Trump national security adviser Mike Waltz reiterated the administration’s support for Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth on Sunday, saying they “couldn’t be prouder” of his early months in the role, despite a wave of high-profile controversies and resignations that have embroiled the department in recent weeks.

Speaking to Fox News host Maria Bartiromo on Sunday, Waltz was pressed about the alleged dysfunction inside the Pentagon’s top ranks— and whether, in his view, the current Pentagon is equipped to deliver on lofty foreign policy goals, including helping broker a negotiated settlement in Russia’s war in Ukraine.

“Can you do this in what appears to be a chaotic, weakened Defense Department?” Bartiromo asked Waltz on “Sunday Morning Futures,” citing reports of chaos and dysfunction, including recent firings of Hegseth’s top aides, and reports he has been threatening polygraph tests for some staffers at the department.

“I’ll tell you about a weakened Pentagon,” Waltz fired back. “That was one that had a Defense Secretary that disappeared for two weeks just last year, and nobody knew about it.” 

DEFENSE SECRETARY PETE HEGSETH REBUFFS NEW GROUP CHAT ALLEGATIONS AS ATTEMPT TO ‘SABOTAGE’ TRUMP’S AGENDA 

In contrast to his predecessor, Waltz said Hegseth is “leading from the front” at the Defense Department, and praised what he described as Hegseth’s early efforts to reform the Pentagon.

“He is leading the charge, and he has no tolerance for leaking,” Waltz said, dismissing the alleged chaos or dysfunction as a “media narrative,” and one he vowed they “are going to power through.”

Waltz also brushed off a question about the departures of senior aides, including Hegseth’s own chief of staff, Joe Kasper, last week.

The exodus of senior officials and other allegations of chaos from inside the Pentagon have prompted some Democrats to call for an investigation into his leadership.

But Waltz also brushed off these characterizations of dysfunction on Sunday. Asked by Bartiromo how he was going to replace the fired Pentagon officials, Waltz said in response: “Maria, there’s 20,000 people in the Pentagon.”

 “There is a record number of generals,” he said. “And the other piece— there is accountability. We have had several general officers that weren’t getting the job done, and admirals get fired and get replaced… That’s what the Pentagon needs.”

Waltz argued that that is a stark contrast to the longtime culture at the Pentagon, where he said “no one ever gets fired, [and] there’s never a sense of accountability.”

“And now there is,” he told Bartiromo.

“Whether it’s leaks, or not getting the job done, or failures in terms of procurement acquisition, now you have a leader that’s in charge,” Waltz said. “And I couldn’t be prouder of Pete Hegseth.”

HEGSETH SHARED DETAILS OF YEMEN STRIKES IN SECOND SIGNAL CHAT: REPORT

Pete Hegseth, left, President-elect Donald Trump’s choice to be Defense secretary, shakes hands with Chairman Roger Wicker, R-Miss. after his Senate Armed Services Committee for his confirmation hearing. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)

Waltz’s remarks come as Hegseth’s role has come under mounting scrutiny in recent weeks — both for his participation in at least one Signal group chat in March where he discussed a planned military strike against the Houthis, and the firing of several senior staffers earlier this month.

Hegseth earlier this month fired three top aides: including his aide, Dan Caldwell, his deputy chief of staff Darin Selnick, and the chief of staff to the deputy defense secretary, Colin Carroll. 

These oustings were described as both “baffling” and alarming by John Ullyot, a former Pentagon communications official who resigned earlier this year.

“The dysfunction is now a major distraction for the president — who deserves better from his senior leadership,” Ullyot wrote in an op-ed for Politico.

The White House, however, has sought to emphasize its support for Hegseth in recent days, with both Vice President JD Vance and White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt vehemently dismissing reports that the administration could be considering a possible replacement. 

“Let me reiterate: The president stands strongly behind Secretary Hegseth and the change that he is bringing to the Pentagon, and the results that he’s achieved thus far speak for themselves,” Leavitt told reporters at a briefing last week, describing the reports as a “smear campaign.”

