Politics
Post-Roe battle over abortion pills reaches Kentucky gas stations as AG opens investigation
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With the March for Life marking nearly three years since Roe v. Wade was overturned, Kentucky has launched an investigation into out-of-state groups advertising mail-order abortion pills, citing a post-Dobbs law that bans the drugs’ delivery into the state.
The march’s organizers now see new meaning in their annual demonstration following the landmark Dobbs decision, and states around the country are taking sides on whether abortion should be “safe, legal and rare,” as then-President Bill Clinton put it, or liberally permitted or strictly prohibited. In Kentucky, lawmakers responded by passing House Bill 3 in 2022, banning the mailing or delivery of abortion-inducing drugs.
Kentucky Attorney General Russell Coleman told Fox News Digital on Friday that he is citing the law in launching an investigation into organizations that could be participating in unlawful activity in that regard, as reproductive health groups have been advertising at gas stations in both the Bluegrass State and its Appalachian neighbor, West Virginia.
In recent months, a New York-based nonprofit called Mayday Health that advertises “abortion pills by-mail” announced it would buy advertising at more than 100 gas stations in the two rural states — with the phrase: “Pregnant? Don’t want to be?” and inviting customers to contact them.
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Kentucky AG Russell Coleman is shown. (Marcus Dorsey/Getty Images)
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Coleman told Fox News Digital on Friday his probe is intended to discern whether the mail-order abortion ban and/or Kentucky’s consumer protection laws are being violated by these groups.
“Out-of-state activist groups who are targeting the vulnerable here should be on notice: Keep your illegal pills out of our Commonwealth or face the full weight of the attorney general’s office,” Coleman said, issuing subpoenas to the various fuel stations as well.
“These deadly and unlawful pills cannot be allowed to continue flooding into Kentucky through the mail, and we will thoroughly pursue every lead to hold bad actors accountable,” he continued, adding the ads may also violate Frankfort’s consumer-protection laws.
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The March For Life ends at SCOTUS in Washington. (Dominic Gwinn/Getty Images)
Coleman said that any resident who sees such ads should report them to his agency’s consumer-protection office.
Liv Raisner, executive director of Mayday, told Fox News Digital in response that “it turns out [Coleman] doesn’t like free speech as much as he says,” adding her group similarly advertised at South Dakota gas stations and won a temporary restraining order against that state.
“We think everyone in Kentucky, and South Dakota, and around the country, should know that abortion pills are safe and available,” Raisner said.
On the other side of the Tug Fork River, West Virginia itself previously took action to pass a near-total ban on abortion drug Mifeprestone — a policy that was later upheld by a court — along with hefty restrictions on abortions themselves.
Mississippi, where the Dobbs case originated, had passed the Gestational Age Act in 2018, banning most abortions after 15 weeks, which set up a legal battle after the Tupelo State’s only clinic sued. The result of that case before the high court opened the floodgates to other localized changes nationwide.
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Upon the decision in favor of Dobbs, Mississippi’s pre-Roe ban became enforceable once more, as did a slew of other states’ so-called “trigger laws.” Those include Alabama, Arkansas, Idaho, Kentucky, Louisiana, Missouri, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Texas and North Dakota.
Other states moved in the opposite direction. Arizona lawmakers decided to repeal their state’s ban after the Dobbs decision came down, while the Wisconsin Supreme Court struck down a pre-Civil War law there that essentially provided for felony charges for anyone who “intentionally destroys the life of an unborn child.” Illinois moved to protect abortion pills and expand the roles of medical providers, while Montana voters passed a constitutional amendment enshrining abortion rights.
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Virginia voters will decide on a similar amendment this year, after lawmakers in the Democratic-majority legislature passed such a resolution.
Several other states have expressly protected abortion in their state constitutions since the Dobbs decision, further expressing the Tenth Amendment dichotomy of regulating issues not expressly delegated to the federal government by the Constitution that the high court’s ruling indicated.
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Politics
Column: Trump keeps reminding us why people support him. It’s the racism
The president of the United States posted a racist video Thursday night depicting Barack and Michelle Obama as apes. On Friday, the White House dismissed criticism — but the president deleted the post. Was this episode disappointing? Yes. Surprising? Not anymore.
Last spring, after Pope Francis had died, Donald Trump posted an AI image of himself as the pope just days before cardinals convened to elect a successor.
So, no — it is not surprising that the president would choose to post virulent anti-Black imagery during Black History Month.
But it is disappointing here in 2026 that an occupant of the Oval Office is still thinking like that.
