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How The New York Times Is Reporting on the Trump Administration

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How The New York Times Is Reporting on the Trump Administration

We invited readers of The New York Times to ask about our reporting on the second Trump administration, and hundreds responded. We read every question that came in, selected those that represented some of the most common themes and then distributed them to editors and reporters responsible for our daily coverage of the administration. Here are their answers.

How has covering the White House changed in the past few weeks? The executive branch, and journalism surrounding it, used to be such a well-oiled machine. How do Times journalists handle the chaos? — Cameron Hughes

Answered by Richard W. Stevenson, the editor in charge of our reporting operations in Washington:

You’ve no doubt heard of the president’s “flood the zone” strategy: pump out so many developments on so many fronts that journalists will be overwhelmed and unable to focus properly on any of them. Certainly this White House makes news almost constantly, seven days a week, but we have enough reporters and editors to keep track of it all and present it to our audience with, we hope, the context and analysis necessary to make sense of it and separate substance from bluster, and facts from falsehoods.

Since the election we have brought on new reporters and editors who give us additional capability. They include an expanded corps of White House reporters and a new investigative team focused on how President Trump (and Elon Musk) are upending the federal government and driving policy in new directions.

Given the sheer volume of news, we also strive to step back from the fire hose at regular intervals to try to sum up for readers what they need to know about a set of developments on a particular theme or in a specific period. For example, this piece by Luke Broadwater, one of our White House correspondents, explained how a particularly eventful stretch demonstrated how Mr. Trump was acting free of so many of the constraints that had kept him from pursuing his agenda and instincts during his first term. And The Times has a range of other formats that we use to help guide readers through the maelstrom, including our newsletters, our audio programs and our video journalism.

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A free press is more important than ever under the Trump administration. What are the major challenges you face in carrying out that mission, and how do you meet them? Do you believe you can count on the full backing of your publisher? How does The NYT resist the kind of pressure to which The Washington Post and The LA Times succumbed? — Constance Nathanson, New York, N.Y.

Will The Times be censoring its work to avoid lawsuits and/or imprisonment of their journalists? What rights do journalists have? Who protects them? — Cooper Couch, Mount Vernon, Wash.

Answered by Carolyn Ryan, one of our managing editors, the No. 2 role in the newsroom:

At The Times, our most important principle is our commitment to independent reporting. That means that we don’t embrace a political party or a point of view. And it means that we will cover the new administration aggressively, fairly and comprehensively.

That commitment is shared throughout the organization, from the newest reporter all the way up to the publisher, A.G. Sulzberger, whose family has stood for independent journalism for generations.

You have probably heard about recent efforts by the White House and the Pentagon to limit access and exert more control over the press corps. We believe strongly that our readers and the broader public benefit from detailed reporting on our government’s activities. We are fighting to have as much access and visibility as we can into this administration and will resist efforts to block our access or undermine our reporting.

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Journalism is a constitutionally protected activity. Right now, journalists face intense pressures, threats and harassment.

We will not be intimidated in this climate and will continue to do what our readers most rely on us for — report, without fear or favor.

I’m curious about what lessons Times journalists and the Times newsroom more broadly have learned from the way they covered the first Trump administration. Are there things that have changed on the level of editorial guidance? Are there any hard-won lessons for reporters? — Morgan Spector, Hillsdale, N.Y.

Answered by Richard W. Stevenson, the editor in charge of our reporting operations in Washington:

The main lesson is to try to separate what some would call “The Trump Show” — his ability to command attention, often by making norm-breaking or outrageous statements — from the concrete policy decisions and substantive changes in the direction of the country.

The first requires some of our attention and a lot of contextualization and fact-checking, but also the discipline not to treat everything he says and does as inherently newsworthy. The second demands rigorous, open-minded journalism that explains what the changes are, what is driving them, who wins and loses, and what the ultimate impact is on the country.

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Just the first month of Mr. Trump’s second term showed how determined he is this time around not just to occupy the role of president but to drive fundamental changes while also punishing perceived enemies — developments that we will cover from multiple angles.

