Georgia
Turning Toward Moscow: Georgia's Political Crisis and the Future of European Integration – The Soufan Center
Intelbrief / Turning Toward Moscow: Georgia’s Political Crisis and the Future of European Integration
AP Photo/Zurab Tsertsvadze
Bottom Line Up Front
- Georgia is currently facing its largest political upheaval since gaining independence, as widespread protests have unfolded in response to the ruling Georgian Dream party’s decision to suspend European Union accession talks until 2028.
- In response to Georgia’s democratic decline under GD, the EU has frozen the country’s accession process and imposed sanctions on key officials, with similar actions taken by the U.S. and Baltic states.
- Russia has engaged in a strategy of hybrid warfare, utilizing disinformation campaigns to prop up the pro-Russia Georgian Dream party and regain its influence in the South Caucasus.
- Georgia’s overt transition away from the West could impact neighboring Armenia, which may face greater obstacles in its EU integration efforts and increase its vulnerability to pressures from Azerbaijan, Russia and Türkiye.
Georgia is currently facing its largest political upheaval since gaining independence, as widespread protests have erupted in response to the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party’s decision to suspend European Union (EU) accession talks until at least 2028. Irakli Kobakhidze, prime minister and leader of GD, announced the decision after the European Parliament passed a resolution on November 28 rejecting the outcome of Georgia’s October 2024 parliamentary elections, calling for a new election to be held within one year under international observance. It further called for the EU and its member states to impose sanctions on several Georgian high-ranking officials, including Kobakhidze, and oligarch and founder of the GD, Bidzina Ivanishvili.
The EU resolution follows a series of setbacks in Georgia’s EU integration process. In June, Brussels froze Georgia’s accession talks and rescinded €121 million in financial assistance, citing democratic backsliding incompatible with European values. GD leaders have rejected Brussels’ demands to repeal several Kremlin-style laws that have been implemented in recent years, such as the controversial “foreign agents” bill, which mirrors Russian legislation utilized to suppress dissent through the curtailing of media freedoms. Another is the “Family Values” bill, adopted to restrict LGBTQ+ rights. The ruling party has framed the European Parliament’s recent decision as “blackmail,” accusing Brussels of interfering in Georgia’s sovereignty. These events have underscored the EU’s inability to steer Georgia away from its deepening ties with Moscow.
In response to GD’s suspension of accession talks, approximately 100,000 protesters gathered outside parliament in Tbilisi, with demonstrations having already spread to at least eight cities since November 29, in response to the EU’s resolution regarding the Georgian elections. These protests have been met with a violent crackdown by authorities, deploying the use of water cannons, tear gas, and rubber bullets. Footage has circulated online showing police violently attacking unarmed demonstrators, leading to over 220 arrests, including prominent opposition leader Zurab Japaridze. Approximately 44 individuals have been hospitalized, with many more injured. Georgian authorities have also reported at least 21 police officers wounded. Protesters responded with Molotov cocktails and firework launchers.
As a result of the unrest, the EU recently announced that it is now reassessing its visa facilitation agreement with Georgia, potentially suspending it if democratic standards continue to erode. Moreover, the Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia have imposed travel bans on high-ranking GD officials and law enforcement officers allegedly implicated in human rights violations during the ongoing protests. The United States has also responded, suspending its strategic partnership with Georgia, which was established in 2009 to promote democratic values and economic cooperation.
Kobakhidze’s announcement to halt EU talks has confirmed popular fears of the country’s overt pivot away from the West to more closely align with Russia. Many Georgians strongly support EU integration, with a 2023 poll by the International Republican Institute suggesting that this number is as high as 89% of the population. During its time as parliament’s ruling party, GD has maintained a facade of pro-European rhetoric, simultaneously resisting the reforms required by Brussels to achieve accession. This shift is a stark reversal for a country that has been viewed as a forerunner of democratic aspirations in the post-Soviet sphere.
Georgian Dream’s rise to power in 2012 initially promised pro-Western reforms and closer ties to NATO and the EU. However, in recent years, the party has progressively embraced a Eurosceptic stance, as evidenced by its increasing reliance on anti-Western legislation and its emphasis on preserving Georgia’s cultural values, while simultaneously asserting that it is not anti-EU. This deliberate ambiguity on future European integration was viewed by many as a strategy to maintain popular support while also consolidating power through increasingly authoritarian measures.
During the recent 2024 elections, GD utilized fear mongering to gain votes, framing the opposition’s pro-European stance as antagonistic to Russia. Campaign materials juxtaposed images of war-torn Ukrainian cities with peaceful Georgian towns, leveraging public fears of Russian retaliation to achieve electoral dividends. These concerns are rooted in Georgia’s recent history, such as the 2008 war with Russia over the breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, as well as Moscow’s 2014 annexation of Crimea. GD’s narrative of strategic caution resonated with voters, in the context of Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine. This has heightened Georgia’s sense of vulnerability, especially as Russian military forces continue to occupy these breakaway regions, which are internationally recognized as part of Georgian territory. These security concerns, coupled with many opposition figures’ association with unpopular figures from the pre-2012 government, which was riddled with corruption, have allowed GD to maintain its grip on power.
