Politics
Progressive and establishment Democrats compete for US House seats in Oregon primaries
Two Democratic primaries for U.S. House seats in Oregon could help reveal whether the party’s voters are leaning more toward progressive or establishment factions in a critical presidential election year.
The state’s 3rd Congressional District, which includes much of liberal Portland, will have its first open Democratic primary since 1996 with the retirement of U.S. Rep. Earl Blumenauer.
Two candidates with similar platforms are leading in fundraising: Maxine Dexter, a doctor and two-term state representative, and Susheela Jayapal, a former county commissioner endorsed by U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont. Jayapal is the sister of U.S. Rep. Pramila Jayapal from Washington state, who chairs the Congressional Progressive Caucus.
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While outside money and claims of Republican meddling have marked the race, national Democrats can safely bet on holding the solidly blue district as they seek to overturn the GOP’s thin majority in the House. Party leaders are more keenly eyeing the state’s 5th Congressional District, which will likely be home to one of the most competitive races in the country.
“This is one of the big swing districts nationally that both parties are really looking for to hold on to, or recapture, the House,” Ben Gaskins, associate professor of political science at Lewis & Clark College, said of Oregon’s 5th District. “I think that the big question is, to what degree are the Democratic voters really going to prioritize electability?”
Eager to reclaim the 5th District after it was flipped by the GOP in 2022 for the first time in roughly 25 years, congressional Democrats are supporting Janelle Bynum. They see her as having a better chance of winning in November than Jamie McLeod-Skinner, the progressive who in the 2022 midterm primary ousted the Democratic moderate who long held the seat and then lost to Republican Lori Chavez-DeRemer in the general election, Gaskins said.
A sign is displayed at the Clackamas County Democratic party building in Oregon’s 5th Congressional District, on May 17, 2024, in Oregon City, Oregon. Two Democratic primaries for U.S. House seats in Oregon could help reveal whether the party’s voters are leaning more toward progressive or establishment factions. (AP Photo/Jenny Kane)
“I think many Democrats are going to hold that against her,” he said of McLeod-Skinner’s narrow 2022 defeat. “She had a chance. She lost.”
Key Democrats have endorsed Bynum, including Oregon Gov. Tina Kotek and three of the state’s U.S. representatives.
The U.S. House Democrats’ fundraising arm, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, named Bynum to its “Red to Blue” program, noting Bynum previously defeated Chavez-DeRemer in legislative elections. The program provides organizational and financial support to Democrats running to flip GOP districts.
Meanwhile, a late flood of spending from a political action committee on behalf of McLeod-Skinner has raised questions about whether Republicans are trying to tilt the scales in favor of a more progressive candidate whom they see as easier to beat in a general election.
Rep. Richard Hudson, chairman of the campaign arm for House Republicans, said he had no knowledge of Republicans getting involved in the Democratic primary.
The boundaries of the 5th District were significantly redrawn following the 2020 census. It encompasses disparate regions spanning metro Portland and its wealthy and working-class suburbs, as well as rural agricultural and mountain communities and the fast-growing central Oregon city of Bend on the other side of the Cascade Range.
“I think candidates are trying to figure out exactly what the secret sauce is for this district, because there are just so many different interests here,” said Chris Koski, a political science professor at Reed College in Portland.
McLeod-Skinner, an attorney who has served in multiple local governments, lives in central Oregon with her wife and pitches herself as someone who can bring together rural and urban voters. Her campaign website says that while attending high school in southern Oregon, she helped support her family “by mucking horse stalls and bucking hay.” This is her third time running for Congress.
Bynum, from Washington, D.C., was elected to the Oregon House in 2016, representing the suburbs southeast of Portland. She has served on the chamber’s small business committee and is the owner of four McDonald’s franchises.
Both women studied engineering and have similar policy stances. They support abortion protections, lowering health care costs and tackling climate change.
As of late Friday, Bynum had outraised McLeod-Skinner by about $385,000. But much of the money in the race has been outside spending from super PACs. Such groups can’t contribute directly to campaigns, but can spend unlimited amounts of money on advertising for or against candidates.
A PAC called Mainstream Democrats has spent nearly $380,000 in support of Bynum and the same amount opposing McLeod-Skinner, federal campaign finance filings show.
Though both candidates have engineering degrees, the 314 Action Fund, which says it focuses on electing Democrats with science backgrounds to Congress, has spent more than $470,000 on ads and mailers in support of Bynum.
The super PAC also has invested heavily in Oregon’s 3rd District, spending nearly $2.2 million on ads supporting Dexter, a pulmonologist.
Another PAC, the recently created Voters for Responsive Government, has spent $2.4 million opposing Jayapal.
