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Arkansas legislature passes bills regulating crypto mining noise, banning foreign owners

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Arkansas legislature passes bills regulating crypto mining noise, banning foreign owners


Arkansas lawmakers on Wednesday gave final approval to two bills regulating cryptocurrency mining operations in the state and delivered them to the governor’s office to be signed into law.

Both bills are meant address what proponents say are shortcomings in 2023’s Act 851, the Arkansas Data Centers Act, which bars local governments from regulating crypto mining operations.

Act 851 passed easily in 2023’s regular session but has since come under fire for allowing crypto mines to operate without sufficient oversight. Many members of the General Assembly say that they didn’t fully understand aspects of the law when it was passed.

Crypto mines face widespread criticism for the loud noise that they often produce as well as the large amounts of water and electricity they consume.

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Many lawmakers voiced worry that the facilities could put a strain on already overtaxed aquifers, hurting farmers, and potentially overburden the energy grid.

Some lawmakers voiced concerns about cybersecurity risks related to foreign ownership.

The intense backlash to the passage of Act 851 has now led to the passage of the first major pieces of substantive non-budget legislation ever passed during a fiscal session, according to several lawmakers.

The final passage in the House on Wednesday comes after the sponsors of the two bills appeared before a legislative committee Tuesday for a final round of questioning and debate.

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Rep. Rick McClure, R-Malvern, and Sen. Joshua Bryant, R-Rogers, the sponsors of Senate Bill 78, as well as Sen. Missy Irvin, R-Mountain View, and Rep. Jeremiah Moore, R-Clarendon, the sponsors of Senate Bill 79, fielded questions from members of the House City, County and Local Affairs Committee.

Most agreed that something had to be done to address the many disparate concerns related to crypto mining and the bills were an acceptable start, though there was not a consensus that the bills presented a perfect or permanent solution.

Noise reduction in new bills

Senate Bill 78 requires crypto facilities to use noise reduction, listing methods such as liquid cooling, submerged cooling, building at least 2,000 feet from the nearest building or “fully enclosing the envelope” — meaning building solid walls on all sides of the crypto mine.

The bill also requires noise reduction and bans crypto operations from using water to cool their servers.

Some lawmakers, including Rep. Tippi McCullough, D-Little Rock, and Rep. Andrew Collins, D-Little Rock, pointed to language they said didn’t require these specific noise mitigation measures explicitly enough. They said the language is ambiguous as to whether other noise reduction might also technically meet the letter of the law.

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McCullough asked whether the bill mandates the specific types of noise reduction listed, or might “open it up to maybe just putting some cotton balls outside the walls and saying ‘we tried to reduce the noise.’”

Bryant said the bill should be read to mean that noise reduction must be as effective as those methods.

Foreign ownership barred

Both bills would bar many foreign nationals from owning any interest in crypto mining.

Nationals of countries on the list of countries subject to the International Traffic in Arms Regulations would not be able to own a stake in a crypto mine.

Bryant and Irvin worked together to merge the sections of SB 78 and SB 79 regarding foreign ownership so that they are compatible. Bryant lowered the percentage stake that a foreign national can own from 15% to 0% in order to match SB 79.

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Bryant said that using the list of countries in the regulations as opposed to barring nationals of particular countries was not a perfect solution but an efficient one.

“[As] a legislative body, we don’t have time to react to everything that’s happening in the world. Is it the best way to handle it? I’m not sure. But as it’s been said, we just don’t know and this is a step to try to control that.”

An owner of a crypto mine whose country is added to that list would have to divest from the mine, Bryant said.

Hobby mining allowed

Bryant said that under SB 78, crypto mining would be allowed as a hobby “within the four walls of the castle of your home.”

A handful of lawmakers asked how home crypto mining would be defined and differentiated from commercial crypto mining. Bryant and Entergy’s Director of Public Affairs John Bethel said that the scale of crypto mining out of a residence will be necessarily limited by the constraints of residential grade electrical service.

