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Georgia’s EU dreams live or die with Mikheil Saakashvili

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Georgia’s EU dreams live or die with Mikheil Saakashvili


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TBILISI, Georgia — Almost every day, Giuli Alasania makes the drive down a dusty highway through the Georgian capital to visit her son, former President Mikheil Saakashvili, in hospital.

“It’s ironic,” she says, fussing over the plastic pots of stewed beans and salads she is bringing for his lunch, “when he was president, he built this clinic. Now he’s dying in it.”

Ailing and imprisoned, Saakashvili holds Georgia’s future in his hands.

Confined to his hospital room, he told POLITICO that his life or death will have an enormous impact on whether Georgia has a realistic chance of joining the European Union, in a scribbled note passed to his legal team.

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“I am fighting for my life and for this country,” he wrote, “of course, they might still drive me to a lethal outcome and it would be a terrible signal in this hybrid war for the entire region and embolden autocracies and wannabe despots.”

Saakashvili’s enormous influence — a decade after he left the presidency — comes despite his controversial record as leader.

In 2003, he led the Rose Revolution that overthrew a post-Soviet government run by oligarchs with the promise of a crackdown on corruption and an opening to the West. He even changed the constitution to enshrine “full integration” into both the EU and NATO.

“After the Rose Revolution, there was this mood among young people — we were all motivated, we believed we had a chance to build Georgia up and make it something different to what had happened before,” said Eka Gigauri, head of anti-corruption NGO Transparency Georgia. “We decided we were not just a regular post-Soviet country, and that the EU and NATO was the only choice for us. We were ready to dedicate everything we had for that.”

But in 2008, Saakashvili led his country during a disastrous war with Russia, and his increasing authoritarianism alienated many of his original supporters, including Gigauri, who quit her role in the civil service to hold the state to account from the outside.

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The bombastic center-right leader was voted out in 2013 and left for Ukraine — becoming governor of Odesa and then head of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s National Reform Council. A Georgian court found him guilty in absentia of abusing his power by pardoning police who beat an opposition lawmaker. He was stripped of his Georgian passport and sentenced to six years behind bars. Few expected Saakashvili to ever return.

They underestimated his capacity for showmanship.

In 2021, the homesick politician illegally sneaked back across the border, touring the countryside, eating his favorite khinkali dumplings and daring the authorities to arrest him — which they soon did. The increasingly erratic former president declared he was a political prisoner and went on a hunger strike to demand his release. He called it off after a few weeks as Russia invaded Ukraine.

Giuli Alasania, Mikheil Saakashvili’s mother, cooks food for her son in hospital. Confined to his hospital room, Saakashvili told POLITICO that his life or death will have an enormous impact on whether Georgia has a realistic chance of joining the European Union | Gabriel Gavin/POLITICO

Since then, though, the 55-year-old’s health has dramatically deteriorated.

“He has lost so much weight I hardly recognize him,” said his mother. “I bring him the smallest size of trousers and even those are too big. He has confusion, he can’t remember what happened a few hours ago. Tests show he has heavy metals, mercury, barium and bismuth, and cyanide, in his body.”

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Life and death

In life, Saakashvili may have failed to bring about the deep and lasting reforms Georgia would need to join the EU — but in death, he could sink the project for good.

“Relations with the international community are already in a deep freeze as a result of the Georgian Dream party’s embrace of Moscow,” said David Kezerashvili, who served as Saakashvili’s defense minister during the 2008 Russian invasion. “And the prospects of European Union membership would appear to be crumbling before our eyes.”

After Saakashvili left power, the country shifted in a more pro-Moscow direction under the ruling Georgian Dream party, founded by billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili. Although Ivanishvili publicly left front-line politics, he is widely believed to call the shots and give orders to Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili.