Jayapal and McLeod-Skinner have criticized what they call “dark money” flowing into the races.
Jayapal has suggested the 314 Action Fund’s spending in the 3rd District is linked to “MAGA Republican mega-donors.” Her campaign manager, Andrea Cervone, said in an email there has been “a growing trend across the country of billionaires and millionaires with a history of giving to MAGA Republicans” funneling money into Democratic primaries, but didn’t provide a specific example of how the group is linked to such donors.
Cervone said the 314 Action Fund raised and spent much of its money in April, meaning the group won’t have to disclose its donors until the next federal filing deadline on May 20, the day before the election.
314 Action Fund’s president Shaughnessy Naughton said in an emailed statement that the group she founded has spent millions of dollars to “defeat MAGA Republicans.”
“It is beyond the pale and an act of desperation for Susheela Jayapal’s campaign to make these false charges,” she said.
In a statement this month in response to the comments about “dark money,” Dexter condemned the outside spending on ads targeting her opponent: “I do not condone or support these negative ads in any way and remain committed to a positive conversation.”
Dexter’s campaign also has been boosted recently by direct contributions from individuals. She reported raising more than $218,000 on a single day earlier this month, including from donors who previously donated to Republican candidates and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, federal filings show.
Jayapal touts herself as being the first candidate in the race to call for a cease-fire in Gaza.
With the Democratic frontrunners in each race largely sharing policy platforms, voters may have to choose based on style. Dexter and Bynum highlight their legislative records, while Jayapal and McLeod-Skinner lean into their progressive endorsements, Gaskins said.
“That pragmatism versus idealism divide in the Democratic electorate, I think, will be the biggest way to distinguish them,” Gaskins said. “Is it about taking the boldest progressive stance on the issues or emphasizing being able to get things done?”
Politics
Video: Trump Calls Europe ‘Decaying’ and ‘Weak’
new video loaded: Trump Calls Europe ‘Decaying’ and ‘Weak’
transcript
transcript
Trump Calls Europe ‘Decaying’ and ‘Weak’
President Trump criticized his European counterparts over their defense and Ukraine policies during an interview with Politico. The president also suggested that it was time for President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine to compromise in the cease-fire talks.
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“Europe is not doing a good job in many ways. They’re not doing a good job.” “I want to ask you about that—” “They talk too much, and they’re not producing. But most European nations, they’re decaying. They’re decaying.” “You can imagine some leaders in Europe are a little freaked out by what your posture is. And European —” “Well they should be freaked out by what they’re doing to their countries. They’re destroying their countries and their people I like.” “Russia has the upper hand, and they always did. They’re much bigger. They’re much stronger in that sense. I give Ukraine a lot of — I give the people of Ukraine and the military of Ukraine tremendous credit for the bravery and for the fighting and all of that. But at some point, size will win, generally.” “Is Zelensky responsible for the stalled progress or what’s going on there?” “Well, he’s got to read the proposal. He hadn’t really. He hasn’t read it yet.” “The most recent draft.” “That’s as of yesterday. Maybe he’s read it over the night. It would be nice if he would read it. A lot of people are dying. He’s going to have to get on the ball and start accepting things. When you’re losing, cause he’s losing.”
By Chevaz Clarke
December 9, 2025
Politics
$900B defense bill advances to House-wide vote as conservative mutiny threat looms
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A wide-ranging bill setting the federal government’s defense and national security policy for the fiscal year survived a key hurdle on Tuesday night, but questions over whether it will get to President Donald Trump’s desk still remain.
The House Rules Committee voted to advance the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) along party lines after hours of debate, setting up the bill for a chamber-wide vote on Wednesday afternoon.
The legislation will dictate how roughly $900 billion of the federal budget will be spent on America’s national defense.
But with several conservatives already voicing concerns, it’s unclear if it can survive a procedural hurdle that will likely need almost all House Republicans to vote in lock step — despite support from the majority of the House GOP.
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Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, R-La., walks from the chamber to speak with reporters after the final vote to bring the longest government shutdown in history to an end, at the Capitol in Washington, Wednesday, Nov. 12, 2025. (J. Scott Applewhite/AP Photo)
The House Rules Committee is the final gatekeeper before most pieces of legislation get a chamber-wide vote. Lawmakers on the panel are responsible for setting terms of debate on a bill, including deciding which amendments, if any, can be voted on.
The next step is generally a House-wide procedural vote, called a rule vote, where lawmakers decide whether to green-light debating the bill.
Fox News Digital was told earlier this week that House GOP leaders hope to hold the NDAA vote in the early evening on Wednesday.
But questions about whether the bill could pass a chamber-wide rule vote earlier in the day began popping up soon after the 3,000-page bill was unveiled on Sunday night.
