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This Georgia Election Official Faked Refusing to Certify an Election

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This Georgia Election Official Faked Refusing to Certify an Election


On the day they gathered to certify results of the November municipal election last year, three members of the Spalding County Board of Elections and Registration met in the elections office, an hour south of Atlanta, to look over the results. 

Normally a routine matter, the vote on certification that day became anything but — part of a phenomenon happening across the country in recent years, as local election officials have gone rogue and refused to certify election results, largely based on Donald Trump’s constant lies about widespread election fraud. 

One of the Spalding County election board members, Roy McClain, publicly voted against certification of results — a notable act in itself. Curiously, though, McClain quietly signed an official government document approving the very same results that he publicly refused to certify. 

It’s a bizarre wrinkle in the mounting drama over election certification. While certification has historically been a “ministerial” task — not a discretionary one — states around the country have seen a wave of refusals as Trump’s lies about 2020 have consumed the Republican Party down to the local level. Nearly 70 election deniers in six swing states are now working as local election officials, Rolling Stone and American Doom previously found. 

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The certification issue has come into greater focus in Georgia, after the new MAGA majority on the State Election Board recently passed two rules giving local election officials like McClain more power to arbitrarily deny certification, based on belief in or allegations of election fraud. As the 2024 election approaches, local officials refusing to certify results appears to be a key strategy for the Trump campaign and his allies, and it could help delay the results of the election or buttress the former president’s effort to challenge another loss.  

On Nov. 14, 2023, the day McClain voted against certification, he claimed that he needed more time to hand count results. The board had implemented automatic hand recounts of all elections but McClain wanted more time to compare his hand count with results from voting machines.  The board was still able to certify the results, with a Republican and Democrat voting in favor. 

But McClain’s “no” vote was merely for show: At some point that same day, McClain signed a document called a “Certification of Returns,” officially approving the results of the election even though he had publicly voted against it. While votes at public meetings like McClain’s are the acts that get reported in the press, in Georgia, the Certification of Results is what officially approves those results. Election board members sign the document, and it’s then sent to the secretary of state.

“We, the undersigned Board of Elections/Registrars, Superintendent/Supervisor of Elections and designees, do jointly and severally certify that the attached Election Results Summary is a true and correct count of the votes cast in this County for the candidates in the General Election,” the Certification of Returns document states.

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Underneath the statement — Roy McClain’s signature.

McClain’s “no” vote on certification was reported by multiple media outlets, and became one of dozens of examples of rogue local election officials refusing to do what Democrats and election experts contend is a purely ministerial duty — certifying election results. But McClain nor Spalding County appears to have attempted to correct public reporting about his “no” vote and his ensuing approval of election results. 

In response to questions about McClain’s contradictory actions, Spalding County election supervisor Kim Slaughter says that although McClain “voted against certifying the election at the time the vote was taken, the election was certified with a majority of the votes cast and therefore, all board members signed the certification documents.”

In other counties, instances of certification refusal have played out differently. Certification of Returns forms show that election board members in Gwinnett and DeKalb counties who voted against certification did not sign the documents. Their public vote lines up with their official act, in other words.

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So why did McClain publicly vote against certification only to privately approve it that same day? Slaughter says nothing was hidden from the public because the Certification of Returns was physically displayed at the Spalding County elections office in the small town of Griffin. 

Others wonder whether McClain was trying to appease powerful election denier factions of the Georgia Republican Party while simultaneously shielding himself from legal liability. Election officials who fail to certify results by statutory deadlines can face fines and even jail time for their actions.

“It’s performative — they’re playing to their base,” Jim O’Brien, a Democratic member of the Spalding County election board, tells Rolling Stone and American Doom.

Cathy Woolard, a former Democratic member of the Fulton County election board, says McClain may have been concerned about legal action, so he “did something symbolic and then complied with the law.”

While McClain appears to have complied with Georgia law requiring county election officials to certify results, an election board member could theoretically do the opposite: publicly vote for certification and then refuse to sign the Certification of Returns. One expert suggested such a move would come with legal risk. 