Even though the Kremlin and its local allies control a fifth of Georgia’s territory, the government refused to impose sanctions on Russia in the wake of Moscow’s full-blown invasion of Ukraine. Instead, it has been accused of turning a blind eye as the country becomes a waystation for sanctioned goods moving from the EU into Russia, cashing in by circumventing restrictions.

In a sign of warming ties, the Kremlin scrapped a ban on direct flights to Georgia and relaxed visa requirements for its citizens. Russian holidaymakers now fly to the sunny capital and its seaside resorts, despite public protests and a warning from Georgian President Salome Zourabichvili.

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In May, Garibashvili came under fire after claiming the war was the result of Ukraine’s desire to join NATO, echoing Russian leader Vladimir Putin’s own talking points.

According to a report from the European Council on Foreign Relations, Ivanishvili “appears to be largely responsible” for Tbilisi’s pro-Moscow tilt. “Through his control of the Georgian Dream party and the government, Ivanishvili may be attempting to maneuver Georgia into Russia’s sphere of influence,” it says.

Pro-EU population

The government’s shift of direction clashes with popular views; blue EU flags hang from apartment balconies and government buildings across Tbilisi.

A nationwide poll in April by the International Republican Institute found that 89 percent of Georgians support joining the EU, the highest number recorded for years. But only 38 percent of the 1,500 people sampled think the current government is following a “pro-Western” foreign policy.

Outside the hospital, an activist keeps a round-the-clock vigil, sleeping in a car decked out with placards reading “free Misha!”

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Worry is growing within the international community about Saakashvili’s fate, with many asking for his release | Screenshot of Georgian court hearing

There is also international concern for the fate of Saakashvili. Zelenskyy wants the Georgian government to allow the former president to come to Ukraine.

“Russia is killing Ukrainian citizen Saakashvili at the hands of the Georgian authorities,” he tweeted earlier this month, after court photos showed an emaciated Saakashvili. “I urge our partners to address this situation and not ignore it and save this man. No government in Europe has the right to execute people, life is a basic European value.”

The U.S. State Department said late last year it is “very closely following” Saakashvili’s treatment. Meanwhile, the European Parliament earlier this year urged Tbilisi to release Saakashvili, warning his treatment is “a litmus test for the Georgian government’s commitment to European values and its declared European aspirations, including EU candidate status.”

EU candidacy clash

Georgia’s EU hopes are already in deep trouble.

In June 2022, the EU granted Ukraine and Moldova candidate status, but stopped short of offering the same to Georgia — instead prescribing a package of 12 recommendations for reforms.

Last year, a European Parliament report warned Georgia has “seriously backslided with respect to the basic democratic principles and key political commitments” it undertook as part of an association agreement with the bloc.

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“The rule of law is backsliding from the progress that the Georgian Dream achieved during the first years of their governance,” said Vakushti Menadbe, associate professor at Ilia State University law school, adding: “They try to create illusion that there is progress, however, the proposed reforms do not drive towards more democratization.”

While the government insists Saakashvili is receiving adequate care and must serve his sentence, allies of the former leader are pushing for an EU-backed delegation to investigate his health.

Giorgi Chaladze served as a former deputy culture minister in Saakashvili’s government and now acts as his personal lawyer. “The EU agreed in February to send a mission to look into his treatment and health,” he said, sitting in an office surrounded by paperwork covered in the former president’s scrawl.

A long-awaited Polish medical mission was in Tbilisi earlier this month, but has yet to publicize its findings. Aside from them, Saakashvili’s only visitors are his mother and his lawyers.

Every day, Chaladze or another member of his team visits the hospital with print-outs of tweets and messages from well-wishers. One, from former Belgian Prime Minister and MEP Guy Verhofstadt, calls on the authorities to “stop the inhumane treatment” and “release him now!” Saakashvili has jotted instructions on a corner of the page to retweet the post.

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International fallout

The European Commission is expected to publish its 2023 Enlargement Package in October, which will assess progress in key reform areas and potentially open the door for Georgia’s EU candidacy.