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“It’s almost like going to the diamond mines out here and having a good fun day, and you might get lucky that day, versus buying a diamond mine with all the equipment, all the employees and everything else. It’s just two different things,” McClure said.

Skepticism and criticism

“These are really stopgap bills until we get to the ’25 general session?” asked Rep. Carol Dalby, R-Texarkana.

Bryant agreed, saying that “there’s going to be a lot more discussion unfolding in 2025 and also between now and then.”

Rep. David Ray, R-Maumelle, said of SB 78: “Everybody can probably find something that they’re not 100% on board with but with the big issues as it pertains to this bill, those being noise, vicinity and foreign ownership, I think it address all the big things.”

Collins appeared to be the only “no” in the final voice votes that passed both bills.

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“I think in a lot of ways, it’s positive,” he said of SB 78, but “the reason I have to be a ‘no’ on it is that it goes too far in taking away liberties. In restricting foreign ownership in this way, we are casting a net that is both too wide and too narrow. It’s going to catch people up who are totally innocent and it’s going to miss a lot of people who are either home grown or from one of the countries not on this list.”

“We can’t really put that back in the bottle if we pass this,” Collins said.

Others disagreed, saying that there would be opportunities to improve upon the legislation.

“We’ve got between now and January to work with the sponsors and with other members of this body and the Senate, to get us there,” said Rep. David Whitaker, D-Fayetteville. “The people who are calling me say at least get started… I urge you not to let the perfect be the enemy of the good.”

“I’m not sure whether we’re helping or hurting but I’m going to support it because I know we need to do something,” said Rep. Mike Holcomb, R-Pine Bluff.

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Office of Keep Arkansas Beautiful Now Part of the ARDOT

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Office of Keep Arkansas Beautiful Now Part of the ARDOT


The Arkansas Department of Transportation is now the home of the Office of Keep Arkansas Beautiful following the passage of Act 148 of the 2026 Fiscal Session.

The act, sponsored by Sen. Mark Johnson (R-Little Rock), transferred the duties and responsibilities of the Keep Arkansas Beautiful Commission to the new Office of Keep Arkansas Beautiful within ARDOT. The Keep Arkansas Beautiful Commission had previously operated under the Department of Parks, Heritage and Tourism.

This transition brings Keep Arkansas Beautiful’s community-focused programs under the same roof as ARDOT. According to a press release, working together as one organization will create new opportunities to align litter prevention and beautification efforts along the State’s Highway System.

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“This partnership creates opportunities to think beyond litter,” McKenzie McMath Coronel, administrator of the Office of Keep Arkansas Beautiful, said. “Together, we can build on that work by enhancing the beauty of Arkansas through roadside wildflowers, scenic byways, community beautification, and other initiatives that make our highways and public spaces places people are proud of.”

READ ALSO: NPC Highlights Workforce Partnerships During Visit From U.S. Education Leaders



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Freshman OL Tucker Young never wavered through Arkansas football coaching changes | Whole Hog Sports

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Freshman OL Tucker Young never wavered through Arkansas football coaching changes | Whole Hog Sports





Freshman OL Tucker Young never wavered through Arkansas football coaching changes | Whole Hog Sports







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ROBERT STEINBUCH: DEI deja vu | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette

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ROBERT STEINBUCH: DEI deja vu | Northwest Arkansas Democrat-Gazette


Central Arkansas Library System formalized a four-month timeline two weeks ago to find its next executive director. During that meeting, Miguel Lopez, a banker and former chairman of the Arkansas Ethics Commission who is among the community members serving on the hiring committee, stepped up with the sad but predictable racialized script.

He’d like an emphasis on programming, he said. So far, so good. But then came the kicker: He wants a director who “either has a diverse background or diverse perspectives, and that can make anyone feel included.”

You know this autotuned siren song by now. DEI isn’t dead; it’s just rebranded, as if the United States Supreme Court, the Arkansas Legislature and governor, and basic common sense hadn’t already weighed in against it.

Note Lopez’s ask: diverse background or diverse perspectives. Of course, the former is the pigment and plumbing mandate that I’ve discussed here many times.