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“I suspect there would be a real danger for anyone who votes to certify an election but then refuses to sign off on the official documentation,” says Anthony Michael Kreis, a constitutional law professor at Georgia State University. “To me, that would constitute a potential criminal election interference if a majority of a board refused to sign off.” 

The revelations about McClain’s contradictory actions have not been previously reported, and were discovered in emails obtained by Rolling Stone and American Doom. They’re the latest oddity to come from Spalding County, where the elections office has become a hotbed of denier activity since 2020. Starting with a state law that allowed for a Republican takeover of the board in 2021, the election board has become a proving ground for what elections administration looks like under the authority of election conspiracists. 

The board’s chair is a QAnon adherent and voting machine conspiracy theorist who once attended a screening of the debunked election conspiracy documentary 2,000 Mules with McClain. The county’s election supervisor got sucked into false claims on election night in 2020 that election workers had discarded ballots for Trump in a dumpster. Then, as Joe Biden’s inauguration approached, the election deniers in Spalding County discussed illegally accessing election equipment with an Atlanta IT firm that had helped the Trump campaign break into voting machines elsewhere in Georgia.

Now, there’s McClain’s bizarre certification contradiction. The emails obtained by Rolling Stone and American Doom show McClain privately disputing a recent report from a watchdog group that mentioned his “no” vote on certification. McClain wrote to his colleagues that “lies” are being told, and attached a copy of the Certification of Returns document that he had signed.

If McClain was trying to correct the record about his “no” vote, his actions following the November 2023 election are even more curious.

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Following his public refusal to certify the results of the election, McClain received a letter from a lawyer representing the Democratic Party of Georgia. The letter — which was sent to two other counties whose Republican election board members refused to certify results — admonished McClain for his actions, saying they were “improper regardless of any purported justification given.” The letter was sent on January 3 to Spalding, DeKalb, and Cobb counties. 

A month later, at a meeting of the Spalding County election board, McClain addressed the letter, saying he felt that Democrats were trying to “intimidate” him.

“I think everybody here knows that if you’re going to try to bully or intimidate somebody, I’m probably not the good candidate for that (sic),” McClain said. “So, I’ll take it for information, but I’m not going to put up with it, and if I feel that my oath says I have to do something, that’s what I’ll do, regardless of someone’s interpretation of what they think might’ve been in the law.”

At no point did McClain publicly clarify that he had privately certified the results of the November 2023 election. Further, Democrats and election experts contend that the law is clear: Certification is a mandatory duty, based on 100 years of precedent established by Georgia court cases.

McClain is not the only local election official who complained about the letter from Democrats. The day after the letter was sent to Spalding, DeKalb, and Cobb counties, David Hancock, an election denier who serves on the Gwinnett County elections board — and who coordinated with a pro-Trump member of the State Election Board on its new, controversial certification rules — forwarded the letter to a well-known election denial activist. Hancock apparently received the letter from fellow election officials in Cobb County, according to emails obtained by Rolling Stone and American Doom.

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“When you have a moment, I would really appreciate your opinion on this incredible letter from an attorney for the Democratic Party of Georgia regarding voting to certify an election,” Hancock wrote to Garland Favorito, an “election integrity” activist who is one of the state’s most prominent election deniers, and who has pressured the State Election Board to investigate unfounded claims of widespread voter fraud and implement rules based on his conspiratorial beliefs. “I don’t see how this stands — if the [county board of elections] has no choice but to certify an election, then why require them to vote to certify the election?”

The answer, say Democrats and election experts, is that certification is a ceremonial task — part of what Democratic lawyer Marc Elias calls “the pageantry of democracy.” Other avenues exist for candidates and parties to investigate irregularities and claims of fraud, from lawsuits to recounts and audits, but the act of certification — carried out by political appointees on county election boards like McClain and Hancock — are not the proper venue to investigate those claims, Georgia courts have ruled. 

Still, McClain, Hancock, and a handful of other county election board members throughout Georgia have used certification as an opportunity to make their own claims about fraud. Their actions are part of a broader pattern of pro-Trump local election officials across the country holding up certification based on bogus accusations of widespread voter fraud. 

Since 2020, 35 local election officials have delayed or attempted to deny certification in eight states, according to a report last month from the watchdog Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington.