Do reporters choose their stories, or are they assigned? How many times is a story reviewed before it is printed? Do you have different levels of reviewers? For example, if you feel you will get extra pushback from the government, is the article scrutinized more carefully? — Shari Macdonald-Miller, Vancouver, British Columbia

Answered by Marc Lacey, one of our managing editors, the No. 2 role in the newsroom:

The New York Times produces in excess of 100 stories a day. There is no single way they come into existence. In some cases, such as a significant news event, there’s no doubt we’ll be on it. We just mobilize. Many other stories are born out of suggestions by editors, whose job it is to survey the world and look for opportunities. But a good portion of the stories we publish each day come from reporters themselves. They know their beats. They talk to sources every day. And they know the words that make every editor’s day: “I’ve found a great story.”

Now what happens when that story is filed? We give it at least two thorough edits before it is published. Particularly complex or sensitive stories will get additional eyes on them, often by senior editors who have developed expertise in various coverage areas. If a story relies on anonymous sources, it receives even more scrutiny. It is not without precedent for a single piece of journalism to be read by half a dozen editors or more. Our publishing system allows all of them to be in a story at once, offering queries off to the side. Only once all those questions are addressed, and we believe the story captures the complexities of what we are writing about, does one of us push the “publish” button.

Why does The Times not use words such as “propaganda” or “lies” more frequently when Trump/his staff are stating known untruths? It is clear that we are in a new era of propaganda. I would ask how can The NYT take more control of the language we use to discuss this disaster instead of letting Trump set that agenda by deferring to his terminology. Amy Burroughs, Rock Hill, S.C.

Answered by Susan Wessling, the head of the Standards department, which helps maintain the overall quality, accuracy and fairness of our work:

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The newsroom of The Times has been reporting for years on Donald Trump’s tenuous relationship with facts. We routinely point out falsehoods, exaggerations and misstatements, making sure that we also then let readers know what’s accurate. We do that in news articles, and also in more formal fact-checks of speeches and other public events. That kind of accountability coverage, by the way, is not confined to Mr. Trump and the people in his orbit. Our obligation to the truth and to our readers means that we don’t let false information go unchecked, regardless of the topic or source.

So it’s hard to argue that The Times is not letting readers know the full reality behind what Mr. Trump says. But we are cautious about describing a statement as an intentional lie, or using our news report to effectively accuse someone of being a liar. We have robust discussions in individual cases when we think something is egregious enough or frequent enough to warrant the use of “lie,” and we have indeed used the word. But “falsehood” and “false statement” are not weak ways of assessing what Mr. Trump says.

Now that “pauses” have been invoked across many agencies and work the government does, how will we know if government-reported data is vetted and accurate or twisted and compromised? How can The Times illuminate this? Especially as we enter possible health crises or as we attempt to verify programs’ success or failures? Obfuscation and muddy data counts can undo us. — Jane McDonough, Hillsdale, N.Y.

Answered by Jeremy Singer-Vine and Rachel Shorey, editors specializing in data journalism:

A core principle of data journalism is not to mindlessly trust data, no matter the source. When assessing data, we seek to understand how the data we use are collected, how they’re processed, and what parts of the real world they represent well — or not so well. We speak to experts, read what others have written about a given data set, compare data sets to one another, and use “shoe leather” reporting techniques to probe their accuracy.

The Times is keeping an eye on the quality of federal data under the new administration, given its plans to cut many government programs and overhaul others. As Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency seeks to gain access to more data systems, our reporters are asking sources about what effects this may have.

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Sometimes, government data sets are so unreliable that those failings are news. As a case in point, Times journalists have reported extensively about the repeated and substantial errors in DOGE’s “wall of receipts.”

The Times has also been archiving many federal reports and data sets, so that we can compare prior versions to new ones. In addition, several external organizations, including Harvard’s Library Innovation Lab, are at work archiving federal government data sets.

Are you keeping a complete scorecard of Trump’s orders and actions, the responses to them and eventual outcomes from them? — Ron Randall, Edgewater, N.J.

