ATLANTA —  A judge has ruled that the Georgia state Senate can subpoena Fulton County Dist. Atty. Fani Willis as part of a inquiry into whether she has engaged in misconduct during her prosecution of President-elect Donald Trump but is giving Willis the chance to contest whether lawmakers’ demands are overly broad.

Fulton County Superior Court Judge Shukura Ingram filed the order Monday, telling Willis she has until Jan. 13 to submit arguments over whether the subpoenas seek legally shielded or confidential information. Ingram wrote that she would issue a final order later saying what Willis had to respond to.

A state appeals court earlier this month removed Willis from the Georgia election interference case against Donald Trump and others, citing an “appearance of impropriety” that might not typically warrant such a removal. The Georgia Court of Appeals panel said in a 2-1 ruling that because of the romantic relationship Willis had with special prosecutor Nathan Wade, “this is the rare case in which disqualification is mandated and no other remedy will suffice to restore public confidence in the integrity of these proceedings.”

Willis’ office immediately filed a notice of intent to ask the Georgia Supreme Court to review the decision.

The Republican-led Senate committee sent subpoenas to Willis in August seeking to compel her to testify during its September meeting and to produce scores of documents. The committee was formed earlier this year to examine allegations of “various forms of misconduct” by Willis, an elected Democrat, during her prosecution of Trump and others over their efforts to overturn the former president’s 2020 election loss in Georgia.

The resolution creating the committee focused in particular on Willis’ hiring of Wade to lead the prosecution against Trump and others. The resolution said the relationship amounted to a “clear conflict of interest and a fraud upon the taxpayers” of the county and state.

Willis’ attorney, former Democratic Georgia Gov. Roy Barnes, argued that the Senate committee did not have the power to subpoena her. He also argued that the subpoenas were overly broad and not related to a legitimate legislative need, saying the committee is seeking confidential and privileged information, as well as private and personal information.

Willis’ challenge was pending in mid-September when she skipped a hearing during which the committee members had hoped to question her.

In October, the committee asked Ingram to require Willis to comply with the subpoenas. The committee’s lawyers wrote in a court filing that Willis’ failure to do so had delayed its ability to finish its inquiry and to provide recommendations for any legislation or changes in appropriations that might result.

Fulton County Superior Court Judge Scott McAfee ruled in March that Willis’ actions showed a “tremendous lapse in judgment,” but he did not find a conflict of interest that would disqualify Willis. He said she could continue her prosecution as long as Wade stepped aside, which he did.

Willis and Wade have acknowledged the relationship but have said it began after he was hired and ended before the indictment against Trump was filed.

One wrinkle in the proceedings is that the current Georgia legislative term will end when lawmakers are sworn in for their new term Jan. 13. However, Republican state Sen. Greg Dolezal of Cumming said last week that he will file legislation to reestablish the committee at the beginning of the 2025 legislative session.

“Despite our committee’s lawful subpoena, DA Willis has refused to testify,” Dolezal said in a statement. “This, coupled with troubling revelations of apparent violations of Georgia’s open records laws, paints a disturbing picture of an office operating as though it is above the law. This behavior undermines public trust and raises serious questions about the integrity of her office.”

Republican Lt. Gov. Burt Jones said he would support Dolezal’s move, saying Willis’ “refusal to come before the committee is unacceptable and addressing these issues to require accountability will be a priority for the Senate.”

Brumback and Amy write for the Associated Press.

All eyes in Georgia are fixed on the elegant 19th-century Orbeliani Palace in Tbilisi, where a defining moment looms. Who will occupy its halls on 29 December?

On Sunday, Georgia’s pro-western president, Salome Zourabichvili, is supposed to hand over the keys to her successor, Mikheil Kavelashvili, a former football player turned far-right politician who is backed by the ruling and increasingly authoritarian Georgian Dream (GD) party.

Zourabichvili, whose role as president is ceremonial but has made her a symbolic leader of the opposition, insists she is not stepping down and has called the GD-led government illegitimate.

She recently shared a photo of the New Year’s decorations at the presidential residence, which featured a large train as part of the display. “They put a train in front of the Orbeliani Palace,” she wrote on Facebook, adding: “Let’s see who will be leaving.”

In response, Irakli Kobakhidze, the prime minister of Georgia and the GD chair, said Zourabichvili would face legal consequences if she chose to stay in office.

“Let’s see where she ends up, behind bars or outside,” he said at a press briefing in Tbilisi this week.

The standoff has plunged the country into a political crisis, the outcome of which could shape Georgia’s trajectory for years to come as it is pulled between Russia and the west.

Even for Georgia – a small nation nestled in the Caucasus mountains and with a turbulent history of swinging between democratic aspirations and periods of harsh repression – these are extraordinary times, marked by mass protests and growing uncertainty.

Thomas de Waal, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Europe thinktank and an expert on the region, said: “I don’t think anyone knows what happens next. It looks like we’re heading into an escalatory phase. Neither side is going to back down in the short term.”

Tens of thousands of people have taken to the streets in Tbilisi and other cities in Georgia almost daily for the past three weeks to protest against GD and its increasingly anti-liberal and pro-Moscow direction.

The ruling party, which has been in power since 2012, was founded by the shadowy billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, who made his fortune in Russia during the 1990s.

The initial spark for the protests, which have spread across generations and social classes, was a recent speech by the GD leadership announcing its decision to suspend EU accession negotiations. The move has led to outrage in Georgia where up to 80% of the 3.8 million population support EU membership.