Rule votes generally fall along party lines even if the underlying measure has bipartisan support. And with a razor-thin majority, Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., can only afford to lose two GOP votes to still win.
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Chairwoman Rep. Virginia Foxx, R-N.C., arrives for the House Rules Committee hearing in the Capitol on Wednesday, April 9, 2025. (Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
At least two House Republicans, Reps. Eric Burlison, R-Mo., and Tim Burchett, R-Tenn., told Fox News Digital on Tuesday afternoon that they are undecided on the House-wide rule vote.
Some conservatives are concerned with the bill’s exclusion of a ban on central bank digital currency (CBDC). Without it, GOP privacy hawks argue that the federal government could use digital currency for widespread surveillance and control of Americans.
“Conservatives were promised that an anti-central bank digital currency language, authored by Tom Emmer, the whip, would be in the NDAA. Our initial reading of it, we’ve had it for hours now, is that it is not in there. And then there is no anti-abortion language either. So as we fund our military, there are red lines that we need to put in here,” Rep. Keith Self, R-Texas, said on “Mornings with Maria” on Monday.
Self told Fox News Digital that he was also undecided on the rule vote but would vote “no” on the final legislation.
Rep. Michael Cloud, R-Texas, posted his frustration with the measure’s exclusion on X and told reporters he too was undecided on the rule.
Meanwhile Rep. Greg Steube, R-Fla., said he was frustrated with the process of crafting the final NDAA.
“All of this was negotiated behind closed doors,” he told Fox News Digital. “We’re getting shoved and we just have to eat it, or you know, vote against increasing pay to our military service members. It’s a very unfortunate situation to be in, that the speaker keeps putting us in.”
Rep. Keith Self, R-Texas, arrives at the U.S. Capitol on Tuesday, October 3, 2023. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
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And Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., said he was likely going to vote “no” on the rule vote Wednesday.
It was a good sign, however, that the House Rules Committee’s three House Freedom Caucus members — Reps. Morgan Griffith, R-Va., Chip Roy, R-Texas, and Ralph Norman, R-S.C. — all voted to advance it to a chamber-wide vote.
The vast majority of House Republicans are also supportive of the legislation, pointing out it includes multiple measures codifying Trump’s agenda, ramping up the U.S.’s capabilities against China and other adversaries, as well as providing a pay increase for servicemembers.
House GOP leaders have the option of putting the bill up under suspension of the rules, meaning it bypasses that procedural hurdle in exchange for raising the passage threshold to two-thirds rather than a simple majority.
The NDAA itself is likely to pass along bipartisan lines, but it’s unclear as of now how many Democrats will help.
Rep. Adam Smith, D-Wash., the top Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee, said he would vote for the NDAA despite concerns “with how a number of issues were handled by the Speaker and the White House during final negotiations,” he said in a statement.
Politics
Congress approves an economic lifeline for rural schools in California and elsewhere
In February 2023, Jaime Green, the superintendent of a tiny school district in the mountains of Northern California, flew to Washington, D.C., with an urgent appeal.
The Secure Rural Schools Act, a longstanding financial aid program for schools like his in forested counties, was about to lapse, putting thousands of districts at risk of losing significant chunks of their budgets. The law had originated 25 years ago as a temporary fix for rural counties that were losing tax revenue from reduced timber harvesting on public lands.
Green, whose Trinity Alps Unified School District serves about 650 students in the struggling logging town of Weaverville, bounded through Capitol Hill with a small group of Northern California educators, pleading with anyone who would listen: Please renew the program.
They were assured, over and over, that it had bipartisan support, wasn’t much money in the grand scheme of things, and almost certainly would be renewed.
But because Congress could not agree upon how to fund the program, it took nearly three years — and a lapse in funding — for the Secure Rural Schools Act to be revived, at least temporarily.
On Tuesday, the U.S. House overwhelmingly voted to extend the program through 2027 and to provide retroactive payments to districts that lost funding while it was lapsed.
The vote was 399 to 5, with all nay votes cast by Republicans. The bill, approved unanimously by the Senate in June, now awaits President Trump’s signature.
“We’ve got Republicans and Democrats holding hands, passing this freaking bill, finally,” Green said. “We stayed positive. The option to quit was, what, layofffs and kids not getting educated? We kept telling them the same story, and they kept listening.”
Green, who until that 2023 trip had never traveled east of Texas, wound up flying to Washington 14 times. He was in the House audience Tuesday as the bill was passed.
In an interview Tuesday, Republican Rep. Doug LaMalfa, who represents a vast swath of Northern California and helped lead the push for reauthorization, said Congress never should have let the program lapse in the first place.