Answered by Haeyoun Park, a deputy editor in the Graphics department:

In February we began a large effort to track every major move the administration is making. A team of journalists updates the page daily by reviewing the previous day’s Washington coverage, presidential actions on whitehouse.gov and Mr. Trump’s social media feeds. There have been an average of about 11 actions every day. You can filter the list to show actions in a number of different categories.

We are also keeping an eye on legal challenges to the administration’s actions. We are tracking all the lawsuits against Mr. Trump’s agenda here. We have also published a piece showing examples of Mr. Trump’s actions that defy legal limits, as well as a legal guide to the president’s moves so far.

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I’d love The Times’s genius visual presentation folks to keep some sort of diagram or infographic of all the parts of our government that are being stifled, gutted, defunded or redirected. Good government is often invisible. Make the harm more visible. — Edie E., New York City

Answered by Haeyoun Park, a deputy editor in the Graphics department:

Every day, we are working to break down the changes being made to the federal government in a digestible and meaningful way.

We will be publishing more visual stories to explain the scale and impact of cuts. We started to keep a running tally of firings of federal workers. We are using a spreadsheet to track updates agency by agency and will republish the page periodically as we confirm the numbers.

We are looking at tangible impacts of the administration’s cuts. For example, one story showed how the administration’s proposal to reduce grants for universities and hospitals could discourage medical research, including in areas like cancer and infectious diseases.

Do reporters have a plan if Trump changes press briefings to limit sharing info on what he’s doing? Are the Times folks picked to ask questions as much as other big papers that are Trump fans? — Dorothy Wilson, Texas

Answered by Richard W. Stevenson, the editor in charge of our reporting operations in Washington:

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It’s a common misconception that reporters rely heavily on White House press briefings as a source of news. While the briefings are useful in requiring the administration to face questions on the record and on camera, and sometimes do yield new information or insight, they are often an exercise in talking points.

Our reporters attend because it’s important to pose those questions, and they are called on regularly. But the vast majority of the work our journalists do takes place outside the briefing room and away from the cameras, and involves regular contact with administration officials, presidential advisers, members of Congress and other people involved in government and policy.

One way in which this administration is different from its predecessor is that President Trump himself is far more accessible to reporters than was President Joe Biden, who rarely took questions or did sit-down interviews. Mr. Trump, of course, presents a different set of challenges, starting with the need to fact-check nearly everything he says.

I realize you have fairness and impartiality foremost in mind as The New York Times. That said, what about a spinoff doing advocacy journalism? We need, we WANT to DO something. But what? And how? Simply documenting the slow-motion train wreck of democracy seems inadequate. — Henry V. Dedrick, San Antonio

Answered by Katie Kingsbury, the editor who oversees The Times’s Opinion section, including its editorial board:

The New York Times takes our commitment to independence seriously. Our newsroom pursues original, investigative and fact-based reporting without fear or favor, seeking the truth wherever it may lead, and our Opinion department elevates ideas, explores arguments and challenges assumptions to enrich and enliven public discussion. Advocacy-based groups have their own valuable missions, but our mission as an independent news organization is incompatible with full-throated activism. Open-minded inquiry is at the heart of our mission, and being activists for a cause — however worthy or urgent — would undercut our role as a trusted source of independent journalism that serves a broad cross-section of readers, listeners and viewers.

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Yet Times Opinion is also unflinching in its effort to call out any institution, including the government, when our journalism surfaces illegal actions, lies, corruption and immorality. This commitment is felt regardless of who is in power. We are unflinching in Times Opinion’s mission to offer a breadth of perspectives that help people understand the forces shaping our world and to develop and challenge their own views. The columnists, editorial board, guest essays and letters to the editor, as well as Opinion’s newsletters, audio, video, graphics and design, bring trusted signature voices and strongly edited, fact-based commentary to the major questions of the day — on democracy, war, technology, climate, the way we live now. We do this while not explicitly advocating on behalf of any specific group or people on an institutional level. We let the work speak for itself.

