Georgia Public Defender Council said the bond decision reflects the importance of due process.
“Today’s decision is a reminder that justice is not served by accusation alone,” the agency said. “Our system works best when courts carefully weigh the facts, uphold constitutional protections, and safeguard the rights of every person.”
Moore also faces charges of possessing controlled substances, including oxycodone and misoprostol.
The case comes as states across the country navigate legal questions following the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 decision overturning Roe v. Wade, which allowed states like Georgia to enforce stricter abortion laws.
Moore’s attorneys have also filed motions seeking a speedy trial as the case moves forward.
Georgia
Georgia school weapons detector bill clears Senate committee vote
ATLANTA – A proposal to mandate weapons-detection systems at every public school entrance in Georgia is one step closer to becoming law following an emotional hearing at the State Capitol on Monday.
What we know:
The State Senate Public Safety Committee on Monday unanimously approved House Bill 1023. The move comes in response to the Sept. 4, 2024, shooting at Apalachee High School that killed two students and two teachers.
“A place of nightmare”
What they’re saying:
The committee heard harrowing testimony from Apalachee High School students who survived the gunfire.
Daria Lezczynska, a junior, and Sasha Contreras, a senior, are members of “Change for Chee,” a group advocating for increased school safety measures.
READ APALACHEE SHOOTING COVERAGE HERE
“The place where we used to feel safe, turned into a place of nightmare,” Lezczynska said through tears.
She told the committee that the gunfire erupted directly outside her classroom.
“The fear, the blood and the chaos that is burned into my memory,” she said.
Contreras, who was locked down inside the school with her mother during the attack, remembered a teacher who was gunned down that day.
“I left feeling happy, not knowing it would be that last time,” she said. “No child should step into school anxious about coming out alive.”
A proactive step
The legislation, originally introduced by Georgia House Majority Leader Chuck Efstration, R-Dacula, seeks to create a physical barrier against firearms entering school buildings.
“Ensuring that weapons cannot come into our public schools is a first step to make sure that students are safe,” Efstration said. “Georgia students deserve to know that they’re going to be safe at school. Parents need to know when they drop their kids off at school in the morning, they’re going to be able to pick them up safe at the end of the day.”
The student advocates believe the technology would have changed the outcome at Apalachee, where investigators say a student killed four people and injured seven others.
“If there had been weapons-detection systems in every place at every entry of the school on that day, that rifle never would have reached our hallways,” Lezczynska said, calling the proposal a “very good bill.”
Contreras added that the unanimous committee vote was a necessary step forward.
“This is a proactive measure that I think is necessary,” she said. “I’m glad that people today stepped up and were able to pass it.”
What’s next:
The bill now moves to the full Georgia Senate. Lawmakers have just over a week to pass the measure before the legislative session concludes.
The Source: This is a FOX 5 original report where Christopher King gathered information from Georgia State Capitol legislative proceedings, the text of House Bill 1023, and public testimony from students and state representatives.
Georgia
Republicans fear this Democrat in Georgia Senate race: ‘This guy’s no slouch’
Rep. Buddy Carter warned a crowd of Republicans in Roberta, Georgia, in January that he faced an uphill battle in November to unseat Democrat Sen. Jon Ossoff in the purple state, if he becomes the Republican nominee.
“Look, this guy’s no slouch,” the Georgia congressman said, according to a recording of the remarks obtained by The Washington Post. “He’s pretty sharp, he’s articulate, he’s young, he’s handsome, he talks well. You better have somebody who can go toe to toe with him.”
Publicly, Republicans in the state and in Washington continue to list Georgia as their top pickup opportunity in the Senate as they defend their 53-seat majority in a midterm year in which their party faces fierce political headwinds. Donald Trump won the state by more than two percentage points in 2024, and Republicans have painted Ossoff as too liberal for Georgia.
But behind closed doors, Republicans have tamped down their hopes of unseating the 39-year-old powerhouse fundraiser as he seeks another term. They’re lamenting their bitterly divided primary field made worse by a recruiting failure when popular Republican Gov. Brian Kemp declined to run for the seat. Carter, Rep. Mike Collins and Derek Dooley, a former college football coach endorsed by Kemp, are the main competitors in the May 19 GOP primary.
Collins – a close Trump ally with a blisteringly MAGA social media presence that could alienate moderate voters – leads in most polls of the Republican primary. The Cook Political Report rates the general election as a toss-up.
“I’m not feeling bullish about it,” said one Republican strategist who was granted anonymity to provide a more candid assessment. “[Ossoff] has wisely avoided the temptation of going on cable news for six years and playing to the base for social media likes. … I think he’s going to reap the benefits of that.”
Sen. Thom Tillis, a Republican retiring from his North Carolina seat this year, said Ossoff has done “a good job presenting as a moderate candidate,” although Tillis does not believe he actually is moderate.
Republicans risked ceding crucial independent and moderate Republican voters to Ossoff if they nominate a more hard-right candidate, Tillis said.
“If these people want a purity test and they put somebody forth that’s the darling of the MAGA base, but doesn’t resonate with unaffiliated [voters] and right of center fiscal Republicans, that’s a recipe for losing,” said Tillis, whose neighboring state shares similar political characteristics to Georgia.
