Georgia
As Israeli tourism to Georgia has boomed, these Israelis have put down roots in Tbilisi
TBILISI, Georgia — In the ancient land of khachapuri cheese bread and famous qvevri wine fermented in earthenware vessels, Danny Licht now offers a rival ethnic delicacy: falafel.
Three years ago, the Swiss-Israeli entrepreneur moved here from Jerusalem with his Russian-born wife, Rita. In January, they opened Ashkara Falafel in the heart of Tbilisi’s tourist district.
“We wanted to offer something fresh, tasty and inexpensive — not a restaurant but real street food,” said Licht, who charges 19 lari (about $7) for a complete falafel meal with all the fixings.
Meanwhile, Rita, who has a doctorate in molecular genetics from the Weizmann Institute of Science in Rehovot, runs a contemporary art gallery housed in the same building as their residence.
“We don’t have any family ties here, but we love the culture and we have a passion for art,” she said. “Our dream was to open a gallery, and this is one of the places we could make it happen.”
Danny and Rita Licht are among 200 or so Israelis for whom Georgia — a former Soviet republic about three hours’ flying time from Tel Aviv — is a new promised land. Frustrated with Israel’s high prices, toxic politics and worsening security situation, they’ve decided to relocate permanently to this mountainous, landlocked country in the Caucasus.
They may have left behind one divided country for another. For the last two months, Georgia has experienced massive anti-government protests against a new law, modeled after one in Russia, that requires any organization receiving more than 20% of its funding from overseas to register as a “foreign agent.”
Critics say the law is aimed at stifling dissent while moving the country closer to Moscow and away from the European Union. Polls show that 80% of Georgians want their country to join the EU, and protesters vow not to back down until the law — which they say smacks of Putin-like repression — is repealed.
It remains to be seen whether the new law or the backlash have any effect on Israeli tourism, which has long been strong. Last year, according to government statistics, 217,065 Israelis visited Georgia, making them the fourth-largest source of foreign tourism after Russia, Turkey and Armenia. But Israelis stayed longer and spent an average 3,782 lari (about $1,400) per visit — far more than any other group. It’s not uncommon to hear Hebrew in the streets, and one of Tbilisi’s top tourist attractions is the Museum of Georgian Jewish History, which chronicles 2,600 years of Jewish life in this country.
All told, Israeli investment in tourism, finance, agriculture and healthcare already totals around $500 million, said Itsik Moshe, founder of both Israeli House and the Israel-Georgia Chamber of Business.
“Georgia is a small country, but it’s one of Israel’s best friends in the world,” said Moshe, who in 1990 became the first Israeli to represent the Jewish Agency in the former Soviet Union. “We are two ancient peoples with difficult histories and the same fate. According to Georgian history, it was the Jews who helped prepare them to adopt Christianity.”
In fact, legend has it that a Georgian Jew called Elias brought the robe of Jesus Christ back home from Jerusalem after the crucifixion, having acquired it from a Roman soldier at Golgotha.
Before Oct. 7, four or five airlines were offering nonstop flights between Tel Aviv and Tbilisi — sometimes two flights a day by the same airline. Even now, El Al and Israir still offer daily service on that route. And posters of Israelis kidnapped by Hamas and held captive in Gaza are plastered on billboards and the sides of buses in Tbilisi.
Animosity still prevalent
Despite the warm feelings, not everyone here loves Jews or Israel.
In November 2022, Pakistani agents affiliated with al-Qaeda and sent by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Quds Force attempted to assassinate Moshe on the street, in front of the Israeli flag over his office. Fortunately, the plot was discovered by local security officials, who arrested several suspects including two Georgian-Iranian dual citizens.
Moshe, who remains closely guarded, said he expects a record 250,000 Israelis in Georgia in 2024. In November, his organization is planning a business conference in Tbilisi to mark 35 years of bilateral commercial ties.