Tensions in the country, however, have been rising for months. GD won contentious parliamentary elections in October. Many Georgians believe the results were rigged, with international election observers raising concerns about pressure, intimidation and voter buying.

The opposition, led by Zourabichvili, rejected the results as unfair and called for new elections.

Police have increasingly resorted to force and intimidation in an effort to disperse the rallies, arresting demonstrators and opposition members. Many Georgians have been appalled by the level of violence directed at journalists and protesters, and signs of cracks have begun to appear within the country’s elite.

Several senior Georgian ambassadors have resigned in protest, and hundreds of civil servants and military figures have issued letters condemning the decision to suspend EU accession talks, though there have been no notable defections from GD.

After the parliamentary elections, the ruling party nominated Kavelashvili as president, a move that marked the end of Georgia’s last independent political institution not under GD control.

Kavelashvili, a former Premier League striker for Manchester City, emerged as a ultranationalist agitator after being elected to parliament in 2016.

The 53-year-old is remembered by former teammates as quiet and unassuming but is now known for his fiery anti-western rhetoric and attacks on the opposition. He is widely regarded as a figurehead controlled by Ivanishvili.

Protesters have mocked Kavelashvili for lacking a university degree, which previously disqualified him from seeking the leadership of the Georgian Football Federation.

He was also a prominent backer of the controversial Russian-style “foreign agent” law, which was eventually adopted by the Georgian parliament amid mass protests last May.

The legislation has been labelled a “Russian law” by critics who liken it to that introduced by the Kremlin a decade earlier to silence political dissent in the media and elsewhere.

The contrast between Kavelashvili and Zourabichvili could hardly be starker. Born in Paris in 1952, Zourabichvili is the descendant of a family that fled Georgia after the Soviet Union absorbed the country in 1921. Initially elected to the presidency in 2018 with GD backing, she has since emerged as one of the party’s most vocal critics.

“Zourabichvili is the voice of European Georgia. For many, she is the last legitimate power,” said Prof Kornely Kakachia, the director of the Tbilisi-based thinktank Georgian Institute of Politics.

Much of the outcome of the presidential stalemate will hinge on the west’s response and whether it continues to recognise Zourabichvili as a legitimate leader, he said.

During a recent speech in Brussels, Zourabichvili appealed to the EU to press the GD-led government to hold a new election.

But many inside and outside Georgia worry that a politically fractured Europe, where leaders are grappling with internal crises, may lack the willpower to challenge GD.

Zourabichvili told EU lawmakers: “If we are honest, Europe so far has not fully lived [up] to the moment. Europe has, so far, met the challenge halfway. Where Georgians have been fighting day and night, Europeans have been slow to wake up and slow to react.” GD has found its own allies in Europe in the forms of Hungary and Slovakia – both of which have populist, Russia-friendly leaders. The two central European countries blocked a proposed package of EU sanctions against leading Georgian officials this month.

There have also been murmurs that GD hopes to benefit from the second Trump presidency, which may be less focused on human rights.

To keep the pressure on GD, the Dutch MEP Reinier van Lanschot urged leading EU member states such as Germany, France and Poland to rally other countries in the bloc to impose direct bilateral sanctions against the Georgian government.

“The key thing is to keep momentum. Otherwise, Georgia could become a dictatorship,” Van Lanschot told the Guardian after a recent visit to the country.

For now, Zourabichvili’s next steps remain anyone’s guess.

Two sources who recently spoke to her said she was still weighing her options. These reportedly include forcing police to physically remove her from the presidential palace, or organising a mass rally outside the palace on inauguration day and setting up a parallel office.

What is more certain is that there will be renewed protests that are likely to be followed by more crackdowns.

“If the Georgian Dream really wants to stay in power, we may see an escalation on their part, which is risky for everyone,” De Waal said. He described this as the “Belarusian scenario”, referring to the thousands of protesters in Belarus who were arrested, some tortured, and later jailed in 2020 and 2021 during a brutal crackdown.

“One side will have to give, eventually,” he said.

Researchers at the Institute for Water and Health (IWH) at Georgia Southern University initiated a new project in Marion, Alabama, to address the city’s aging water infrastructure and its impact on human health with a focus on community-based research, workforce development and environmental justice.

The pilot project in Marion, Alabama, is a collaborative effort between Georgia Southern and the University of Alabama. IWH Director Asli Aslan, Ph.D., is the principal investigator (PI) and Lacey Huffling, Ph.D., from Georgia Southern’s College of Education, and Lanna Nations, director for education and outreach for the Alabama Water Institute at the University of Alabama, are co-PIs.

In partnership with the city of Eastman, Georgia, the project includes an internship program for next-generation water operators and a peer mentorship program for current water managers. Project leaders seek to improve communication and foster trust between local authorities and residents, contributing to long-term environmental health and equitable access to safe drinking water. 

Aslan sees workforce readiness as a critical component to maintaining standards in water management. 

“Nationwide, community water systems are managed by specialized professionals to ensure safe water every time we turn on the tap,” noted Aslan. 

According to her, about 50% of water operators working at these facilities will retire in the next decade, but only 10% are expected to be replaced. Training the next generation of water operators and developing leaders for rural water systems is a matter of national security. 

“The Institute for Water and Health is committed to launching a regional program to equip future water managers with the necessary skills to ensure safe water for all,” Aslan continued. “This pilot project will lay the foundation for this goal and aims to expand the program throughout the southeastern United States.” 

The project is funded by Alabama Power and Partnership for Inclusive Innovation, a Georgia-based program that funds and supports networks through resources across businesses, research universities and government entities.

To learn more about this project and other IWH research and educational programs visit here or email [email protected].