HO CHI MINH CITY — Military officers stoop to inspect slim green cannons along the Saigon River. Construction equipment whines as workers erect towering bleachers in a downtown park. Fighter jets and helicopters roar above the city in practice drills.

For weeks, Vietnam has been preparing this city for the anniversary of a defining moment in the nation’s history: On April 30, 1975, North Vietnamese forces stormed the Presidential Palace in Saigon, the governing seat of the Republic of Vietnam, just days after U.S. troops had withdrawn. The victory of the communist regime over the U.S. allied armies in the south in effect ended a costly, three-decade conflict and unified the country.

Fifty years later, Vietnam is celebrating April 30 like never before. But amid the fanfare of parades, fireworks and airshows, a long-standing debate over what to call the holiday continues, a subtle acknowledgment of the lingering scars of a contentious war.

The official designation is “The Liberation of the South and National Reunification Day,” but it’s known by many other names. Vietnamese who are aligned with the ruling communist party here often refer to it as Liberation Day or Victory Day, while those who resettled in the U.S. still use terms such as Black April or National Day of Resentment. Many Vietnamese in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City — as Saigon is known today — say they simply refer to it as April 30.

In the run-up to the 50th anniversary under General Secretary To Lam, who assumed party leadership in August, academics say that state media and government have embraced the shorthand “Reunification Day.”

“It has been a divisive issue for Vietnamese within Vietnam, and also between the government of Vietnam and the diaspora,” said Tuong Vu, a professor of political science at the University of Oregon and founding director of its U.S.-Vietnam Research Center. “But this year, they have talked a bit more about national reconciliation and unification.”

Throughout history, different names have often been given to the same wars and holidays, depending on who is framing the conflict. Here the Vietnam War is referred to as the American War, or the Resistance War Against America.

The Hien Luong Bridge, located within the Demilitarized Zone in Quang Tri province, is a symbol of the Vietnam War.

(Magdalena Chodownik / Getty Images)

The American Civil War was sometimes referred in the South as the War Between the States, and, later, the War of Northern Aggression. The 1973 Arab-Israeli War is also known as the Yom Kippur War and the October War, among other names.

Academics suggest that, for Vietnam, using the more neutral name of Reunification Day could help bridge a gap with the generations of Vietnamese who grew up abroad.

“It does show an effort to reach out to the other side, and that’s what many people have been advising the government,” Vu said. “If you want to take advantage of the strength of the diaspora, then you have to tone down your rhetoric.”

In February, secretary of the Ho Chi Minh City Party Committee Nguyen Van Nen said the holiday should be considered a day of peace.

“It must be affirmed that it was a war of national defense, not about winning or losing. On the day peace came, there were mixed emotions — some felt joy; others sorrow. But after 50 years, personal sorrow needs to merge with the joy of the nation,” he said, according to Vietnamese media.

Vietnam’s determination to navigate a changing geopolitical landscape — with a flexible approach known as “bamboo diplomacy” — has also influenced the language its leaders use to describe the past.

For example, Vu said official statements now have fewer references to a “puppet government” in what was formerly South Vietnam, a term used to delegitimize its former adversary and denounce America’s involvement in the war. He added this shift was probably made in the hope of improving cooperation with the U.S. and to strengthen Vietnam’s territorial claims to several islands in the South China Sea.

The country has benefited from maintaining strong bilateral ties to both China and the U.S., its two largest trading partners, even as the rivalry between the two superpowers has intensified.

A gardener waters flowers outside the newly rebuilt Kien Trung Palace within the Imperial City of Hue.

(David Rising / Associated Press)

“They just kind of worked to build relationships with everybody and become a bigger player because of their economic development,” said Scot Marciel, a former ambassador based in Vietnam when it resumed diplomatic relations with the U.S. in 1995. “The business community has tended to view Vietnam as really a rising star in the region. It’s been a very steady, very pragmatic approach.”

The Trump administration may be taking action that could dim that star. Earlier this month, President Trump proposed a 46% tariff on U.S. imports from Vietnam, which could stall the country’s manufacturing and economic growth. Various news outlets have reported that Trump has also told senior diplomats in Vietnam not to attend the April 30 festivities.