In fact, many Israelis have purchased timeshares in the Black Sea resort of Batumi, and the country is considered a prime destination for skiing and hiking as well as travel focused on food and wine. Also unique to Georgia are its ancient 33-letter alphabet, which is nearly 1,500 years old, as well as its hauntingly beautiful chant, the traditional music sung in the Georgian Orthodox Church for daily and weekly services in three-voiced polyphony without instruments.
“I haven’t met even one Israeli tourist who doesn’t want to come back here,” said Moshe, estimating Georgia’s native Jewish population at 500 to 1,000; the Great Synagogue of Tbilisi serves the predominantly elderly community. In addition to those Israeli Jews who have moved to Georgia, there’s also 1,500 Israeli Arabs — mainly Christians from Nazareth and elsewhere — studying medicine here.
Likewise, Israel is home to roughly 120,000 Jews from Georgia. Known in Hebrew as gruzinim, they originally settled in Ashdod, Beersheba, Ashkelon and Haifa, though they’ve since spread throughout the country — and a few have even returned.
Ilana Slutsky, a native of Orenburg in southern Russia, grew up in Haifa, and worked for years as an architect. The company that employed her landed a contract with a cardiovascular center in Georgia, which required her to travel there from Israel every 10 days over a four-year period.
Eventually, Slutsky moved to Tbilisi, and a few years ago she opened her own interior design, real estate and architectural consulting firm. Her Georgian husband, Tedo, is an artist, and she’s currently in the process of restoring an apartment building from 1872.
The only time she felt unpleasant, she recalled, was seeing a recent Instagram post by Mutant Radio Tbilisi seeking donations for Palestinian children displaced by the war in Gaza.
“I feel sorry for all victims of war, but we know that this money will go directly to Hamas,” said Slutsky, who understands the Georgian language as well as English, Hebrew and her native Russian. “For me, it was disappointing, especially after what happened at the Nova music festival. To be honest, I was shocked.”
Despite the money they spend and the government’s emulation of their native country, Russians aren’t particularly welcome in Georgia, which seems awash in Ukrainian flags as a show of support for the fellow ex-Soviet republic. That’s a legacy of the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, which began when pro-Russian separatists in the breakaway republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia attacked Georgia, violating a 1992 ceasefire agreement. The fighting ended 16 days later with Russia controlling a fifth of Georgian territory.
Anti-Russian obscenities cover a retaining wall across the street from Danny Licht’s falafel shop, and some nightclubs now make customers sign statements of support for Ukraine — like Georgia, also a victim of Putin’s aggression — before they can enter the premises.
“When the Russia-Ukraine war started, Georgia was 30% or 40% cheaper than today,” Licht said. “But then apartment prices doubled and even tripled. The market went crazy because so many Russians ran away and came here. They couldn’t use their credit cards in Russia anymore. And last September there was a [military] mobilization. They didn’t come because they were against the war, but because they didn’t want to be killed.”
Licht added: “About half a year ago, prices reached a peak, and now they’re coming down. But 20% of this country is still occupied by Russia, and Georgians are very suspicious of them.”
Yaron Shmerkin, 39, has lived in Georgia nearly two years. Originally from Luhansk — a city in eastern Ukraine that’s been under Russian occupation for nearly a decade — he’s married to Georgian fashion designer Anuk Yosebashvili. Back in 2017, the jewelry designer, who specializes in Judaica art, took a Jeep trip with his wife and in-laws throughout the mountain republic, which is three times the size of Israel yet has less than half its population.
“After a week, I said, ‘We’re going to move here,’” he recalled. “We are very happy in Georgia.”
So is Mikhail Gilichinski, 40, an Orthodox Jew and a native of the Russian city of Tula. He lived throughout Israel — Kibbutz Bar’am, Jerusalem and Ramat Gan — before coming to Georgia five years ago with his Moscow-born wife, Miriam. Both had been here on vacation previously.