I’m wondering if you are closely following what’s happening locally with raids on immigrants.Heather Ash, Decatur, Ga.

Answered by Ana Ley, a reporter who covers immigration in New York City:

We spend a lot of time searching for clues in places such as police reports and social media platforms, and we frequently call people who are in a position to know whether raids are happening, such as immigrants themselves and their neighbors. These sources can also include members of law enforcement, immigration lawyers or advocates for immigrant communities. Our newsroom also pays for services that help us detect emergencies such as mass arrests or spikes in law enforcement activity.

As you can imagine, we encounter a lot of false alarms and misinformation. Many of the posts we see online about raids lack context and crucial information such as the size of groups that are detained and deported. And what some observers have described as raids have turned out to be routine, small-scale arrests.

Once we have a solid lead about a potential raid, we go to people with direct knowledge to confirm whether the information is accurate or not.

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In New York City, which has the largest immigrant population in the country, there has been no credible proof of any large-scale immigrant detentions other than a highly publicized crackdown in late January that yielded 39 arrests. Even so, many immigrants tell us that they are terrified about being caught in a dragnet, especially in heavily Latino communities. And legal aid groups are ramping up efforts to inform immigrants of their rights.

What connections/relationships do you have with trusted/respected scientists and others who can speak to the impact of Trump’s environmental policy changes? — Valerie Beeman, San Francisco Bay Area

Answered by Raymond Zhong, a reporter on the Climate team:

For decades scientists have driven the global conversation about climate change and what to do about it, which is why their expertise has long informed The Times’s climate and environmental coverage. Researchers do not lock themselves away in ivory towers, as people sometimes imagine. Many of them actively follow policy changes and try to inform the public, in a timely way, about what they mean for our planet. My fellow climate reporters and I constantly talk to researchers and infuse their findings into our coverage.

How do we decide which experts to speak with? Science, unlike many human endeavors, is largely conducted out in the open: Researchers publish their results for everyone to see and scrutinize. As a climate science reporter, I spend a lot of time keeping up with scholarly journals. I read new studies, each of which has a bibliography that leads me to more studies. By perusing the academic literature, you can get a pretty good sense of which scientists are influential in their field, who has made interesting discoveries and who’s well respected by their peers.

Something else that helps us make sure we’re talking to credible researchers: The top science journals generally require the authors of every study to disclose potential conflicts of interest.

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Will you please run articles which plainly explain how tariffs affect prices and pocketbooks of consumers? It would be nice if these articles could be read by people who aren’t economists or tax professionals. — Mary Moore, Maryland

Answered by editors on the Trust team, which helps maintain the overall quality of our work:

President Trump’s tariffs are a complex subject, and our journalists strive to explain their ramifications in ways that readers can understand. A good place to start is our graphical explainer on how tariffs work. We also broke down the automotive supply chain to illustrate how multiple countries contribute to the production of a single vehicle.

Rebecca F. Elliott, a reporter who covers energy, visited the largest oil refinery in the Midwest, which depends on heavy crude from Canada. It could be forced by tariffs to cut back its production of gasoline and airplane fuel, which could lead to an increase in prices. Another one of our reporters talked to small-business owners who warned that tariffs on Chinese-made goods would be passed on to consumers in the form of higher prices.

We have reported that the economy is already starting to show signs of strain, as the fear of trade wars combines with federal funding freezes and mass firings to sour consumer sentiment and stall business investment. Some readers told us they were already stockpiling goods for fear of rising prices. Overall, polling suggests a mixed view of tariffs among Americans.

Ronda Kaysen, one of our real estate reporters, talked to developers who said the tariff threat had created instability in the price of materials, which could drive up housing costs. Even the price of happy hour could be affected: A reporter in Brussels, Jeanna Smialek, described a long-running game of tit-for-tat tariffs on spirits between the European Union and the United States.

