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Why flush California still takes child support from low-income families 

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Why flush California still takes child support from low-income families 

Even in a time of funds surplus, California takes cash from baby assist meant for low-income households and retains it in state coffers.

The state typically requires households enrolled in CalWORKs, the state’s public help program, to open a baby assist case in order that the federal government can later “get better” the price from the noncustodial father or mother — normally the father — as a kind of reimbursement to itself for that money assist.

Now, Gov. Gavin Newsom is attempting to chip away on the coverage, formed by a 1975 federal legislation that created a baby assist enforcement program with a give attention to “welfare value restoration.” However the governor’s plans cease in need of giving households on public help full entry to their baby assist funds with out state intervention.

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Public help and baby assist are all however inextricable. The packages are so intertwined that when a baby’s major caretaker, who is usually the mom, seeks to enroll in CalWORKs, she’s usually pressured to open a baby assist case with the intention to guarantee the federal government is reimbursed — even when she doesn’t wish to.

One mom in San Diego County, who requested to not be named for security causes, stated she was proof against pursue baby assist for her 4-year-old as a result of she has a restraining order towards his father, but it surely was the one approach she may obtain money assist and providers from CalWORKs.

“When you don’t have [a child support case] open, they mechanically pursue it for you. It’s non-negotiable, and the logic is: We’ll assist you to, however any individual’s obtained to pay us again,” she stated. “So many individuals that I do know don’t pursue getting assist due to that requirement.”

States can provide extra money to low-income households than the federal authorities typically permits — so long as they’re keen to pay for it.

In an effort to give these households full baby assist funds, the state must discover a method to make up for the income that baby assist collections usher in, plus ship the federal authorities a examine for its portion, totaling no less than $150 million, in response to the California Division of Little one Help Companies.

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The state’s funds for the 2022-23 12 months is $286.4 billion.

No less than 175,000 low-income households in California are eligible for less than a portion of kid assist as a result of in addition they obtain public help. The remainder goes to the state, counties and the federal authorities.

As much as 620,000 further households may obtain entry to their full baby assist quantity beneath a proposal in Newsom’s funds unveiled final month. The proposal would direct baby assist to oldsters who beforehand obtained public help — lots of whom not qualify although they keep low incomes.

When a father or mother leaves the CalWORKs program, the state can not hold a few of their baby assist funds. But when the noncustodial father or mother did not sustain with the required funds, the state continues to take a portion of the cash to cowl the price of the sooner help.

Mother and father who at present or beforehand obtained authorities help represent greater than 75% of the kid assist caseload in California, in response to the state Division of Finance.

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“When the father or mother who’s not dwelling with the kids makes a cost, which all of us need them to do, the kids don’t get the cash,” stated Mike Herald, director of coverage advocacy for the Western Heart on Legislation & Poverty. “The general public doesn’t perceive this. Individuals suppose that the explanation we now have a harsh baby assist system is so we will get cash to children, however really it’s to get cash to the federal government.”

A custodial father or mother who has by no means obtained CalWORKs assist will get to maintain the complete quantity of baby assist.

Dana Maciel, a scholar on the West Hills Neighborhood Faculty District in Coalinga who has 4 kids ages 1 to 12, known as the coverage “emotionally draining.”

Maciel, a CalWORKs recipient, stated that she feels punished for being poor. The system pushes dad and mom to work their approach out of needing public help solely to proceed to take from them once they not want it, she stated.

“You labored so onerous for nothing. The state nonetheless takes it away. It’s pointless,” she stated. “It comes to some extent the place you find yourself being again within the system. They are saying they wish to assist you to but it surely doesn’t actually really feel like that.”

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In 2020, Newsom moved to extend the quantity that households enrolled in CalWORKs obtain in baby assist from $50 to $100 for one baby and $200 for 2 or extra kids — the utmost quantity the federal authorities is keen to cross via to households with out requiring the state to backfill the monetary loss.

Different states, together with Illinois, New York and Pennsylvania, provide that very same most quantity to households.

Within the San Diego County mom’s case, her baby’s father pays about $350 a month in baby assist, primarily based on his revenue, however she is solely eligible to obtain as much as $100. Earlier than Newsom’s coverage kicked in final month, she obtained simply $50 per thirty days.

Colorado offers 100% of kid assist to households on help, and to make up for it, dedicates a portion of its state funds every year to cowl the federal requirement. The Colorado Division of Human Companies reported that within the first two years of implementation, households obtained $11.7 million greater than that they had earlier than and baby assist funds elevated as paying dad and mom had been extra inclined to pay once they knew the cash went on to households and never the federal government.

Half of all states don’t cross on any baby assist to households on help, and a few states present lower than California, in response to the Nationwide Convention of State Legislatures.