Neither Mikhail nor Miriam Gilichinski speak Georgian. They use English to communicate with locals because, he says, “I don’t feel comfortable speaking Russian with them.”
Nevertheless, Gilichinski has built a small hotel, which his wife runs as an Airbnb. Their children, 10 and 7, attend the local Chabad religious school.
“I’m a jewelry designer and can work from anywhere,” he said. “We love Israel, but financially it’s difficult. You have to work all the time, from morning to evening. That’s why we came here.”
Georgia
Bookman: Wealthy school voucher supporters send disapproving taxpayers the bill • Georgia Recorder
School vouchers are unpopular.
They are unpopular with liberal voters. They are unpopular with conservative voters.
In modern American politics, it is rare to find such agreement, with voters of all stripes recognizing that they pose an existential threat to public education.
Yet somehow, in Georgia and other states, voucher programs continue to be implemented against what appears to be strong bipartisan opposition.
How is that happening?
It’s happening because a relative handful of very wealthy people have made school vouchers their pet vanity project, using multi-million-dollar campaign chests to try to refashion state legislatures all across the country to do their will.
Jeffrey Yass of Pennsylvania, Betsy DeVos of Michigan, Richard Uihlein of Illinois, Charles Koch of Kansas and other billionaires are all funding crusades in states where they don’t live, threatening the health of public schools that their kids will never attend, because they believe they know better than residents of those states how their children should be educated.
In Texas, for example, Yass and others donated tens of millions of dollars to remove conservative legislators who had dared to vote against a universal voucher program. In legislative races, $10,000 can do a lot of damage, and in November they succeeded in removing 15 conservative anti-voucher legislators, replacing them with candidates willing to do their bidding.
In states such as Georgia, where public opposition has continued to frustrate straightforward attempts to implement universal vouchers, proponents have resorted to political intimidation, deception and bait-and-switch legislation to accomplish their goals.
Let’s start with the assertion that vouchers are highly unpopular.
In every single state, liberal or conservative, in which voters have had a chance to directly voice their opinion, pro-voucher referendums have been defeated, and usually by overwhelmingly margins.
It happened most recently last month in Nebraska, a conservative state that Donald Trump carried by 20 points. If vouchers are truly a grassroots conservative cause, with broad popular support, surely you would expect them to be popular in the Nebraska heartland.
Yet Nebraskans voted overwhelmingly, 57% to 43%, to repeal a voucher program that their state legislators had tried to impose on them. It was the third time that Nebraskans have directly voted against using taxpayer money to fund private schools.
In Kentucky, the story was much the same. State legislators, goaded by out-of-state donors, needed to change the state constitution to allow vouchers, but doing so required that they get voter approval. It didn’t happen. In a deep-red state that Trump carried by 30 points, the proposed voucher amendment was rejected by 30 points. It failed in every one of the state’s 120 counties, rural and urban.
It’s also important to note that the distorting effect of huge sums of campaign money from billionaire voucher proponents is not felt solely in legislative races. Republican megadonors have also made it clear to politicians with ambitions for higher office that if they want the type of large donations needed in national races, they better toe the line on vouchers.
So here in Georgia last year, Gov. Brian Kemp helped to strong-arm the state Legislature into narrowly passing what was sold to legislators and the public as a very limited voucher bill, estimated to provide $6,500 in taxpayer money to pay private-school tuition to students in the lowest-performing 25% of Georgia schools. As part of that bill, legislators authorized spending for vouchers for as many as 22,000 students who are supposedly “stuck” in those poor-performing schools.
Except ….
Suddenly, state education officials have reread that new law and now claim that it makes as many as 400,000 Georgia students eligible for vouchers, including hundreds of thousands who do not attend a low-performing school. That is a number that was never heard or seen during debate on the legislation.
State Rep. Chris Erwin, chair of the House Education Committee, told the Associated Press that wasn’t how the law was intended to work and he wants it rewritten.