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The president has argued that this turmoil will pay off in the long run. On “The Daily” podcast, our economics reporter Ana Swanson interviewed Mr. Trump’s trade adviser, Peter Navarro, who believes tariffs will usher in a new age of American prosperity. Ms. Swanson also wrote about Mr. Trump’s ambition to strike a wide-ranging trade deal with China’s leader, Xi Jinping, that would result in more American exports to China.

To better understand the big picture on Mr. Trump’s tariffs, you should also read this analysis by our global economics reporter, Peter S. Goodman.

Please find a way to isolate Trump news to its own category or page so us subscribers don’t have to be exposed as much as he would like. Trump plays the press like a fiddle. I, like many, have to limit my intake to keep sane and have terminated subscriptions to do so. I’m still keeping NYT’s for now but would like to see more effort from The Times not to play into his hands so much. — C.M. Houska, Bend, Ore.

Answered by Karron Skog, an assistant managing editor who oversees home screen programming:

The top of our home screen reflects the stories The Times believes are the most important. Our newsroom leadership team — referred to as the masthead — discusses each day’s priorities with other editors from across the newsroom, and these days President Trump typically dominates those conversations. The Times is committed to covering all aspects of Mr. Trump and his administration, and we aim not just to recount the news but also to provide analysis and context to help readers understand what it all means.

We think about packaging Trump stories thematically on our home screen — you might see a group of stories about his economic moves, a collection about his foreign policy and another about deconstructing the federal government. We try to keep those packages tight. If you want to read every word, you can dive in; if you’d rather read about something else, you can scroll past.

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We program our home screen with a wide selection of stories and visuals to appeal to all types of readers. We always offer news from around the world and around the country; stories that engage readers on a variety of topics, like The Great Read; journalism that helps you live a better life, like our Well coverage; or pieces that offer specific guidance, like recipes or shopping advice. And in the app, we have even more room to showcase the breadth of our journalism. A ribbon across the top lets you scroll to find lifestyle coverage, sports, opinion pieces and more.

We are always looking for the best balance and mix for the home screen and thinking about the best ways to get our journalism in front of readers.

How are you reporting on the consequences of Trump’s decisions? For example, freezing federal grants could harm communities that rely on them. Hearing directly from those affected would provide valuable insight. In particular, interviews with Trump supporters who are directly impacted by his policies could be especially compelling. It would shed light on their perspectives and whether their views on his administration shift as a result. — Eran Basis, Rochelle Park, N.J.

I would like to hear from people who agree with Trump’s decisions also, and why. We all crave media that tells the objective truth about the issues instead of telling only negative reports about the decisions they personally disagree with, or positive reports about the decisions they agree with. We crave the truth! — Christine McCurdy, Mount Rainier, Wash.

Answered by editors on the Trust and Standards teams, which help maintain the overall quality, accuracy and fairness of our work:

The Times has made it a priority to put reporters on the ground, talking to Americans about President Trump’s actions and how their local communities are being affected.

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Kellen Browning, one of our political reporters, found guarded optimism among Trump supporters in one Arizona swing district. We sought out the opinions of Black voters and asked people what they think of Elon Musk. Another reporter attended a town-hall meeting in rural Texas where a Republican member of Congress was confronted by angry constituents.

We met government workers and federal contractors struggling to pay their bills after being abruptly laid off, and interviewed dozens of American farmers about how funding freezes have affected their businesses.

Eduardo Medina and Emily Cochrane, two of our reporters who cover the South, found both anxiety and optimism in Huntsville, Ala., about the future of the city’s aerospace industry, which depends heavily on federal funding and workers.

We ran the numbers on how proposed reductions in funding for medical research would hit colleges and hospitals in every state and reported on concerns that the country will be more exposed to catastrophic wildfires and other natural disasters after layoffs at the U.S. Forest Service and the virtual elimination of an office that coordinates disaster recovery efforts.

Our reporters continue to seek out views from a diverse array of Americans and explore the effects of a dizzying series of policy changes emerging from the administration.