Saakashvili’s lawyers communicate with him in notes passed to his hospital room. One, from former Belgian Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt, calls for his release | Gabriel Gavin/POLITICO

In a statement shared with POLITICO, Georgia’s Mission to the EU denied that momentum has stalled on its potential accession. “Georgia has earned to be a candidate for EU membership both in terms of its technical readiness to take this step and in terms of the geopolitical choices it has made over the last 25 years,” it said.

However, with concern growing over the former president’s treatment, Brussels is looking increasingly unfavorably on Georgia’s EU hopes, argues Viola von Cramon, a German Green MEP and a member of the European Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs.

“Saakashvili was definitely not a democrat, but he knew what he was fighting for and knew what it meant to have an attractive country, to bring young people back, to pay people properly in the public sector,” she said. “Now the influence of Russia is remarkable. If he dies in prison, the message it send[s] to the EU is absolutely zero.”

Back in her apartment, surrounded by portraits and family photographs of the man who once led the country, Alasania said she’s come to terms with what could happen to him.

“My son isn’t afraid to die,” she said. “He’s afraid that Georgia might die.”

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Georgia

Georgian protesters against 'Russia-style' media law mark Orthodox Easter with candlelight vigil

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Georgian protesters against 'Russia-style' media law mark Orthodox Easter with candlelight vigil


TBILISI, Georgia — Several thousand Georgians marked Orthodox Easter with a candlelight vigil outside Parliament on Saturday evening as daily protests continue against a proposed law that critics see as a threat to media freedom and the country’s aspirations to join the European Union.

The proposed bill would require media, non-governmental organizations and other nonprofits to register as “pursuing the interests of a foreign power” if they receive more than 20% of their funding from abroad.

Protesters and the Georgian opposition denounce it as “the Russian law,” saying Moscow uses similar legislation to stigmatize independent journalists and those critical of the Kremlin.

Demonstrators crowded along a broad avenue in Tbilisi late Saturday, clutching Georgian and EU flags, as a small choir sang Easter songs and activists bustled about distributing food, including hand-painted eggs and traditional Easter cakes.

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Unlike at mass rallies earlier in the week, which met with a heavy police response, the atmosphere was peaceful. Unarmed police officers stationed sparsely at the vigil’s sidelines received festive foods along with the protesters.

Most Western churches observed Easter on March 31 this year, but Orthodox Christians in Georgia, Russia and elsewhere follow a different calendar.

“It is the most extraordinary Easter I have ever witnessed. The feeling of solidarity is overwhelming, but we should not forget about the main issue,” activist Lika Chachua told The Associated Press, referring to the proposed legislation.

The legislature approved a second reading of the bill Wednesday. The third and final reading is expected later this month.

The proposal is nearly identical to a measure that the governing Georgian Dream party was pressured to withdraw last year after large street protests.

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Georgian Dream argues the bill is necessary to stem what it deems as harmful foreign influence over the country’s political scene and to prevent unidentified foreign actors from trying to destabilize the country’s political scene.

But EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell has described the parliament’s move as “a very concerning development” and warned that “final adoption of this legislation would negatively impact Georgia’s progress on its EU path.”

Russia-Georgia relations have been strained and turbulent since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the two fought a brief war in 2008 that ended with Georgia losing control over two Russia-friendly separatist regions. In the aftermath, Tbilisi severed diplomatic ties with Moscow, and the issue of the regions’ status remains a key irritant, even as relations have somewhat improved.

The opposition United National Movement accuses Georgian Dream, which was founded by Bidzina Ivanishvili, a billionaire who made his fortune in Russia, of serving Moscow’s interests. The governing party vehemently denies that.



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Georgia DNR: Public comment period now open for proposed changes

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Georgia DNR: Public comment period now open for proposed changes


The Georgia Department of Natural Resources Wildlife Resources Division will like public input on proposed regulation changes regarding black bass species and a proposed repeal of Rule 391-5-9-.08, which deals with submerged cultural resources.