It is increasingly clear that Russia has also assisted GD in remaining in power, prioritizing its influence efforts in Georgia, with Moscow leveraging a range of hybrid warfare tactics to manipulate political outcomes and propagate anti-Western narratives. For example, during 2019 protests in Tbilisi, a Russian-backed television network was implicated in the spread of disinformation to exacerbate unrest. The Kremlin also has strong ties with figures within GD, including Ivanishvili, who has been accused of having pro-Russian sympathies and links to Moscow’s influence operations, as well as strong financial ties to Russian state-owned Gazprom. Most recently, Russia used various hybrid tactics to allegedly assist GD in rigging the October parliamentary elections. The Kremlin has many reasons for taking such a heavy hand in Georgian affairs. For one, it likely seeks to reassert its dominance over the South Caucasus, utilizing Georgia as a gateway. Georgia is in a strategic location, vital for global trade routes and regional security. Russia’s successes in influencing Georgia’s political landscape have raised concerns that these strategies could be emulated in nearby Moldova, facilitating the Kremlin’s encroachment pursuits.
GD’s pivot toward Moscow is reflected in its foreign policies. Georgian imports of Russian natural gas through Gazprom have increased, reinforcing energy reliance on Moscow at a time when other regional actors have diverted away from Russian energy sources following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. China has also become a key player in Georgia’s development, financing major infrastructure projects such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway and the controversial Anaklia Deep Sea Port. These projects, which aim to position Georgia as a crucial logistical link between Europe and Asia, highlight the gaps left by insufficient Western investment. Georgia’s multi-vector foreign policy echoes the balancing acts of countries like Türkiye and Hungary, which maintain ties with both the East and the West. Georgia’s limited resources make this strategy precarious, rendering it vulnerable to external pressures from more assertive states.
Georgia’s shift away from the West could transform regional alliances. Armenia now represents the sole South Caucasus state that is actively in pursuit of EU membership. This isolation has the potential to thrust Armenia closer to Iran. Both nations share opposition to the Zangezur corridor – a contentious project backed by Türkiye, Azerbaijan and Russia. The corridor represents a pressing danger for Armenia’s territorial and strategic interests. The proposed corridor would cut through Armenia’s southern Syunik province and result in a permanent Azerbaijani military presence within its borders. Moreover, Georgia’s alignment with Russia, combined with Russia’s growing ties to Azerbaijan could undermine the established Türkiye-Azerbaijan alliance. In conjunction, these shifts could establish a new regional bloc which would exert significant pressure on Armenia, highlighting a need to seek stronger ties with Iran to counter this threat. However, its strained ties with Russia and limited alternatives inhibit its options.
Georgia
Federal defunding of public media raises concerns for Georgia stations from viewers, educators
ATLANTA, Ga. (Atlanta News First) — More than $1 billion in federal funding is being pulled from public media nationwide, money that supports more than 1,500 television and radio stations across the country.
For nearly six decades, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB) helped deliver children’s programming, public affairs reporting and emergency information to homes across the state. Shows like “Sesame Street” introduced generations of children to letters, numbers and social-emotional learning.
“I loved learning, and having educational programming right there made a big difference,” said Bailey Matthews.
In Georgia, the cuts are raising concerns about jobs, children’s educational programming, and access to news and emergency alerts, particularly in rural communities.
Educators and child development experts say programs featuring puppets as characters can be especially effective for young learners.
“Kids see a puppet as a living character, and that makes learning easier,” said Beth Schiavo, executive director for the Atlanta Center for Puppetry Arts.
Congress voted last year to defund CPB through the Rescissions Act of 2025, clawing back $1.1 billion that had already been approved. This week, CPB’s board voted to dissolve the organization entirely.
PREVIOUS COVERAGE: Corporation for Public Broadcasting votes itself out of existence
Some Georgia Republicans who supported the move say the decision comes down to federal spending priorities and concerns about political bias in public media.
“The news that these entities produced is either resented or increasingly tuned out and turned off by most of the hardworking Americans who are forced to pay for it,” said former U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga.
The loss of federal funding has immediate financial implications for Georgia stations. Georgia Public Broadcasting says CPB funding made up about 10% of its budget, or roughly $4.2 million this year.
At Atlanta’s WABE, the city’s PBS affiliate and main NPR affiliate, they must replace $1.9 million — about 13% of their annual budget.
Both GPB and WABE say they are not shutting down but acknowledge the loss of federal support means relying more heavily on donations and community backing moving forward.
“Public radio, to continue to be funded, allows for us to meet the needs of people who live in news deserts,” said NPR President and CEO Katherine Maher.