Since November, when McClain and election board members in DeKalb and Cobb counties voted against certification, county election board members in Georgia have refused to certify election results three times. The first came in March, when Hancock voted against certifying results of the 2024 presidential primary. He was joined by his fellow Gwinnett County election board member, Alice O’Lenick, also a Republican. In May, Fulton County’s Julie Adams abstained from voting to certify results of this year’s primary elections for state and local races. 

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She then sued with the help of lawyers from the Trump-aligned America First Policy Institute, demanding the power to refuse to certify results if Fulton County doesn’t provide a lengthy list of documents and materials for her to review prior to certification. That lawsuit is pending.

Since then, Adams has gone on to join the push for rules that give more  to county election officials to refuse to certify results. Adams and other election denial activists have successfully convinced the State Election Board to pass those rules. In June, Adams again abstained from certifying the results of a local runoff election. 

Certification is shaping up to be one of the most important tactics of a Trump campaign that is hyper-focused on questioning the results of November’s election. Trump has signaled that he’ll refuse to accept any result that doesn’t show him winning, and he has local election officials, state politicians, and, of course, members of Congress to back up these claims.  

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The question is becoming whether the system can hold when Trump challenges the election results this year — and whether local election officials like McClain will continue complying with the law and certifying results, even if they won’t say so publicly.

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This story is being published in partnership with American Doom, a newsletter that focuses on right-wing extremism and other threats to democracy.



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With voting over, Georgia’s election to replace Marjorie Taylor Greene could be test of Trump’s influence

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With voting over, Georgia’s election to replace Marjorie Taylor Greene could be test of Trump’s influence


Polls have closed in the Georgia 14th Congressional District special election to elect who will replace Marjorie Taylor Greene in Congress.

The seat has been vacant since January, when Greene resigned following a monthslong public fight with President Trump over foreign policy issues and the release of documents involving the Jeffrey Epstein case. A week before she announced her plans to resign, Mr. Trump said he would support a primary challenge against her.

Twenty-two candidates filed to run for the seat, but the number dropped to 17 candidates — 12 Republicans, three Democrats, one Libertarian, and one independent — all of whom appeared on Tuesday’s ballot.

Among the top candidates are former District Attorney Clay Fuller, who was endorsed by Mr. Trump, former Republican state Sen. Colton Moore, and Democrat Shawn Harris, a retired Army brigadier general who lost to Greene in the 2024 race for the seat. 

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Harris has raised more than $4.3 million for the race, with about $290,000 in the bank. 

Greene has declined to endorse anyone in the race.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene talks to reporters after meeting privately with House Speaker Mike Johnson as he wrestles with a spending bill to fund the government, at the Capitol on Jan. 12, 2024.

J. Scott Applewhite / AP

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Georgia voters enthusiastic to choose their representative

Voters in Rome, Georgia, said they expect to return and vote in what is likely to be a runoff election because of the number of candidates.

“Too many people that think they’re politicians — some I know personally that has no experience, that, you know, Washington would just swallow them up like it does most people,” one voter said.

“What I look for in a candidate is tell me your policies. That’s the problem that I have with both sides today,” another voter said. “They attack each other, they hate each other, and they don’t ever get around to telling you what their actual policies are.”

Despite voters saying they planned to return to the ballot box, Floyd County Republican Vice Chair David Guldenschuh said the complicated schedule had party heads worried.

“There’s real fatigue out there, and I sense and feel for them,” he said.

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rome-georgia-voting.png

A crowded field of candidates has made a runoff in the Georgia special election likely.

CBS News Atlanta


Still, Guldenschuh said he doesn’t feel like the crowded field would hurt the GOP’s chance to hold the seat that Greene once occupied.

“I think that, you know, we have an unusual situation here. We all appreciated and loved Marjorie. And when she and Trump had the falling out, we still supported both here in this district, even though they weren’t getting along very well. And still are, as I understand,” he said. So I do know that this district is very solid conservative, and from Floyd County north, it’s really conservative. So I don’t see a big change going on now.”

Vincent Mendes, the chair of the county’s Democratic Party, expected Harris to get to the runoff, but said it would take effort to flip the seat.