Back in 1971, the president of the United States laughed when the governor of California referred to the African delegates at the United Nations as monkeys. Less than 10 years later, that governor became the president of the United States. And here we are, half a century later, and yet another president has amplified that racist trope.
Meaning white supremacy is still on the ballot.
That Nixon-Reagan-Trump throughline isn’t tightly wound around policy or principle, but simply that shared worldview. After all, Nixon created the Environmental Protection Agency and Reagan offered amnesty to immigrants — highly un-Trump-like moves. No, their commonality is best revealed in the delight each man took in an old racist attack against Black people.
For Americans who are 50 and older — roughly a third of the nation — this worldview has been the architect responsible for White House policy for most of our lives. And yet, when Kamala Harris lost the 2024 election, the forensic investigation focused on grocery prices and her absence from Joe Rogan’s podcast. Some — in trying to explain why Harris lost — mischaracterized her role at the border or inflated her influence on the war in Gaza.
For some reason, race did not seem to receive the same level of scrutiny.
This factor was slighted despite decades of data, such as the wave of white nationalists endorsing Harris’ opponent and the birther movement questioning President Obama’s citizenship. The trio of presidents who are on the record as enjoying depictions of Black people as monkeys — Nixon, Reagan and Trump — all used racist dog whistles in their combined 10 presidential campaigns. Their administrations have tended to be more anti-civil-rights movement than post-civil-rights movement.
Our nation’s attempts at understanding ourselves are continuously undercut by the denial that for some single-issue voters, race is their single issue. Not the price of bacon or their religious convictions. Not Gaza. Just the promise of having a safe space for prejudice. And when the president of the United States entertains racist jokes as Nixon did in the 1970s or shares racist videos as Trump continues to do, undoubtedly there is a sense among the electorate that such prejudice has a home in the White House.
Before Trump used social media to push yesteryear’s ugliness, earlier in the week Harris relaunched her 2024 social media campaign account, calling it a place where Gen Z can “meet and revisit with some of our great courageous leaders, be they elected leaders, community leaders, civic leaders, faith leaders, young leaders.” She exhorted: “Stay engaged. I’ll see you out there.”
Whether she plans to run again in 2028 is unclear. What we do know is she would not have posted an AI picture of herself as the new pope while Catholics were mourning Francis (or any other time). We know she would not have advocated for immigration officers to racially profile Black and brown Americans or disregard the 14th Amendment to detain children. We do not know how many of her policy proposals she would have been able to get across the finish line in Congress, but we do know her record of public service to the American people, in contrast with the current president who is suing the American people for $10 billion.
There is nothing wrong with revisiting Harris’ missteps on the campaign trail or debating her electability as she reemerges in the public spotlight. But now that Trump has resorted to posting monkey jokes about Black people, perhaps updated forensics will consider our well established history of racism among the factors in the 2024 election.
It is not a shock that a president of the United States thinks poorly of Black people. Not when you know that more than 25% of those who have held the office were themselves enslavers. But it is disappointing that 250 years into our nation’s story, some of us still deny the role that racism plays in shaping our politics and thus all of our lives.
YouTube: @LZGrandersonShow
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Ideas expressed in the piece
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Trump’s posting of racist imagery depicting the Obamas as apes during Black History Month represents a troubling continuation of a historical pattern, with Nixon and Reagan similarly engaging with racist depictions of Black people[1][3]. The incident reveals that white supremacy remains embedded in American politics across multiple presidential administrations, united not by policy consistency but by a shared worldview that finds amusement in racist attacks against Black Americans[1].
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Race has been an under-examined factor in recent electoral outcomes, with the 2024 presidential election analysis focusing disproportionately on issues like inflation and media appearances while overlooking documented evidence of racist mobilization, including white nationalist endorsements and baseless conspiracy theories targeting the previous administration[1]. This omission is particularly significant given decades of data demonstrating racism’s influence on voting patterns[1].
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For some voters, racism functions as a single-issue priority—not economic concerns or religious convictions, but rather the assurance of having a politically sanctioned space for racial prejudice[1]. When a sitting president entertains or amplifies racist content, it signals to this constituency that their prejudices have legitimacy within the highest office[1].
Different views on the topic
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The White House initially characterized the incident as misrepresented outrage, framing the video as an internet meme depicting political figures as characters from “The Lion King” rather than focusing on the racist imagery, and urged critics to “report on something today that actually matters to the American public”[1][2]. This framing suggested the controversy represented distraction from substantive governance concerns[3].
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The White House later attributed the post to an erroneous action by a staff member rather than deliberate presidential conduct, creating distance between the president’s stated intentions and the offensive content[3]. This explanation positioned the incident as an aberration in staff management rather than reflective of administrative values[3].
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