Former Georgia Teacher of the Year Tracey Nance said the impact extends beyond broadcasting. The Georgia Budget and Policy Institute estimates more than 77,000 Georgia teachers have accessed GPB educational content more than four million times.
“It is absolutely providing essential services — not a luxury, but essential services that provide a foundation that all kids deserve,” said Nance.
Nance is calling on state lawmakers to use the state surplus to intervene.
Copyright 2026 WANF. All rights reserved.
Georgia
Georgia Deports Citizens of 6 Countries, Including Azerbaijan
Employees of the Migration Department of Georgia’s Ministry of Internal Affairs, as part of recent special operations, have deported 13 citizens from Turkmenistan, Iran, Cuba, Türkiye, Thailand, and Azerbaijan.
According to the information released by the ministry, the Migration Department carried out comprehensive immigration control measures in close coordination with the relevant departments, The Caspian Post reports, citing local media.
It is noted that, under current legislation, deported persons are prohibited from re-entering the country.
According to official statistics, the total number of foreign citizens deported from Georgia last year was 1,311.
Georgia
Georgia attains highest AP Top 25 ranking since 2003, with Florida on deck
No. 18 Bulldogs bring 13-1 record into Tuesday night game against defending national champion Gators in Gainesville.
Georgia coach Mike White (right) talks with guard Jeremiah Wilkinson during the Bulldogs’ win against Cincinnati in a Holiday Hoopsgiving game Saturday, Dec. 13, 2025, at State Farm Arena in Atlanta. Georgia won 84-65. (Jason Getz/AJC)
ATHENS — Georgia basketball is back on the map, ranked in the AP Top 25 for a third consecutive week for the first time in nearly 23 years.
The Bulldogs (13-1, 1-0 SEC) are ranked No. 18 in the AP Top 25, up five spots from last week’s ranking, on the strength of a 104-100 overtime win over Auburn on Saturday.
It’s the highest Georgia has been ranked in the AP Top 25 poll since Jim Harrick coached the program and came in at No. 17 on Feb. 3, 2003 — the most recent season UGA has been ranked in the poll three or more consecutive weeks.
Unbeaten teams Arizona (14-0), Michigan (13-0) and Iowa State (14-0) hold the top three spots in this week’s AP Top 25, with UConn (14-1) and Purdue (13-1) rounding out the top five.
Vanderbilt (14-0, 1-0) is the SEC’s highest-ranked AP Top 25 team, coming in at No. 11, while Alabama (11-3, 1-0) is at No. 13, Arkansas (11-3, 1-0) is No. 15 and then No. 18 Georgia is the league’s fourth-highest-ranked team entering into this week’s games.
“Our guys have been so eager, probably like most teams in our league and throughout other leagues, at the highest level of college basketball,” UGA fourth-year coach Mike White said about the start of SEC play.
“We were playing a bunch of midmajors through the holidays, and you can’t let the moment be too big.”
Georgia’s schedule strength jumped from 298th to 231st with the win over Auburn, and it figures to get another boost when the Bulldogs play at Florida (9-5, 0-1) at 7 p.m. Tuesday.
“Our confidence comes from within, we know what we have in our locker room,” said Georgia guard Jeremiah Wilkinson, a transfer from Cal who scored 31 in the win over Auburn and leads the Bulldogs with 18.3 points per game this season.
“We knew what we were capable of before coming into the (Auburn) game, and we told each other before the game: Let’s act like we’re supposed to win the game. Let’s act like we’re supposed to be here.”
Georgia leads the nation in scoring offense (99.4 points per game), fast-break points (27.0 per game) and blocked shots (8.0 per game).
The Gators, featuring preseason All-SEC players Alex Condon, Thomas Haugh and Boogie Fland, were the media’s preseason pick to win the league.
Georgia — which didn’t have a player picked on the first, second or third team — was picked to finish 14th in the SEC.
White, who coached Florida from 2015-2022, leading the Gators to four NCAA tournaments and an Elite Eight appearance in 2017, said Georgia is looking forward to the opportunity to play the defending national champion.
“We’ll fly around, we’ll play hard, we’ll be prepared,” White said. “This team has a pretty healthy level of intrinsic confidence, and you’ll need that to be competitive down there against a team that’s coming off a national championship.”
Georgia split with Florida last season, losing 89-59 in Gainesville, Florida, on Jan. 25 and then handing the Gators their last loss of the season, 88-83, on Feb. 25 in Athens.
“It’s nothing different than what we’ve just seen tonight (against Auburn),” said UGA guard Marcus “Smurf” Millender, who leads Georgia with 54 assists and a 40% 3-point shooting clip.
“They put their jerseys on like we put our jerseys on. We’re going to give them our best game and hope they bring it too.”
Florida fell out of the AP Top 25 poll this week after losing its SEC-opening game at Missouri 76-74 on Saturday and is among other teams still receiving votes.
Georgia has lost six consecutive games in Gainesville dating back to a 61-55 win on March 2, 2019, in Tom Crean’s first year leading the Bulldogs.
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