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Newsom’s funds proposes that the California Division of Little one Help Companies waive its share of “recoupment” for households that previously obtained CalWORKs help, which might end in a income lack of $52.3 million for the state within the coming fiscal 12 months and greater than $104 million in ongoing funds by redirecting the cash to the meant households as a substitute of maintaining it in state coffers.

“Offering these funds on to households could assist low-income households scale back the burden of high-cost debt and stabilize their monetary place,” Newsom wrote in his funds.

However households at present enrolled in CalWORKs would nonetheless have a portion of their baby assist funds intercepted by the state.

The Newsom administration has pointed to federal guidelines as a hindrance to doing extra, however father or mother and anti-poverty advocates are pushing the state, which is now flush with money, to observe Colorado’s lead.

Newsom’s give attention to households previously on help, as a substitute of these at present on help, permits the state to keep away from having to pay the federal authorities a multimillion-dollar invoice every year.

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Nevertheless, directing extra money to these at present on CalWORKs makes extra sense, in response to a report launched by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Workplace this month.

The common former CalWORKs recipient who would profit from Newsom’s proposal is a low-income 52-year-old father or mother with grownup kids, in response to the report. An estimated 75% of former CalWORKs circumstances not have an energetic baby assist order, most likely as a result of the kid has reached maturity, in response to the report.

Regardless of the federal guidelines, the state has discretion over how a lot baby assist it offers to households, and Newsom’s proposal “doesn’t establish a transparent purpose” to have completely different insurance policies for various households, the report states. Giving extra money to each present and former CalWORKs households is “not mutually unique,” in response to the report.

At a legislative listening to about Newsom’s proposal on Wednesday, David Kilgore, director of the California Division of Little one Help Companies, stated the state has had intensive conversations with Colorado officers about their extra expansive coverage.

Kilgore stated that “there’s a number of deserves to the concept” and that “we wish to be there sooner or later in time,” however reiterated the state would “need to make the federal authorities complete” by doing so.

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Greg Wilson, government director of the California Little one Help Administrators Assn., known as Newsom’s proposals “actually sturdy family-centered coverage,” however stated the tendency in charge the federal authorities for not doing extra is “a little bit of mythology.”

A invoice that might have absolved states of getting to pay the federal authorities and given low-income dad and mom 100% of kid assist funds failed in Congress in 2020.

“The state may determine to cross all of it via to households, it simply comes with a price ticket,” Wilson stated. “That’s the double-edged sword for California. If Congress ever modified that to make it a greater choice for states, I consider that California would soar on the prospect, completely.”

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Tim Walz Endorses Ken Martin, a Fellow Minnesotan, to Lead the D.N.C.

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Tim Walz Endorses Ken Martin, a Fellow Minnesotan, to Lead the D.N.C.

Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota, the Democratic Party’s 2024 nominee for vice president, on Thursday endorsed Ken Martin to be the next chairman of the Democratic National Committee.

Mr. Martin, the chairman of the Minnesota Democrats, is a longtime Walz ally who led the state party during Mr. Walz’s rise from Congress to the State Capitol to the national ticket. Mr. Walz is now the highest-profile Democratic official to endorse Mr. Martin to lead the party.

“In Minnesota, Ken has built a national model for how to elect Democrats in a competitive state,” Mr. Walz said in a statement provided by Mr. Martin’s campaign. “I have seen Ken’s leadership in action, and it’s exactly what we need from our next D.N.C. chair.”

Mr. Martin and Ben Wikler, the Wisconsin Democratic chairman, are the front-runners in a sprawling field of candidates. The election is set to be held on Feb. 1.

Mr. Martin has claimed endorsements from more than 100 D.N.C. members, including entire delegations from Missouri, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota and Tennessee.

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Mr. Wikler’s team has not disclosed his whip count, but Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Senate minority leader, endorsed him.

On Tuesday evening, the Association of State Democratic Chairs, which Mr. Martin founded and is the president of, declined during a virtual meeting to endorse a candidate in the D.N.C. race. An effort by Mr. Wikler’s allies for the group to make a dual endorsement of Mr. Martin and Mr. Wikler failed.

Jaime Harrison, the current D.N.C. chairman, is not seeking a second term. Others vying to replace him include Martin O’Malley, a former governor of Maryland and former mayor of Baltimore; James Skoufis, a New York state senator; Marianne Williamson, the perennial presidential candidate; and Nate Snyder, a former Homeland Security official.

The party has planned four forums for its candidates for chair, vice chair and other positions. Those are set to begin with a virtual session on Saturday.

The party’s most influential figures — President Biden, Vice President Kamala Harris, former President Barack Obama and Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, among others — have yet to weigh in on who should be the next D.N.C. leader.