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“We will have to work our butts off to make him win if he gets to a runoff, but that’s how we should treat every single election,” Mendes said.

A local race with national implications

CBS News Political Director Fin Gómez said this special election is about more than just one seat in Congress. It’s being watched by politicians across the state and around the nation as an early indicator of where the Republican Party and its voters stand right now.

Gómez said this race could offer one of the first real tests of Mr. Trump’s influence within the party, with the president throwing his support behind Fuller.

The results could show whether the Republican base is still fully aligned with him after his rift with Greene.

The key question, according to Gómez: Does the president still have the influence that he did back in 2024?

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“I do think that if Clay Fuller does well, even if he doesn’t clear the threshold that’s needed to avoid a runoff, I think that bodes well for the president, because that means Republican voters are still adhering to what the president says, and it shows the influence that that the president still has on the Republican Party, including in northwest Georgia,” he told CBS News Atlanta.

If another candidate, such as Moore, pulls off a win, it could signal the Republican base isn’t always following the president’s lead.

“If Fuller does not when I think it would surprise a lot of the Trump faithful who really adhere to who he supports in these type of elections, but if, let’s say, if it doesn’t go Fuller’s way and Moore picks off this win, I think what you are seeing is that the base might be a little more unpredictable, similar to what we saw perhaps in 2010.”

Georgia Runoff For Greene Seat Looms With 17 Candidates Running

A ‘Vote Here’ sign in front of a polling station at Tabernacle Baptist Church in Hiram, Georgia, US, on Tuesday, March 10, 2026.

Elijah Nouvelage / Bloomberg via Getty Images

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Special election marks start of busy campaign stretch

With how crowded the field is, it is very likely that this will be only the first step to choosing Greene’s replacement. Georgia’s special election rules require a candidate to win a majority of votes. If that threshold is not met, the top two candidates will go on to the April 7 runoff.

Whoever eventually wins the seat will serve out the rest of Greene’s term — a relatively short time in office. If they want to remain in the seat, they’ll have to run again in the May 19 party primaries. That race could possibly go to a party runoff, which would take place on June 16. The winners of the primaries will advance to the general election in November.

Last week, 10 Republicans, including Fuller and Moore, qualified to run in November’s election for a full two-year term. Harris also qualified, the sole Democrat who did in what has been rated as the most Republican-leaning district in Georgia by the Cook Political Report.

Mr. Trump carried the 14th Congressional District with 68% of the vote in the 2024 election, with Greene receiving over 64%. Republicans want that rightward trend to continue in the district. Democrats are hoping that the potential GOP infighting and crowded field could help them secure a surprise electoral win, shrinking the already-narrow margins in the U.S. House of Representatives.

Republicans currently control 218 House seats to the Democrats’ 214.

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Georgia special election to replace MTG tests the power of Trump’s endorsement

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Georgia special election to replace MTG tests the power of Trump’s endorsement


People cheer for President Trump en route to his speaking engagement at the Coosa Steel Corporation on Feb. 19 in Rome, Ga. Trump delivered remarks on the economy and affordability as the state started voting to replace the seat vacated by former Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene.

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ATLANTA — Voters in Northwest Georgia are choosing who should replace former Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene. Voting closes in the district’s special election on Tuesday night.

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The election will test the weight of President Trump’s endorsement of one of the candidates in a crowded race. Some voters say the president’s choice is not who they think would best support the conservative MAGA movement championed by both Trump and Greene.

Greene resigned at the beginning of this year, leaving Georgia’s 14th Congressional District without representation in Congress — and slimming the GOP’s majority in the House — following a bitter split with Trump.

Greene rose to prominence over five years in office as a strong ally of Trump, bombastically attacking critics and pushing the MAGA movement’s “America First” policy. Yet the two had a very public clash after she pushed for the release of documents related to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. Greene has also been sharply critical of Trump’s actions abroad, saying he has strayed from his promises to focus domestically.

With Trump now in the second year of his second term, other high-profile spats with key parts of his MAGA coalition have erupted over his administration’s handling of other issues, including sweeping tariffs, immigration policy and more. More recently, rifts have emerged over the war with Iran.

