Georgia
As Israeli tourism to Georgia has boomed, these Israelis have put down roots in Tbilisi
TBILISI, Georgia — In the ancient land of khachapuri cheese bread and famous qvevri wine fermented in earthenware vessels, Danny Licht now offers a rival ethnic delicacy: falafel.
Three years ago, the Swiss-Israeli entrepreneur moved here from Jerusalem with his Russian-born wife, Rita. In January, they opened Ashkara Falafel in the heart of Tbilisi’s tourist district.
“We wanted to offer something fresh, tasty and inexpensive — not a restaurant but real street food,” said Licht, who charges 19 lari (about $7) for a complete falafel meal with all the fixings.
Meanwhile, Rita, who has a doctorate in molecular genetics from the Weizmann Institute of Science in Rehovot, runs a contemporary art gallery housed in the same building as their residence.
“We don’t have any family ties here, but we love the culture and we have a passion for art,” she said. “Our dream was to open a gallery, and this is one of the places we could make it happen.”
Danny and Rita Licht are among 200 or so Israelis for whom Georgia — a former Soviet republic about three hours’ flying time from Tel Aviv — is a new promised land. Frustrated with Israel’s high prices, toxic politics and worsening security situation, they’ve decided to relocate permanently to this mountainous, landlocked country in the Caucasus.
They may have left behind one divided country for another. For the last two months, Georgia has experienced massive anti-government protests against a new law, modeled after one in Russia, that requires any organization receiving more than 20% of its funding from overseas to register as a “foreign agent.”
Critics say the law is aimed at stifling dissent while moving the country closer to Moscow and away from the European Union. Polls show that 80% of Georgians want their country to join the EU, and protesters vow not to back down until the law — which they say smacks of Putin-like repression — is repealed.
It remains to be seen whether the new law or the backlash have any effect on Israeli tourism, which has long been strong. Last year, according to government statistics, 217,065 Israelis visited Georgia, making them the fourth-largest source of foreign tourism after Russia, Turkey and Armenia. But Israelis stayed longer and spent an average 3,782 lari (about $1,400) per visit — far more than any other group. It’s not uncommon to hear Hebrew in the streets, and one of Tbilisi’s top tourist attractions is the Museum of Georgian Jewish History, which chronicles 2,600 years of Jewish life in this country.
All told, Israeli investment in tourism, finance, agriculture and healthcare already totals around $500 million, said Itsik Moshe, founder of both Israeli House and the Israel-Georgia Chamber of Business.
“Georgia is a small country, but it’s one of Israel’s best friends in the world,” said Moshe, who in 1990 became the first Israeli to represent the Jewish Agency in the former Soviet Union. “We are two ancient peoples with difficult histories and the same fate. According to Georgian history, it was the Jews who helped prepare them to adopt Christianity.”
In fact, legend has it that a Georgian Jew called Elias brought the robe of Jesus Christ back home from Jerusalem after the crucifixion, having acquired it from a Roman soldier at Golgotha.
Before Oct. 7, four or five airlines were offering nonstop flights between Tel Aviv and Tbilisi — sometimes two flights a day by the same airline. Even now, El Al and Israir still offer daily service on that route. And posters of Israelis kidnapped by Hamas and held captive in Gaza are plastered on billboards and the sides of buses in Tbilisi.
Animosity still prevalent
Despite the warm feelings, not everyone here loves Jews or Israel.
In November 2022, Pakistani agents affiliated with al-Qaeda and sent by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Quds Force attempted to assassinate Moshe on the street, in front of the Israeli flag over his office. Fortunately, the plot was discovered by local security officials, who arrested several suspects including two Georgian-Iranian dual citizens.
Moshe, who remains closely guarded, said he expects a record 250,000 Israelis in Georgia in 2024. In November, his organization is planning a business conference in Tbilisi to mark 35 years of bilateral commercial ties.
In fact, many Israelis have purchased timeshares in the Black Sea resort of Batumi, and the country is considered a prime destination for skiing and hiking as well as travel focused on food and wine. Also unique to Georgia are its ancient 33-letter alphabet, which is nearly 1,500 years old, as well as its hauntingly beautiful chant, the traditional music sung in the Georgian Orthodox Church for daily and weekly services in three-voiced polyphony without instruments.