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What exactly is “diverse perspectives,” though? Is it someone who believes (i.e., knows) that affirmative action is unconstitutional? Someone who understands that biological sex is real? Someone who voted for Donald Trump?

Somehow, those perspectives never seem to count. That’s because the phrase isn’t a commitment to viewpoint diversity at all. It’s a coded assurance that the successful candidate will embrace the “right” (i.e., left) views–an unwavering adherence to the narrow ideological catechism of race-conscious policy preferences, biological-sex denial, and the full DEI lexicon of systemic grievance–even if the candidate, mon Dieu, doesn’t check the preferred demographic boxes himself. And the moment a candidate expresses support for merit-based hiring, he is no longer “diverse.” He is disqualified. Diversity, it turns out, is remarkably homogenous.

But at least Lopez comes to his outlook organically, having once served as the “Hispanic resource officer” at First Community Bank. Who came up with that title–Archie Bunker?

Lopez says he wants to make everyone feel included. Here’s a radical idea that actually works: include them by hiring the best person for the job without regard to race, sex, or other identity checkboxes. And treat patrons as individuals who come to the library for books, knowledge, programming, and quiet refuge–not as avatars of demographic grievance.

That’s not only good policy, it’s the law. Arkansas prohibits any governmental entity from “discriminat[ing] against, or grant[ing] preferential treatment to, an individual or group on the basis of race, sex, color, ethnicity, or national origin . . . .”

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Sadly, the left has spent decades using schools, media, politics, and captured institutions to indoctrinate the public into believing that “diversity” means something nobler than old-fashioned affirmative discrimination. It doesn’t. It functions as a linguistic loyalty oath. To be considered a candidate of a “diverse background” or possessing “inclusive values,” an individual must subscribe wholesale to a specific framework of systemic grievance and identity politics–where dissent is not viewed as a valid counterpoint, but an existential threat to the collective.

Forgive my return to this topic in this column after having had a brief respite, but Lopez’s comments demonstrate that euphemized discrimination resists eradication like a fungus, and efforts to conceal its nature are one of the great hypocrisies of modern times. Take, for example, those academics who insist that their replacement of the pre-Bakke admissions quotas with “holistic review” was anything beyond a transparent shell game.

Holistic review’s score sheet includes such, uh, measurable qualifications as “grit,” which rides along with “lived experience” as wonderfully pliable tools allowing admissions officers to engineer the same racial outcomes as quotas while pretending to evaluate character. The subjectivity isn’t a bug. It’s the feature that makes demographic tailoring possible. No surprise, then, that the outcomes of this alleged comprehensive evaluation method remarkably track the old quota system.

Consider, similarly, the inverted logic of those bemoaning the “implicit bias” of standardized exams painstakingly designed to be neutral. DEI ideologues deride that objectivity, because they won’t abide testing that doesn’t necessarily produce equal results across cohorts. So their solution is always the same: discard the test, massage the scores to create the à priori demanded outcomes, or declare objectivity itself suspect.

Even worse is the central paradox of the modern diversity apparatus: DEI directives champion a kaleidoscope of appearance, but the orthodoxy of thought is non-negotiable. DEI turns neutral public institutions into Red Guard re-education camps (forgive my mixing of communist thuggery for illustrative purposes).

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The library should be about literacy, access to ideas, and community enrichment–not an outpost for the latest equity workshop. Patrons don’t check the director’s demographic scorecard before checking out a book. They care whether the shelves are stocked, the programs are substantive, the budget is managed responsibly, and the doors open on time.

Merit doesn’t have a skin color or gender quota. The country has moved past this failed experiment. Corporations have abandoned it. Courts have struck it down. And states are legislating against it, as Arkansas already has. If public institutions like CALS don’t lead by example, they should at least stop lagging behind.

This is your right to know.


Robert Steinbuch, the Arkansas Bar Foundation Professor at the Bowen Law School, is a Fulbright Scholar and author of the treatise “The Arkansas Freedom of Information Act.” His views do not necessarily reflect those of his employer.

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