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How do journalists feel about their job security and fear of retaliation when reporting on the Trump administration? As we have seen the president retaliate against people that he’s identified as those who have crossed him. How do journalists handle death threats, and how often have they received them for specifically writing about Trump? — E. Sykes, Seattle

Answered by Jason Reich, vice president of safety and security for The New York Times Company:

The profession of journalism always comes with risk. Reporting is done best when journalists move within the cultures they’re covering and talk directly to people with lived experiences and firsthand knowledge of events, wherever that might be in the world. Perfect security would mean not being able to do any of these things.

But clearly, risks increase as reporters and their news outlets are more prominent, more out in the world and engaging with people who have hostility or resistance to independent media.

Unfortunately, Times reporters covering politics and government do face threats from time to time. This includes online harassment, threatening and hateful letters and emails, physical intimidation while in the field reporting and, in rare cases, more serious threats.

Our security and legal teams are among the best in the industry — skilled groups of professionals who ensure that our journalists can be at the forward edge of coverage and that our journalism is published with confidence and surety. Threats against journalists are concerning, and our company strives to show the value of independent journalism for the good of society. Despite escalating anti-press rhetoric in the country, our reporters tell us they have confidence and zero hesitation in the work that they do.

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Does The Times have some kind of strategy for making Trump-related news available to people who do not subscribe? Many people probably can’t afford The New York Times and aren’t able to access the valuable information here as a result. They only access free “news” outlets and social media sites that are full of misinformation and propaganda.

Answered by Danielle Rhoades Ha, senior vice president and head of external communications for The New York Times Company:

Subscribers make our journalism possible. Our newsroom sends journalists to report on the ground from 160 countries. Independent and original reporting is expensive to produce. For example, we provide protection for reporters in war zones and other physical and digital security measures for our journalists, as my colleague Jason Reich shared in the previous answer. We currently have the largest team we’ve ever had covering the new administration. We couldn’t do this without subscriptions, which make up a majority of The Times’s revenue.

That said, our news reporting is viewed tens of millions of times each week, and we make a significant amount of our journalism available to anyone not ready or able to subscribe. Our home page, The Morning email newsletter and “The Daily” podcast deliver headlines and daily summaries to anyone at no cost.

Are quotes by the president printed as presented or are they edited, as some have claimed The Times does? Please quote exactly as stated and then offer analysis/paraphrasing if the quote requires further explanation. — Connie Guglielmo, San Francisco Bay Area

Answered by Mike Abrams, a deputy editor on the Standards team, which helps maintain the overall quality, accuracy and fairness of our work:

The Times has clear rules about quotations. We believe that readers have a right to assume that every word between quotation marks is what the speaker said. We don’t “clean up” quotations. If a statement is hard to follow, we recommend paraphrasing it for the sake of clarity.

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When the president — or anyone else — says something confusing, it’s our job to press for an explanation. When we can’t get clarity on deadline, we should share what we know and don’t know in the coverage.

There are cases where the very confusing wording is part of the story. Perhaps it is a social post by the president. Our stylebook instructs reporters and editors to render such material faithfully. We want readers to see that language just as they would find it on social platforms like X or Truth Social.

There are times when we impose our style rules on spoken quotes and statements. For example, we abbreviate state names after cities and use the dollar sign ($) for references to money instead of the word “dollars.” The idea is to provide consistency for readers.

If we learn that we quoted someone or something inaccurately, we will fix the passage and append a correction to the article.

Why do you keep referring to the president as “Mr. Trump” instead of President Trump? The Times has not done this with previous sitting presidents.

Answered by Mike Abrams, a deputy editor on the Standards team, which helps maintain the overall quality, accuracy and fairness of our work:

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We get this accusation every time the White House changes hands, but it is simply not true. The Times has referred to the president in the same way dating back at least to Abraham Lincoln. He is always President Trump the first time he is mentioned in an article. On subsequent references, to avoid repetition, reporters may also use “the president” or “Mr. Trump.” This was the case for Mr. Biden, Mr. Obama, Mr. Bush, Mr. Clinton …

The “courtesy title,” as we call it — Mr., Ms., Mrs., Dr. — is used throughout The Times, with some exceptions, including coverage of culture and sports and publications like The New York Times Magazine.