“I haven’t met even one Israeli tourist who doesn’t want to come back here,” said Moshe, estimating Georgia’s native Jewish population at 500 to 1,000; the Great Synagogue of Tbilisi serves the predominantly elderly community. In addition to those Israeli Jews who have moved to Georgia, there’s also 1,500 Israeli Arabs — mainly Christians from Nazareth and elsewhere — studying medicine here.
Likewise, Israel is home to roughly 120,000 Jews from Georgia. Known in Hebrew as gruzinim, they originally settled in Ashdod, Beersheba, Ashkelon and Haifa, though they’ve since spread throughout the country — and a few have even returned.
Ilana Slutsky, a native of Orenburg in southern Russia, grew up in Haifa, and worked for years as an architect. The company that employed her landed a contract with a cardiovascular center in Georgia, which required her to travel there from Israel every 10 days over a four-year period.
Eventually, Slutsky moved to Tbilisi, and a few years ago she opened her own interior design, real estate and architectural consulting firm. Her Georgian husband, Tedo, is an artist, and she’s currently in the process of restoring an apartment building from 1872.
The only time she felt unpleasant, she recalled, was seeing a recent Instagram post by Mutant Radio Tbilisi seeking donations for Palestinian children displaced by the war in Gaza.
“I feel sorry for all victims of war, but we know that this money will go directly to Hamas,” said Slutsky, who understands the Georgian language as well as English, Hebrew and her native Russian. “For me, it was disappointing, especially after what happened at the Nova music festival. To be honest, I was shocked.”
Despite the money they spend and the government’s emulation of their native country, Russians aren’t particularly welcome in Georgia, which seems awash in Ukrainian flags as a show of support for the fellow ex-Soviet republic. That’s a legacy of the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, which began when pro-Russian separatists in the breakaway republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia attacked Georgia, violating a 1992 ceasefire agreement. The fighting ended 16 days later with Russia controlling a fifth of Georgian territory.
Anti-Russian obscenities cover a retaining wall across the street from Danny Licht’s falafel shop, and some nightclubs now make customers sign statements of support for Ukraine — like Georgia, also a victim of Putin’s aggression — before they can enter the premises.
“When the Russia-Ukraine war started, Georgia was 30% or 40% cheaper than today,” Licht said. “But then apartment prices doubled and even tripled. The market went crazy because so many Russians ran away and came here. They couldn’t use their credit cards in Russia anymore. And last September there was a [military] mobilization. They didn’t come because they were against the war, but because they didn’t want to be killed.”
Licht added: “About half a year ago, prices reached a peak, and now they’re coming down. But 20% of this country is still occupied by Russia, and Georgians are very suspicious of them.”
Yaron Shmerkin, 39, has lived in Georgia nearly two years. Originally from Luhansk — a city in eastern Ukraine that’s been under Russian occupation for nearly a decade — he’s married to Georgian fashion designer Anuk Yosebashvili. Back in 2017, the jewelry designer, who specializes in Judaica art, took a Jeep trip with his wife and in-laws throughout the mountain republic, which is three times the size of Israel yet has less than half its population.
“After a week, I said, ‘We’re going to move here,’” he recalled. “We are very happy in Georgia.”
So is Mikhail Gilichinski, 40, an Orthodox Jew and a native of the Russian city of Tula. He lived throughout Israel — Kibbutz Bar’am, Jerusalem and Ramat Gan — before coming to Georgia five years ago with his Moscow-born wife, Miriam. Both had been here on vacation previously.
Neither Mikhail nor Miriam Gilichinski speak Georgian. They use English to communicate with locals because, he says, “I don’t feel comfortable speaking Russian with them.”
Nevertheless, Gilichinski has built a small hotel, which his wife runs as an Airbnb. Their children, 10 and 7, attend the local Chabad religious school.
“I’m a jewelry designer and can work from anywhere,” he said. “We love Israel, but financially it’s difficult. You have to work all the time, from morning to evening. That’s why we came here.”
Georgia
FEMA approves $51 million for Georgia Hurricane Helene recovery
GEORGIA (WALB) — FEMA approved more than $51 million for 13 recovery and mitigation projects across Georgia following Hurricane Helene.