Public input is important and valuable in the development and implementation of state regulations, according to the Georgia Department of Natural Resources’ Wildlife Resources Division.

The public comment period is currently open for two items:

  • Proposed Regulation Changes regarding black bass species: Anglers and other interested persons are encouraged to provide input regarding proposed fishing regulations amendments regarding shoal bass length limits, and modification of daily creel limits for native black bass species with limited range and populations.
  • Proposed Repeal of Rule 391-5-9-.08: The comment period for the proposed repeal of submerged cultural resources regulations, Subject 391-5-9.

The full proposed regulations documents are available for review at https://georgiawildlife.com/regulations/proposed

Public Comment opportunities include a live Virtual Public Meeting (for black bass fishing regulation changes) via the Georgia DNR Wildlife Resources Division Facebook Page scheduled for May 21, 2024 (7 pm).

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If you are unable to participate in the virtual public meeting, you can submit comment through one of the following methods:

  • Email: Submit by e-mail ([email protected]).
  • Phone: By phone (706-557-3305).
  • Mail: Mail comments to: GA DNR Wildlife Resources Division/Fisheries Management Section/2067 US Hwy. 278, SE/Social Circle, GA 30025.

The deadline to provide public input is close of business (4:30 p.m.) on May 27, 2024.

For more information, visit https://georgiawildlife.com/regulations/proposed.

 





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Georgia torn between the EU and Russia

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Georgia torn between the EU and Russia


Mass protests against the adoption of a “foreign agent” law, which stipulates that media and organisations that receive more than 20 percent of their funding from abroad must disclose their income, are gaining momentum in Georgia. In March 2023, protests against a similar bill ultimately led to its withdrawal. What to make of the current developments – not least in light of Georgia’s recently acquired EU candidate status?

Decide between East or West

Postimees sees the country at a crossroads:

“In December Georgia was granted EU accession candidate status, which requires compliance with certain values. These values certainly do not include brutally dispersing peaceful demonstrators using tear gas and rubber truncheons. Georgia should be aware that Russia currently views the EU as a hostile community, which means that Georgia’s status as a candidate country is viewed with hostility in Moscow. If Georgia really wants to join, it must free itself from undemocratic values, orient itself clearly towards the West and work seriously on reforming the country.”

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Against the opposition and Europe

The general direction is clear, La Stampa laments:

“At a rally, oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili – former prime minister and true power behind the ruling party – called for the ‘final judgement’ on the opposition, which he accuses of being ‘foreign agents’ of the ‘global war party EU-Nato’ who are ‘preparing the revolution’ in the run-up to the October elections. … Never before has the intention to bring Tbilisi back under the wing of Moscow, which grabbed a fifth of the country’s territory in 2008, been formulated more clearly. … This signal was also heard in Brussels. The European Parliament discussed imposing sanctions on Ivanishvili and suspending the accession process for Tbilisi. … But that would only pave the way for Ivanishvili.”

Other Topics of Interest

Post-Soviet Georgia in 10 Dates

The former Soviet republic of Georgia has been rocked by mass protests over a Russian-style “foreign agent” bill that targets foreign-backed NGOs.

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Brussels must not turn away

The EU must not overreact, La Croix warns:

“The Europeans face a balancing act. The adoption of such a law can only prompt them to postpone the start of accession negotiations indefinitely. … But seeing thousands of demonstrators waving European flags in front of parliament to the strains of the Ode to Joy despite tear gas and water cannons cannot leave the member states unmoved. So slamming the door is not an option. Despite the risks and despite the pressure from Moscow, the Europeans, who are the country’s biggest donors, must continue to support the pro-democracy ambitions. Especially in the run-up to the Georgian parliamentary elections scheduled for October.”