Some, like Greene, argue that though Trump helped create the “America First” worldview, he is not the sole arbiter of what it looks like.

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Most of the GOP candidates in the special election have said they want to focus on Trump’s priorities and the concerns of their district, rather than become headlines themselves — an approach they say Greene embraced in her public disputes with Democrats and even with members of her own party.

“The difference between Marjorie and I is I will not use the press to become a celebrity,” Republican Star Black said during a candidate forum on Feb. 16. “I will use the press to actually show what I have done — the accomplishments,”

Trump has endorsed Clay Fuller, a district attorney in northwest Georgia for the state’s Lookout Mountain Judicial Circuit. He emphasized his support last month during a visit to Rome, part of the state’s 14th District, where he held a rally to tout his administration’s economic policy.

Fuller called himself a “MAGA warrior” at the event.

Republican congressional candidate Clay Fuller (left) shakes hands with President Trump as he arrives on Air Force One at Russell Regional Airport on Feb. 19 in Rome, Ga. Trump is in Georgia to visit a steel company and speak on the economy as the state has started voting to replace the seat vacated by former Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Republican congressional candidate Clay Fuller (left) shakes hands with President Trump as he arrives on Air Force One at Russell Regional Airport on Feb. 19 in Rome, Ga.

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“I really like him,” said rally attendee Jill Fisher. “I think he’s a strong candidate, seems like a very nice family man with some great values. And I think he’ll add a lot to Congress.”

Highlighting Fuller’s military service as an Air Force veteran, an ad for his campaign says, ” ‘America First’ is the story of his life.”

Fuller faces several other GOP candidates in the primary, including former state Sen. Colton Moore. Moore won elections for the state Legislature in the district before and is considered one of the most right-leaning lawmakers at the state level.

“I’m 100% pro-Trump,” Moore declared in his campaign announcement video.

He’s made a few headlines of his own. Last year, Moore was arrested for attempting to enter the House chambers in Atlanta to attend the State of the State address by GOP Gov. Brian Kemp. Moore argued he had a constitutional right to enter the chamber. Moore had been banned from entering the chambers by the state’s Republican House Speaker Jon Burns for disparaging comments he made about a late Georgia lawmaker at his portrait unveiling.

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Moore’s record matters for some GOP voters even more than Trump’s endorsement. Less Dunaway, 14th district voter, says he’s a strong supporter of Trump, but thinks Moore will do a better job carrying out the president’s agenda than Trump’s own pick.

“He actually knows what he’s doing,” Dunaway said of Moore. “He was a state representative, a state senator. He was the first one to fight the people over the 2020 election in Georgia.”

Moore was one of a group of GOP state lawmakers who called on lawmakers to investigate or impeach Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis after she charged Trump and others with trying to overturn the 2020 election in Georgia, when Trump and his allies pushed baseless claims of widespread election fraud.

Fuller insists Trump made the right choice in supporting his bid.

“I think they’re looking for someone to carry President Trump’s banner, support his agenda, and fight for him on Capitol Hill,” Fuller told Georgia Public Broadcasting last month.

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Still some Republicans who attended the February rally left undecided.

“I don’t just blindly follow what [Trump] says,” said Clay Cooper of Rome.

Still, Cooper said that Trump’s endorsement means he will give Fuller more thought. “[Fuller is] someone that [Trump] thinks aligns very much with his messaging, with his actions, so that certainly weighs in,” Cooper said.

Unlike a partisan primary, all the candidates — Republicans, Democrats and third party candidates — will be on the same ballot for voters in the special election. If no one gets over 50% of the vote, the two top vote-getters regardless of party will advance to a runoff on April 7.

Follow the results below as polls close on Tuesday at 7 p.m. ET.

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NPR’s Padmananda Rama contributed to this report.



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Georgia teacher killed in prank gone wrong: 5 teens charged

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Georgia teacher killed in prank gone wrong: 5 teens charged


A tragic prank turns deadly in Gainesville, Georgia, as beloved teacher Jason Hughes is struck and killed outside his home. Five teenagers now face charges, including vehicular homicide. Students and the community mourn Hughes’ loss, leaving flowers and memories outside North Hall High School.



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