The funding includes $22 million to temporarily shelter about 1,500 displaced survivors at more than 100 hotels.
Satilla Rural Electric will receive $17 million to restore power and repair utilities in Appling and Jeff Davis counties.
Nashville will receive nearly $2.9 million to remove storm debris from public areas.
Albany is set to receive more than $720,000 to repair utilities.
Several other communities will also receive federal reimbursement, including Berrien and Irwin counties and Augusta’s Family YMCA.
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Georgia
No Reset Without Releases: Georgia’s Political Prisoners and the Price of Better Relations with Washington
In recent months, Georgian officials have signaled a desire to improve ties with the Trump administration. Members of the Georgian Dream government have pointed to renewed diplomatic contacts and commercially driven initiatives—including plans for a 70-story Trump Tower Tbilisi—as signs that relations with Washington may be improving after several years of tension.
But as Georgian Dream works to repair relations with the United States, they have expanded ties with counterparts in China, including through a 2023 strategic partnership; they have pursued closer engagement with the Iranian regime, including via high-level Georgian attendance at Iranian state ceremonies, and have been implicated in Iranian sanctions evasion schemes; and they have also faced growing scrutiny over the government’s role in sanctions evasion linked to Russian authorities. At home, Georgian Dream has launched a sweeping crackdown on dissent prompted by the approval of repressive laws and a 2024 decision suspending European Union (EU) negotiations that spurned citizens’ overwhelming support for European integration and closer ties with democratic partners. Georgian Dream has also sought to reframe Euro-Atlantic integration as a source of instability and conflict rather than a guarantor of Georgia’s long-term security and prosperity. Journalists, political opponents, students, artists, and ordinary citizens have been imprisoned, and authorities have passed laws aimed at curbing free expression. The US State Department noted that parliamentary elections that had preceded the EU decision were marred by vote buying and voter intimidation. Georgia is rated Partly Free in Freedom House’s Freedom in the World; its score fell to 51 in the 2026 edition, having lost 7 points in the past two years alone.
It is in the United States’ strategic interest to prevent Georgia from drifting further toward US adversaries. Washington should want to keep Georgia anchored in the democratic, Euro-Atlantic community because Georgia’s trajectory will shape the balance of influence between democratic and authoritarian powers in a strategically important region. But that does not mean the United States should normalize relations on Georgian Dream’s terms. The Trump administration should instead treat the release of Georgia’s political prisoners as a clear first test of whether Georgian Dream is truly prepared to make deals that can improve relations with the United States.
Imprisoned for speaking out
The Trump administration has already demonstrated that sustained pressure and high-level diplomacy can secure the release of political prisoners. Notably, under Special Envoy John Coale’s efforts, hundreds of detainees have been released from Belarus’s prisons in recent months. Georgia’s political prisoners deserve similar attention.
Some of the most emblematic cases of political imprisonment illustrate the breadth of Georgian Dream’s crackdown. Journalist Mzia Amaglobeli, founder of the independent outlets Batumelebi and Netgazeti, is one of the country’s most internationally recognized detainees. The two outlets were known among other things for exposing ruling-party violations in 2024 elections, and her detention since January 2025 on disproportionate charges signals to Georgia’s journalists that reporting the facts carries serious risk.
Zviad Tsetskhladze, a young activist associated with pro-European demonstrations that erupted after EU negotiations were suspended, was arrested while protesting in December 2024; he remains in prison in Tbilisi and has emerged as a symbol of the government’s repression of student and youth activism. The crackdown has also extended beyond traditional political actors. Andro Chichinadze, a well-known Georgian actor, and Paata Burchuladze, an internationally recognized opera singer who often sang at demonstrations, have both been imprisoned for protest activities amid the widening crackdown. Opposition figures including Giorgi Vashadze, Zurab Japaridze, Nika Melia, and Elene Khoshtaria—an opposition politician and mother of four—have also faced detention or prosecution.