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The next Democratic chair will have significant influence over how the party navigates President-elect Donald J. Trump’s return to the White House. Among the most imminent and high-profile tasks will be setting the rules for the 2028 presidential primary race, including which states vote first.

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FBI informant who made up Biden bribe story gets 6 years in prison

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FBI informant who made up Biden bribe story gets 6 years in prison

A former FBI informant who prosecutors say fabricated a phony story of President Biden and his son Hunter Biden accepting $10 million in bribes from the Ukrainian gas company Burisma was sentenced Wednesday to six years in federal prison. 

Alexander Smirnov, a dual U.S.-Israeli citizen, has been behind bars since he was arrested last February on charges of making false statements to the FBI. 

The indictment came in connection with special counsel David Weiss’ investigation into Hunter Biden. Weiss later indicted Hunter on tax and gun-related charges, but President Biden granted him a sweeping pardon in December before his son was to be sentenced. 

The Justice Department tacked on additional tax charges against Smirnov in November, alleging he concealed millions of dollars of income he earned between 2020 and 2022, and Smirnov pleaded guilty in December to sidestep his looming trial.  

BIDEN CLAIMS HE ‘MEANT WHAT I SAID’ WITH PROMISE NOT TO PARDON HUNTER, HOPES IT DOESN’T SET PRECEDENT

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In this courtroom sketch, defendant Alexander Smirnov speaks in federal court in Los Angeles, Feb. 26, 2024.  (William T. Robles via AP, File)

Smirnov was accused of falsely telling his FBI handler that executives from the Ukrainian energy company Burisma had paid then-Vice President Biden and his son $5 million each around 2015. Smirnov’s explosive claim in 2020 came after he expressed “bias” about Joe Biden as a presidential candidate, according to prosecutors. The indictment says investigators found Smirnov had only routine business dealings with Burisma starting in 2017 — after Biden’s term as vice president.

Prosecutors noted that Smirnov’s claim “set off a firestorm in Congress” when it resurfaced years later as part of the House impeachment inquiry into President Biden. The Biden administration dismissed the House impeachment effort as a “stunt.”

Smirnov covers his face while leaving his lawyer's office

Former FBI informant Alexander Smirnov, left, walks out of his lawyer’s office in downtown Las Vegas after being released from federal custody Feb. 20, 2024.  (K.M. Cannon/Las Vegas Review-Journal via AP, File)

SPECIAL COUNSEL WEISS TELLS LAWMAKERS POLITICS ‘PLAYED NO PART’ IN HUNTER BIDEN PROBE

Before Smirnov’s arrest, Republicans had demanded the FBI release the unredacted form documenting the unverified allegations, though they acknowledged they couldn’t confirm if they were true.

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“In committing his crimes he betrayed the United States, a country that showed him nothing but generosity, including conferring on him the greatest honor it can bestow, citizenship,” Weiss’ team wrote in court papers. “He repaid the trust the United States placed in him to be a law-abiding naturalized citizen and, more specifically, that one of its premier law enforcement agencies placed in him to tell the truth as a confidential human source, by attempting to interfere in a Presidential election.”

The Bidens in July 2024

President Joe Biden, wearing a Team USA jacket and walking with his son Hunter Biden, heads toward Marine One on the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, July 26, 2024.  (AP Photo/Susan Walsh, File)

Prosecutors agreed to pursue no more than six years against Smirnov as part of his plea deal. In court papers, the Justice Department described Smirnov as a “liar and a tax cheat” who “betrayed the United States,” adding that his bogus corruption claims against the Biden family were “among the most serious kinds of election interference one can imagine.” 

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In seeking a lighter sentence, Smirnov’s lawyers wrote that both Hunter Biden and President-elect Trump, who was charged in two since-dropped federal cases by Special Counsel Jack Smith, “have walked free and clear of any meaningful punishment.”

His lawyers had asked for a four-year prison term, arguing that their client “has learned a very grave lesson,” had no prior criminal record and was suffering from severe glaucoma in both eyes. Smirnov’s sentencing Wednesday in Los Angeles federal court concluded the final aspects of Weiss’s probe, and the special counsel is expected to submit a report to Attorney General Merrick Garland in accordance with federal regulations. Garland can decide whether to release it to the public. 

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Smirnov will get credit for the time he has served behind bars since February. 

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Column: Forget Reagan and Schwarzenegger. In California governor's race, boring can be beautiful

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Column: Forget Reagan and Schwarzenegger. In California governor's race, boring can be beautiful

California is about to ease into the 2026 race for governor, and if you can pick any of the current candidates from a police lineup, either you work in Sacramento, have an unhealthy obsession with state politics, or both.