The skinny former House staffer who won his Senate seat in a runoff election in 2021 did not always inspire the same fear from his opponents. Republicans believed Ossoff, then a political neophyte, had ridden the coattails of Sen. Raphael G. Warnock (D-Georgia), a charismatic preacher he shared the ticket with, and also benefited from an odd election season in which Trump depressed Republican turnout by falsely claiming widespread voter fraud. Just a couple of years earlier, Ossoff had lost a House special election that took place shortly after Trump was first sworn in, disappointing Democrats across the country.
“The first time I ever saw him was when he was running in that Georgia 6 special election and I was like, ‘Oh God, just what we need: Another former staffer,’” recalled Caitlin Legacki, a Democratic strategist. “But he has got game.”
When he got to Washington, Ossoff built a Senate office that prioritized responsiveness to constituents and a hyper focus on local Georgia issues. Inspired by the late Republican senator Johnny Isakson, Ossoff said he wanted his office to provide excellent constituent services to any Georgian, regardless of their political affiliation. In 2025, he joined the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee, allowing him to steer more money to projects back home.
“I don’t crave attention. I’m not doing this for the spotlight,” Ossoff said in a brief interview in the Capitol. “I want to do a great job for the state.”
Attention is exactly what the senator has been getting, however, as he’s broken from his hyper-local focus in recent months to deliver stinging attacks on Trump and his administration that have won him admiration from national Democrats. A speech he gave in suburban Atlanta excoriating Trump for empowering a wealthy “Epstein class” to rule the country while slashing public services went viral. And in recent remarks at a Black church, Ossoff lashed out at the Trump administration’s actions as evil, criticizing Republicans from a biblical perspective.
“There’s a wickedness to the program,” he said earlier this year. “I don’t know, pastor, where it is in scripture that it says deny care to the sick, take from those with the least to give to those with the most, violate the house of worship to hunt down the refugee. Where in the scripture are those lessons taught?”
The rhetoric is not the standard, careful stump speeches many vulnerable lawmakers up for reelection in purple or red states stick to to avoid missteps or alienating middle-of-the-road voters. And it could add another element of risk to his strategy of winning over moderate voters in the state.
It’s also sparked speculation that he has an eye on a future presidential run that may be taking precedence over his reelection bid. But Ossoff’s fans believe his fiery approach makes him seem more authentic to voters in Georgia, who wouldn’t buy an election-year makeover from the senator.
“One of the biggest mistakes that vulnerable members make is that in an election year they all of a sudden start tacking to the middle, and that’s just transparently obvious to all the voters,” said Dan Pfeiffer, a longtime former Barack Obama aide who now co-hosts the “Pod Save America” podcast popular among liberals. “He’s standing strong.”
Pfeiffer called Ossoff “one of the best communicators in the Democratic Party.”
At a recent event Ossoff held in Savannah, several fans in the audience said they hoped Ossoff would consider a presidential run in the future.
“In his recent speeches, he’s sounded very presidential,” noted Ray Mosley, a Bulloch County commissioner.
But Ossoff brushed off that speculation as a “curse,” and said he is remaining focused on what he believes will be a bruising race in the state.
“The Republican field is a mess, but I’m running every day like I’m behind and I expect this to be an extremely close and competitive race,” he said.
Republicans are planning to pour millions into the race, and have already attacked him in ads on illegal immigration and for “chaos” at Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport, blaming the long security lines on his votes against funding the Department of Homeland Security.
They believe Ossoff has not broken enough from Democrats on key votes to adequately distance himself from the party in a purple state that voted for Trump just over a year ago. Ossoff broke with Democrats to support the Laken Riley Act on final passage, which expanded detention for immigrants accused of some crimes. (The bill is named after a college student in Georgia who was murdered by an undocumented immigrant.) But he usually votes with his party.
“His record is Joe Biden’s record,” said Rep. Brian Jack (R-Georgia), who added Georgians found Biden toxic. “I’m not sure what legislation he could advocate for that wasn’t a Biden priority.”
Ossoff is known to be extremely deliberative about votes – to the point of hand-wringing – and discusses legislation extensively with colleagues before making a decision.
“He’s incredibly methodical, but also thoughtful about the impact that the policies we pass or don’t pass have on the people he represents,” said Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Arizona), another swing state politician who campaigned with Ossoff in Georgia earlier this year.
Shortly after Trump’s election in 2024, Ossoff voted for a Sen. Bernie Sanders-backed resolution to block some arms transfers to Israel as the war in Gaza had devolved into a humanitarian crisis. Just 19 members of the Democratic caucus backed the resolution, and Ossoff faced a fierce backlash back home for his vote.
Jeremy Ben-Ami, the leader of the liberal Jewish group J Street, said he spoke with Ossoff ahead of the vote, and that the senator was under intense pressure to vote against the resolution. “He knew what he was getting himself into and he took a principled stand,” Ben-Ami said of the Jewish senator. Now, Ben-Ami said, as public opinion has turned against Israel’s actions in the war, “time has proven him right and the wind has shifted.”
Republicans in Georgia hope that the MAGA base will show up for whichever Republican emerges from their primary in the fall. “We won the state of Georgia for President Trump, proving that it is indeed a red state,” Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Georgia) said. “We just need to do the same thing for whoever our Senate candidate is going to be.”
Ossoff and his allies say he has the support of a coalition that extends beyond the Democratic base, however. Trump’s approval rating was only 43 percent in Georgia in a 2025 Atlanta Journal-Constitution poll.
“In order to win in Georgia, you need a coalition,” Warnock said. “The Democratic faithful, the base and reasonable people in the middle who want to see us focus not so much on the politics and more on the everyday concerns of ordinary people. That’s what Jon Ossoff is doing.”
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