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A risk for the government

The Western orientation of Georgian society could slow down the government, hvg contends:

“The displeasure of the West and the ongoing opposition protests could force the government to back down again. After all, EU and Nato membership are very popular among Georgians – polls show that 80 percent of the population support Euro-Atlantic integration. So a worsening of the dispute between Brussels and Tbilisi could end up reducing the number of supporters of the ruling coalition.”

The pendulum of history could swing back

Ukraine should also learn a lesson from the latest developments in Georgia, writes political scientist Maksym Yali on Facebook:

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“The events in Georgia show that even after military aggression it’s possible to relapse into the past, with forces coming to power that are, to put it mildly, neutral towards Russia. And they come to power quite legally, by the way. Okay, during Russia’s military invasion [in Georgia] there weren’t as many victims or as much destruction as in Ukraine. But it is still possible that the pendulum of history will swing back. Even though this seemed impossible in 2008. The Kremlin is hoping the same thing will happen in Ukraine.”

Moscow using same tactics as in Moldova

Russia continues to meddle in its former sphere of influence, political scientist Denis Cenusa observes on Contributors:

“In both Georgia and Moldova, Russia is trying to weaken the EU’s position and (re)gain strategic advantages by exploiting the mistakes made by the governments in their endeavours to remain in power. … For example, the introduction of legal mechanisms to obstruct civil society in Georgia, or the disproportionate reactions of the government in Chișinău against socially disadvantaged groups recruited by pro-Russian forces for political intrigues may poison the European agenda. The disunity in these countries serves Russian interests and could further complicate the EU’s eastward enlargement.”

Russia as a deterrent

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In a post on Facebook, Russian opposition politician Elvira Vikhareva explains why the bill is so controversial:

“The ruling party Georgian Dream wants NGOs and media that receive more than 20 percent of their funding from abroad to register as ‘organisations representing foreign interests’. That’s the official wording. … It seems like a small thing, doesn’t it? But we remember very well what such a small thing led to in our country. The Georgians look across the border and understand everything. And of course there are hardly any media or NGOs in Georgia without this 20 percent. The country is very poor, it lives only on being open to the world and foreign funding, especially in the tertiary sector.”

The people will have their say in the autumn

Georgia has only been a candidate for EU membership since December, the Süddeutsche Zeitung points out:

“But instead of moving closer, it is already moving further away. … Tens of thousands are protesting because they see the proposed law as a threat to the country’s European course. … The words of the most powerful man in the country also give the people good reason to be sceptical. Bidzina Ivanishvili, billionaire, former prime minister and leader of the ruling party, has now launched a massive attack on the West. He claims the West wants to use Georgia, like Ukraine, as cannon fodder in the fight against Russia. This is completely untrue. Instead such words reinforce the impression of an increasingly authoritarian leadership that is unsure about pursuing the path towards the EU. It has the say. However, the Georgian people will also have their say in the parliamentary elections in the autumn.”

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Even willing to jeopardise EU ties

The Georgian Dream party which has ruled the country for many years is under pressure now, observes Ukrainska Pravda:

“The most common explanation is that the law, which makes control over the public sector and independent media possible, is being used to secure victory in the parliamentary elections on 26 October. For the first time, these elections will be held without the single-mandate constituencies in which the ruling party has always won. That is why it will be more difficult for Georgian Dream to win this time round. … Retaining power (it should be remembered that Georgian Dream has been in power for almost 12 years) is the party’s key objective. And it is prepared to sacrifice even its ties to the EU to achieve this.”

It sounded harmless at first

Exiled TV-Rain journalist Ekaterina Kotrikadze warns on Facebook:

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“Thanks to the Russian experience, people in Georgia understand very well where a ‘law on foreign agents’ leads and what it is needed for. Let me briefly recapitulate: The Russian state had promised us, too, that nothing terrible would happen, that the law would merely ensure ‘transparency’ and not prevent anyone from working or living in Russia. … There is not a single major independent media outlet or international human rights organisation left in Russia today. That was the aim of the Russian authorities when they claimed that the law on foreign agents was just a trifling matter.”



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