Vietnam also invited military personnel from China, Cambodia and Laos to participate in its holiday parade.

“Vietnam prioritizes its relationship with regional and ideological allies as much as this strategic partnership with the U.S.,” said An Nguyen, a historian and lecturer at the University of Maine. “Maintaining that balance, I think, is becoming much harder in today’s context.

Hai Nguyen Hong, a senior lecturer of politics and international relations at Vin University in Hanoi, said he’s noticed the use of terms such as Liberation Day and Anti-American War has decreased over the past three-plus years. That shift, he said, can go a long way in changing perceptions in Vietnam and promoting national harmony.

“The day itself is a historical day. You can’t change it,” Hong said. “What you can change, and what you can see and observe change, is the mood and the attitude of the Vietnamese people.”

Vietnamese media and online discourse are tightly controlled, and there are no national surveys that include uncensored opinions about the government. But ahead of the high-profile commemoration on Wednesday, reactions to the celebration on the streets of Ho Chi Minh City ranged from enthusiasm to ambivalence.

Tran Thi Loan Anh, 27, and Phan Minh Quan, 26, in Ho Chi Minh City, said they will camp out in the early morning of the parade on Wednesday to get a good view of the 50th anniversary celebration.

(Stephanie Yang / Los Angeles Times)

Advertisement

Tran Thi Loan Anh, a 27-year-old tax advisor, said that she and her friends plan to camp out downtown at 3 a.m. the day of the parade, in order to secure a front-row view.

“I’ve been impressed by how the government has organized events that foster patriotism and national pride,” she said. “I’m especially struck by how music is used — traditional songs about the nation performed in such powerful, stirring ways.”

Pham Phu Quy, a driver and deliveryman, was a teenager in Saigon in 1975, with a father who worked for the South Vietnamese government, and a mother who worked for the northern army. Today, the 69-year-old said, Vietnam provides a freedom that differs from his childhood experiences. During the war, soldiers and checkpoints kept him from traveling. Now he rides his motorbike all around the country, taking selfies and photos along the way.

“I don’t know what the future holds, but this is a good enough life for me. Of course, debates between the two sides still continue to this day,” he said. “I just feel that if the country hadn’t been reunified — if the war had continued — everything would still be incredibly difficult.”

Pham Thao Anh, 75, is used to spending the national holiday in the capital of Hanoi where she grew up. But this year, she plans to fly to Ho Chi Minh City to celebrate.

“I remember that some of the soldiers that drove the tank into the Independence Palace that day were from my hometown,” the retired hospital worker said. “So this day has very special meaning to me.”

Le Anh Dung, 23, right, grew up hearing stories about the war from his grandfather and says he watches the April 30 celebration on television every year. His grandfather, Nguyen Van Them, 73, will travel to Ho Chi Minh City with other retired military officials to attend the 50th anniversary commemoration this year.

(Stephanie Yang / Los Angeles Times)

Nguyen Thuy Vy, a 32-year-old translator, said her generation generally has less attachment to the April 30 anniversary than other holidays such as Valentine’s Day, Christmas or Lunar New Year. “Young people I think nowadays are busy with work, and they don’t care about this traditional holiday,” she said.

But Le Anh Dung, a 23-year-old graphic designer in Hanoi, grew up hearing stories about the war from his grandfather, a former military officer who was working in North Vietnam’s artillery unit the day Saigon fell. Reading about the wars in Ukraine and Gaza have made him more appreciative of peace at home, he said, adding, “I feel so lucky that I don’t have to endure the smell of gunpowder or crawl into a bunker once in a while, like previous generations did.”

His grandfather, Nguyen Van Them, 73, said watching the celebrations on television helped his grandchildren understand what previous generations sacrificed for them. He believes that tweaking the holiday’s name makes it more meaningful.

“‘Liberation of the South’ is not quite right, because it only mentions one half. But the other half also looks forward to the country’s liberation, unity, harmony and oneness,” Nguyen said.