House Speaker Pro Tem Jan Jones joined him, saying she also felt misled.
“That wasn’t my understanding,” she said of the expanded program.
This is hardly the first time that voucher proponents in Georgia have told the public one thing during debate on a bill, only to turn around and disavow those promises later. It’s the kind of bait-and-switch technique you turn to only when you know that your proposal is too unpopular to be adopted through honest means.
It’s also important to point out that the public’s distrust of vouchers is well-grounded in fact and reality. Study after study has found that vouchers do not improve education outcomes, and instead can cause significant harm. And just as opponents have warned for decades, most of the taxpayer money spent on vouchers is going to subsidize students in prosperous families who were already attending private school or being home-schooled. Relatively little is used to help public-school students “escape” into better schools, the supposed rationale for vouchers.
And because voucher advocates insist upon little or no regulation of such programs, abuses have become legendary.
In Florida, homeschooling parents are using tax money to fund family trips to Disney World. In Arizona, families are using vouchers to buy themselves big-screen TVs. In Arkansas, a state that ranks 45th in the country in teacher pay, a voucher program created in 2023 is paying for horseback riding lessons for home-schooled children.
Think about that. At a time when public schools often lack the funding for even basic supplies, voucher advocates are using taxpayer money for equestrian training.
You can cite any number of circumstances in which unregulated campaign money is distorting the political process in this country, but perhaps none is as egregious, blatant and potentially destructive as the debate over vouchers. Rural communities in particular are wary of proposals that would drain resources from their public schools, and if Democrats are looking for a way to restore common ground with those voters, the fight against vouchers offers a great opportunity to do so.
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Georgia
LOOK: Georgia Football Equipment Staff Prepares Jerseys for Sugar Bowl
The Georgia Bulldogs equipment staff has begun preparing the Dawgs’ uniforms for the Sugar Bowl.
The Georgia Bulldogs are just weeks away from their College Football Playoff appearance and are diligently preparing for their Sugar Bowl matchup. The Bulldogs will await the winner of the Notre Dame Fighting Irish or the Indiana Hoosiers.
As provisions for the Sugar Bowl continue and the team gears up for the big game, the Bulldogs’ equipment staff has begun preparing the jerseys that the Dawgs will wear for the game. Georgia will be wearing their classic red jerseys with red helmets and their classic silver pants. The team’s jerseys will also feature the iconic Sugar Bowl patch on their left shoulder.
The Dawgs and their red uniforms will take the field in the Mercedes-Benz Superdome on January 1st, 2025, and will look to advance to the semi-finals of the College Football Playoff. A win will put Georgia one step closer to its third national championship appearance in four seasons and will give them their first playoff win since the 2022 season.
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Georgia
Georgia man sentenced for assaulting law enforcement during Jan. 6 Capitol breach
ATLANTA, Ga. (Atlanta News First) – A Georgia man has been sentenced for assaulting law enforcement officers during the Jan. 6 breach of the U.S. Capitol, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.
Michael Bradley, 50, of Forsyth, was sentenced to 60 months in prison, three years of supervised release, and ordered to pay a $2,000 fine, authorities said.
Bradley was previously found guilty of multiple offenses, including civil disorder, assaulting, resisting or impeding officers, engaging in physical violence in a restricted building or grounds with a deadly or dangerous weapon and other charges.
Back in January of 2021, Bradley made his way toward the U.S. Capitol’s Lower West Terrace Tunnel carrying a baton in a hip holster, the Justice Department said.
According to the DOJ, Bradley raised his baton and approached officers, but he was sprayed with a chemical agent, which caused him to retreat temporarily.
Video evidence shows Bradley later returning to the tunnel and swinging his baton at the officers at least twice in an attempt to hit them.
Bradley then moved to the side of the tunnel and left the Lower West Terrace a few minutes later, the DOJ says.
The FBI arrested Bradley on Sept. 7, 2023 in Forsyth.
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