The Secure Rural Schools Act, he said, was a victim of a Congress in which “it’s still an eternal fight over anything fiscal.” It is “annoying,” LaMalfa said, “how hard it is to get basic things done around here.”
Sen. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.), greets Supts. Jaime Green, of Weaverville, and Anmarie Swanstrom, of Hayfork, on Capitol Hill in February 2023.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
“I’m not proud of the situation taking this long and putting these folks in this much stress,” he said of rural communities that rely upon the funding. “I’m not going to break my arm patting myself on the back.”
Despite broad bipartisan support, the Secure Rural Schools Act, run by the U.S. Forest Service, expired in the fall of 2023, with final payouts made in 2024. That year, the program distributed more than $232 million to more than 700 counties across the United States and Puerto Rico, with nearly $34 million going to California.
In 2024, reauthorization stalled in the House. This year, it was included in a House draft of the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act but was ultimately dropped from the final package.
While public school budgets are largely supported by local property taxes, districts surrounded by untaxed federal forest land have depended upon modest payments from the U.S. Forest Service to stay afloat.
Historically, that money mostly came from logging. Under a 1908 law, counties with national forests — primarily in the rural West — received 25% of what the federal government made from timber sales off that land. The money was split between schools, roads and other critical services.
But by the early 1990s, the once-thriving logging industry cratered. So did the school funding.
In 2000, Congress enacted what was supposed to be a short-term, six-year solution: the Secure Rural Schools & Community Self-Determination Act, with funding based on a complex formula involving historical timber revenues and other factors.
Congress never made the program permanent, instead reauthorizing versions of it by tucking it into other bills. Once, it was included in a bill to shore up the nation’s helium supply. Another time, it was funded in part by a tax on roll-your-own-cigarette machines.
The program extension passed Tuesday was a standalone bill.
“For rural school districts, it’s critically important, and it means stability from a financial perspective,” said Yuri Calderon, executive director of the Sacramento-based Small School Districts’ Assn.
Calderon said he had heard from numerous school districts across the state that had been dipping into reserve funds to avoid layoffs and cutbacks since the Secure Rural Schools Act expired.
Calderon said the program wasn’t “a handout; it’s basically a mitigation payment” from the federal government, which owns and manages about 45% of California’s land.
Rep. Jared Huffman (D-San Rafael) meets with a group of superintendents from rural Northern California in February 2023.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
On Dec. 3, LaMalfa and Democratic Rep. Joe Neguse of Colorado, alongside Idaho Republican Sen. Mike Crapo and Sen. Ron Wyden, an Oregon Democrat, spearheaded a letter with signatures from more than 80 bipartisan members of Congress urging House leadership to renew the program by the end of the year.
The letter said the lapse in funding already had led to “school closures, delayed road and bridge maintenance, and reduced public safety services.”
In Trinity County, where Green’s district is located, the federal government owns more than 75% of the land, limiting the tax base and the ability to pass local bonds for things like campus maintenance.
As the Secure Rural Schools Act has been tweaked over the years, funding has seesawed. In 2004, Green’s district in Weaverville, population 3,200, received $1.3 million through the program.
The last payment was around $600,000, about 4% of the district’s budget, said Sheree Beans, the district’s chief budget official.
Beans said Monday that, had the program not been renewed, the district likely would have had to lay off seven or eight staff members.
“I don’t want to lay off anyone in my small town,” Beans said. “I see them at the post office. It affects kids. It affects their education.”
In October — during the 43-day federal government shutdown — Beans took three Trinity County students who are members of Future Farmers of America to Capitol Hill to meet with House Speaker Mike Johnson’s staff about the program.
After years of back and forth, Green could not go on that trip. He did not feel well. His doctor told him he needed to stop traveling so much.
Before hopping on a flight to Washington this weekend, the 59-year-old superintendent penned a letter to his staff. After three decades in the district, he was retiring, effective Monday.
Green wrote that he has a rare genetic condition called neurofibromatosis type 2, which has caused tumors to grow on his spinal cord. He soon will be undergoing surgeries to have them removed.
“My body has let me go as far as I can,” he wrote.
In Green’s letter, he wrote that, if the Secure Rural Schools Act was extended, “financially we will be alright for years to come.”
On Monday night, the district’s Board of Trustees named Beans interim superintendent. She attended the meeting, then drove more than three hours to the airport in Sacramento. She got on a red-eye flight and made it to Washington in time for the Secure Rural Schools vote on the House floor.
When Green decided a few weeks ago to step down, he did not know the reauthorization vote would coincide with his first day of retirement.
But, he said, he never doubted the program would eventually be revived. Coming right before Christmas, he said, “the timing is beautiful.”
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