Politics
Kamala Harris' new climate director said she is hesitant to have children because of climate change threats
Vice President Kamala Harris’ 2024 campaign hired a new climate director who has frequently said the effects of climate change are part of what’s stopping her from having children.
Camila Thorndike, who previously worked in the Senate managing the climate portfolio of Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., was given the title of climate engagement director for the Harris for President campaign in September 2024, according to her LinkedIn page.
Prior to joining the Harris campaign, Thorndike said on several occasions that she considers climate change a factor when deciding whether to have kids.
“I was 15 when I first saw the climate ‘hockey stick’ graph. I realized that this skyrocketing arrow of temperature would take place in my lifetime. All of the big milestones of life that I was looking forward to would be in the context of this big global crisis. It led to the question of whether or not to have kids – which is still a big question for me – where I would put down roots, what my family would do,” Thorndike said in 2018 when she was the D.C. campaign director for the Chesapeake Climate Action Network.
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Again in November 2019, Thorndike described it as an “ethical question that keeps me up at night.”
“I have always been someone who enjoys children and loves the idea of a family, and that’s why I have wrestled with this, because my logical mind and the facts of the future I can see bearing down on us are not supportive of the life I would want for them,” she told Yahoo News at the time.
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During an appearance on the “My Climate Journey” podcast in August 2022, a show hosted by Jason Jacobs and Cody Simms for people seeking to better understand climate change, Thorndike again made a connection between the decision to have children and what it might look like in the future amid climate change.
“I plotted my own lifetime against that and realized that around the time that I would, especially, be considering having kids or whatever, in around my 30s, we would start to see the escalation of this crisis. And so that was when I realized that, at the time, the grownups were not coming to save us and my generation would have to fight to take the wheel.”
Featured in a Washington Post article about whether people should not have kids due to climate change, the new Harris campaign official said she worried about her potential kids “suffering” from climate-related issues.
“It’s coming partly from a place of love for my hypothetical child,” she said. “I want to protect them from suffering. Not that life is ever free from suffering, but what of the joys and peace and goodness that make me happiest to be alive will be accessible in 20, 30, 40 years?”
Harris acknowledged this idea during a discussion at the “Fight for Our Freedoms” event in September 2023.
“I’ve heard young leaders talk with me about a term they’ve coined called ‘climate anxiety,’ which is fear of the future and the unknown of whether it makes sense for you to even think about having children, whether it makes sense for you to think about aspiring to buy a home,” Harris said in a clip that has resurfaced since she became the 2024 Democratic nominee.
A clip of the comment, shared by Donald Trump Jr. in July, prompted backlash from critics of Harris.
Sen. JD Vance, R-Ohio, who is now former President Trump’s running mate, wrote in a post on X, formerly Twitter: “It’s almost like these people don’t want young people starting families or something. Really weird stuff.”
“Shamala is an extinctionist. The natural extension of her philosophy would be a de facto holocaust for all of humanity!” wrote billionaire and X owner Elon Musk on his platform.
Politics
Kentucky to consider bill that would hold parents accountable for children’s gun crimes
Kentucky’s legislature is primed to consider a bill in the new year that would make parents responsible for their juvenile child committing a crime involving the discharge of a firearm.
State Rep. Kim Banta, R-Erlanger, modeled her legislation after similar laws that hold parents accountable for property crimes and motor vehicle accidents.
In the Bluegrass State, parents are liable for up to $2,500 in cases where their kids deface property and the guardian who signed a minor’s driver’s license application is “jointly and severally liable” for any findings of negligence or damage behind the wheel.
“The most important thing is that I am absolutely not trying to stop gun sales or enact gun control,” Banta told Fox News Digital in a Friday interview.
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“I’m simply trying to make parents aware that whether it is driving a car or doing anything else their child does, they need to know what they’re doing, and they need to exercise caution.”
Similar to the language in the car-crash law, Banta’s bill imputes “negligence or willful misconduct” of a minor on their parents/guardians for civil damages stemming from injuries to another person that are caused by a person with a gun.
Factors in determining parental liability include whether the elder allowed the child to have the gun, was aware of previous gun law violations or believes the minor to have the propensity to be violent, according to the Lexington Herald-Leader.
On Friday, Banta said there had been a recent case in Kentucky where several 15-year-olds got into a disagreement, purportedly over drugs, and one boy went home, retrieved a gun, and came back and shot the two other youths.
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“A 15-year-old does not have the mental ability to make snap decisions that adults do; not in anger, not in routine life, so a gun in their possession unsupervised is a little different than an adult with a gun,” she said.
Foster parents, however, would be exempt from the law, according to Murray State University’s NPR affiliate.
The bill will be presented in January and Banta said if it makes it to a committee vote, there is a high likelihood it will make it to a full floor vote and be sent to Gov. Andrew Beshear’s desk.
Fox News Digital reached out Beshear for comment but did not receive a response by press time.
Both legislative chambers in Frankfort are held by Republican majorities, while Beshear is a Democrat.
Politics
Breakfast with Jimmy Carter in a tense Khartoum
Jimmy Carter wore a button-down shirt in Khartoum. It was a sweltering morning and the sun shone on the Nile as the clamorous city was rousing to life. Carter was in the Sudanese capital to monitor the 2010 election that was certain to extend the rule of autocrat Omar Hassan Ahmed Bashir, who had been indicted on international charges of crimes against humanity.
Carter was not deterred. He believed the first multiparty election in decades — no matter how flawed — would bring the war-scarred country closer to democracy. His blue eyes agleam, his trousers pressed, the former president, a wanderer accustomed to the planet’s cruel and harsh predicaments, offered coffee and pastries in his hotel room. He was optimistic but knew well what could happen when leaders with outsize ambitions controlled holy men and armies.