That’s not to impute criminality on the part of any of those running to succeed the term-limited Gavin Newsom. (Not that a rap sheet is necessarily a detriment these days. Just look at our president-elect.)

Rather, those bidding to become California’s 41st governor aren’t exactly a collection of name-in-lights celebrities. If they formed a support group, they could call it Candidates Anonymous.

For the record, those officially running are Toni Atkins, a former Assembly speaker and Senate president pro tem; Stephen Cloobeck, a Southern California philanthropist and businessman; Eleni Kounalakis, the state’s lieutenant governor; Tony Thurmond, California’s superintendent of public instruction; Antonio Villaraigosa, a former Los Angeles mayor; and Betty Yee, a former state controller.

There is talk of others possibly entering the contest. Atty. Gen Rob Bonta is often mentioned. Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter has acknowledged eyeing the race. Vice President Kamala Harris, foremost among the possibilities, has done nothing publicly to either stoke or squelch speculation she might hop in after leaving office later this month.

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But even Harris and Porter, as well known as they are, lack anywhere near the candlepower of the two most famous bold-faced names who were elected California governor, Ronald Reagan and Arnold Schwarzenegger.

Which is not necessarily a bad thing.

Or even remotely disqualifying.

In fact, contrary to California’s glitzy image, Reagan and Schwarzenegger are the odd men out in a long line of drab, largely ho-hum candidates who have been elected to the state’s top office. Think George Deukmejian, Pete Wilson and Gray Davis, whose public personas might best be rendered in broad strokes of beige, taupe and, yes, gray.

Even Jerry Brown seemed staid by the time of his return gubernatorial engagement, 36 years after he first took the oath of office. (There were no African safaris with Linda Ronstadt or quixotic tilts at the White House in his second go-round.)

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“There’s a perception that somehow Californians are entranced with movie stars and TV stars, and to some degree that’s true,” said Garry South, a Democratic strategist who twice helped elect Davis governor. “But I don’t think that view really reflects accurately the way California voters feel about politicians.”

Arnold Schwarzenegger won his first term as governor under the exceptional circumstances of a recall election.

(Mark J. Terrill / Associated Press)

The state electorate, it turns out, is a whole lot more pragmatic than the autograph-hounding, Hollywood-worshipping stereotype would suggest.

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Gale Kaufman, another veteran Democratic strategist, has sat through countless focus groups. She said whenever voters are presented the name of someone famous — speculation about this or that celebrity running for governor being a staple of California campaigns — “they immediately take it to the next phase and say, ‘Well, what would they do as governor?’”

Which suggests voters aren’t nearly as titillated by all that sparkle and shine as the political mentioners would like to think.

Schwarzenegger, it should be said, was elected in 2003 under extraordinary circumstances, a drastically truncated campaign that lasted only a little over eight weeks. The fleeting time frame gave the movie super-duperstar a unique opportunity to leverage his fame and name recognition to replace Davis — who was recalled by voters on the same day — in a single fell swoop.

It’s also worth noting that Schwarzenegger was not entirely a political novice.

His association with the Kennedy clan, through marriage to Maria Shriver, his chairmanship of the Council on Physical Fitness and Sports under President George H.W. Bush and, especially, his sponsorship the year prior of a successful statewide ballot measure promoting after-school youth programs gave Schwarzenegger a patina of political know-how that helped legitimize his candidacy.

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Reagan, who was essentially washed up as an actor by the time he ran for governor, had an even longer and more thorough political resume than Schwarzenegger by the time he launched his 1966 campaign. Even then, Reagan was helped greatly by the restive climate stemming from the Watts riots, widespread campus unrest and voter fatigue shrouding the incumbent, Jerry Brown’s father, Edmund G. “Pat” Brown.

Campaign experience counts a great deal in California, a vast, unruly state with more than 22 million registered voters, notwithstanding the success of those two actor-turned-politicians. Other than Schwarzenegger, every candidate that followed Reagan had successfully run for statewide office at least once before being elected governor.

“It’s easy for people on the outside to think we’re celebrity-focused because of what they see from Hollywood and movies and television,” said Mark Baldassare, who has spent decades surveying voter opinions and now directs surveys for the Public Policy Institute of California. “But the reality is it’s a big state to govern, and it’s hard to win elections unless you’ve been in them before.”

No one, least of all your friendly political columnist, has any clue what will happen in 2026.

It wouldn’t be a bit surprising if California voters opted for someone without the Hollywood looks, the flash or conspicuous national ambitions of the current governor — just as the leaden Deukmejian followed the flamboyant Brown, and the buttoned-down Brown succeeded the megawatt Schwarzenegger.

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None of the candidates currently running are going to set the tabloids alight or break any box office records.

That may be one of the best things they have going for them.

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