These cases reflect a broader pattern in which state institutions, including the judiciary and prosecutorial system, are increasingly being used to raise the cost of dissent and weaken Georgia’s democratic opposition. Independent monitoring organizations have documented systemic judicial bias, excessive use of pretrial detention, and politically motivated prosecutions tied to peaceful protest activity. Within a few years, politically motivated detention has skyrocketed. Compared to just a few isolated cases before 2024 there are now 113 individuals deprived of liberty in cases widely regarded as politically motivated, according to Georgian human rights defenders; 58 are currently serving their sentences, and an additional 55 are in pretrial detention.
A path toward freedom
The Trump administration’s National Security Strategy provides a clear basis for making political prisoner releases central to any reset. It affirms that Americans’ “rights of free speech, freedom of religion and of conscience, and the right to choose and steer our common government are core rights that must never be infringed,” and adds that the United States will press countries that “share, or say they share,” those principles to uphold them “in letter and spirit.” The Georgian government claims to share those principles, but its treatment of political prisoners is the clearest test of whether that claim has meaning.
The United States should not normalize repression in Georgia simply because Georgian Dream has decided to seek warmer relations with Washington through diplomatic outreach and business deals. If the ruling party wants closer ties with the United States, Washington should demand concrete steps to reverse democratic backsliding—including restoring political pluralism, protecting civil society and independent media, and ensuring free and fair elections—in return for deeper engagement. These reforms are essential to keeping Georgia anchored in the Euro-Atlantic community and preventing further drift toward authoritarian powers whose interests run counter to free societies. The release of political prisoners should be treated as the minimum benchmark—not the final one.
So long as Georgian Dream continues to crack down on its own citizens, weaken democratic institutions, and deepen ties with US adversaries, the United States and its democratic partners should continue imposing costs on those responsible. That includes sustained sanctions, visa bans, and targeted measures against Georgian Dream officials, judges, prosecutors, and enablers implicated in democratic backsliding and politically motivated repression.
The Georgian public remains overwhelmingly supportive of democracy and Euro-Atlantic integration. US policy should reflect solidarity with those aspirations—not acceptance of the government’s accelerating authoritarian trajectory.
Georgia
Northwest Georgia Congressman pushes for impeachment of federal judge for misconduct
ATLANTA — A north Georgia congressman is calling for the impeachment of an Atlanta federal judge after a judicial investigation found she engaged in on-the-job sexual misconduct and lied to investigators about it.
U.S. Rep. Clay Fuller, whose district covers much of northwest Georgia, joined fellow Georgia Republican Rep. Andrew Clyde in filing impeachment resolutions against U.S. District Judge Eleanor Ross.
Clyde wrote on social media that Ross’ “deeply disturbing actions prove she is incapable of displaying integrity or impartiality. She must be impeached and removed from the bench.”
The resolutions come months after Ross was privately disciplined following an investigation into allegations involving a high-ranking police officer and workplace misconduct.
The investigation began after a law clerk reported that Ross had engaged in sexual activity with a uniformed police officer inside her chambers while staff members were nearby, according to findings released through the federal judiciary’s disciplinary process.
The investigation also looked into allegations that Ross improperly supervised clerks and mistreated staff.
A special committee appointed to investigate found evidence supporting claims that Ross had an extramarital sexual relationship with the officer, attended a partisan political event and initially denied the allegations when questioned by Chief Judge William Pryor of the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals.
Ross later acknowledged the relationship, according to the committee’s findings.
The committee also reviewed security footage and visitor logs showing a police officer frequently visited the judge’s chambers during lunch hours.
Multiple law clerks reported seeing someone matching the officer’s description, and some told investigators they overheard what they believed was sexual activity.
The committee did not find evidence supporting allegations of abusive behavior toward staff, though clerks described what investigators called an “eggshell culture.”
Ross received a private reprimand as a result of the investigation.
A person who answered the phone in Ross’ chambers told The Associated Press the judge had no comment.
The House Judiciary Committee would decide whether to move forward with any impeachment proceedings.
Federal judges serve lifetime appointments and can only be removed through impeachment.
Ross was nominated to the federal bench in 2014 by then-President Barack Obama and confirmed by the U.S. Senate later that year.
Separately, the Atlanta Police Department has said it is investigating whether the officer identified in the judicial findings is one of its employees.
Depend on us to keep you posted.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
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