I was in town covering the story for The Times, and a representative from the Carter Center called and invited me to breakfast.
Carter, who died Sunday at 100, was president when I was a teenager. I knew him well from TV — that swoop of hair, Southern accent and disarming resolve that confronted a post-Watergate world of gas lines, inflation, the Iranian hostage crisis and a sense that America was adrift. His presidency had been much maligned. But his second act as humanitarian, house builder, Guinea worm exterminator and Nobel Peace Prize winner was a portrait of perseverance and grace.
An aide greeted me when I entered the hotel room. She quietly vanished. Carter walked in and sat on a small couch. Coffee was poured. A Danish slid onto a plate, a bit of fruit. Fishing boats were busy in the currents below and tea ladies dressed in plumes of colors stoked fires beneath blackened kettles on the corners.
Carter spoke about Sudan — its possibilities and dangers, and the fact that in coming months the country’s south, with its vast oil reserves, would hold an independence referendum on whether to secede from the north. Would Bashir relinquish the south to let it be governed by a former enemy in a cowboy hat, who presided over a territory with fewer than 100 miles of paved roads and a population that was 80% illiterate?
Carter knew the personalities and pitfalls, the egos and secrets, the maps and ledgers. He had traveled across Sudan; years earlier he‘d brokered a ceasefire in its civil war. He always went to the source, to places of refugees, poverty, disease and despair. To see and bear witness, much like the Bible school teacher he was back in Plains, Ga. He didn’t know what would happen. But he had hope.
The sun rose higher in the midmorning sky. The room quieted.
“You’re based in Cairo,” he said.
“Yes.”
He leaned closer.
“Tell me about things,” he said. “What’s happening?”
I felt like I was being quizzed by a man who had read countless dossiers and was intimate with the rise and fall of power. It was at once intimidating and bracing.
The restlessness and anger in the Arab world were nearing a breaking point that would erupt months later. Tunisia would ignite into nationwide protests. An uprising in Egypt would bring down President Hosni Mubarak. Tremors would spread from Syria and Yemen and from Libya to Bahrain. There were few inklings when we met of what would unfold, but the Middle East that Carter had spent so much time navigating was about to come undone yet again.
He mostly wanted to discuss the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the possibilities, no matter how remote, of any progress toward reconciliation on that front. In 1978, Carter had held talks at Camp David with Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Egyptian President Anwar Sadat that would lead to a historic peace treaty. Carter believed then — apparently wrongly, given the problems that would come — that the pact would bring wider regional stability. And he hoped it would one day lead to a two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians.
Carter would later face criticism for his opinions on the issue. Many Jews and others were angered by his 2006 book, “Palestine Peace Not Apartheid,” which they saw as painting Israel as an aggressor and being overly sympathetic to Palestinians. Carter defended the book as well as his meetings with Hamas, which critics argued enhanced the stature of the militant group that the U.S. and Israel consider a terrorist organization. Carter later told an audience in Cairo that apartheid “is the exact description of what’s happening in Palestine now.”
But his vision remained focused, his commitment to peace unwavering. Three years later, in his book “We Can Have Peace in the Holy Land,” Carter wrote: “Everyone who engages in Middle East peacemaking is bound to make mistakes and suffer frustrations. Everyone must overcome the presence of hatred and fanaticism, and the memories of horrible tragedies. Everyone must face painful choices and failures in negotiations. Nevertheless, I am convinced that the time is ripe for peace in the region.”
It was questionable then, and appears no less easier now.
Carter had been in hospice since before Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7 and killed some 1,200 people. Israel has been retaliating with an ongoing bombardment of the Gaza Strip that health authorities there say has killed more than 45,000 Palestinians.
The Carter Center released a statement late last year saying: “The violence must stop now. There is no military solution to this crisis, only a political one that acknowledges the common humanity of both Israelis and Palestinians, respects the human rights of all, and creates a path for both societies to live side by side in peace.”
It would have been good to have heard Carter’s own voice, his Southern-inflected resolve and traveler’s wisdom.
What struck me most in that Khartoum hotel room were his empathy and his insatiable need to know. He was relentless in his pursuit, to track down threads and unfold scenarios, to follow the great maneuverings and go where needed — like to Sudan, where years earlier he‘d landed to try to help end fighting between Bashir’s troops and rebels who later ascended to power in a new country. Bashir was overthrown in 2019, and Sudan is again in turmoil.
It is difficult to mend the hard corners of the world. To find justice amid the stain of transgression. Carter’s gift was his capacity to wonder; to know the bitter truths and imagine something better.
Politics
Video: President Biden Pays Tribute to Jimmy Carter
Today America and the world, in my view, lost a remarkable leader. He was a statesman and humanitarian. And Jill and I lost a dear friend. I’ve been hanging out with Jimmy Carter for over 50 years, it dawned on me. He used to kid me about it, that I was the first national figure to endorse him in 1976, when he ran for president. What I find extraordinary about Jimmy Carter, though, is that millions of people all around the world, all over the world, feel they lost a friend as well, even though they never met him. And that’s because Jimmy Carter lived a life measured not by words but by his deeds. Just look at his life, his life’s work. He worked to eradicate disease, not just at home but around the world. Jimmy Carter was just as courageous in his battle against cancer as he was in everything in his life. Cancer was a common bond between our two families, as in many other families. And our son Beau died, when he died Jimmy and Rosalynn were there to help us heal. Jimmy knew the ravages of the disease too well. We talked and shared our beliefs that as a nation we have the talent, we have the talent and the resources to one day end cancer as we know it, if we make the investments. He believed that like I do. We’d all do well to try to be a little more like Jimmy Carter. You know, my mom – you’ve heard me say this before – she’d say: Bravery lives in every heart, and someday it’ll be summoned. Every time it was summoned he stepped up.
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