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Trump vows US ‘in charge’ of Venezuela as he reveals if he’s spoken to Delcy Rodríguez

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Trump vows US ‘in charge’ of Venezuela as he reveals if he’s spoken to Delcy Rodríguez

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President Donald Trump said the U.S. is now in control of Venezuela following the arrest of longtime leader Nicolás Maduro, outlining a plan to run the country, rebuild its economy and delay elections until what he described as a recovery is underway.

Trump made the remarks during a gaggle with reporters as questions mounted about who is governing Venezuela after a U.S. military operation led to Maduro’s arrest early Saturday.

“Don’t ask me who’s in charge because I’ll give you an answer, and it’ll be very controversial,” Trump told a reporter.

He was then asked to clarify, to which Trump replied, “It means we’re in charge.”

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US CAPTURE OF MADURO CHAMPIONED, CONDEMNED ACROSS WORLD STAGE AFTER SURGICAL VENEZUELA STRIKES

Venezuela’s Vice President Delcy Rodríguez addresses the media in Caracas, Venezuela, on March 10, 2025.  (Leonardo Fernandez Viloria/Reuters)

Trump was also asked whether he had spoken directly with Venezuela’s newly sworn-in Vice President Delcy Rodríguez amid uncertainty about how the new government is functioning and what role the U.S. is playing.

While Trump said he has not personally spoken with Rodríguez, he suggested coordination is already underway between U.S. officials and the new leadership.

During the gaggle, Trump repeatedly portrayed Venezuela as a failed state that cannot immediately transition to democratic rule, arguing the country’s infrastructure and economy had been devastated by years of mismanagement.

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TRUMP ISSUES DIRECT WARNING TO VENEZUELA’S NEW LEADER DELCY RODRÍGUEZ FOLLOWING MADURO CAPTURE

Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro greets his supporters during a rally in Caracas on Dec. 1, 2025.  (Pedro Mattey/Anadolu via Getty Images)

He compared Venezuela’s collapse to what he claimed would have happened to the U.S. had he lost the election, using the comparison to underscore his argument for intervention.

“We have to do one thing in Venezuela. Bring it back. It’s a dead country right now,” Trump said. “It’s a country that, frankly, we would have been if I had lost the election. We would have been Venezuela on steroids.”

Trump said rebuilding Venezuela will center on restoring its oil industry, which he said had been stripped from the U.S. under previous governments, leaving infrastructure decayed and production crippled.

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UN AMBASSADOR WALTZ DEFENDS US CAPTURE OF MADURO AHEAD OF SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING

A coast guard boat of the Venezuelan Navy operates off the Caribbean coast on Sept. 11, 2025.  (Juan Carlos Hernandez/Reuters)

He stressed that American oil companies – not U.S. taxpayers – will finance the reconstruction, while the U.S. oversees the broader recovery.

“The oil companies are going to go in and rebuild this system. They’re going to spend billions of dollars, and they’re going to take the oil out of the ground, and we’re taking back what they sell,” Trump said. “Remember, they stole our property. It was the greatest theft in the history of America. Nobody has ever stolen our property like they have. They took our oil away from us. They took the infrastructure away. And all that infrastructure is rotted and decayed.”

Trump said elections will not take place until the country is stabilized, arguing that rushing a vote in a collapsed state would repeat past failures.

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TRUMP REVEALS VENEZUELA’S MADURO WAS CAPTURED IN ‘FORTRESS’-LIKE HOUSE: ‘HE GOT BUM RUSHED SO FAST’

President Donald Trump speaks to reporters aboard Air Force One while traveling from Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, to Tokyo, Japan, Monday, Oct. 27, 2025.  (Mark Schiefelbein/AP)

He said the U.S. will manage Venezuela’s recovery process, including addressing inflation, revenue loss and infrastructure collapse.

“We’re going to run everything,” Trump said. “We’re going to run it, fix it. We’ll have elections at the right time.”

When asked whether the operation in Venezuela was motivated by oil interests or amounted to regime change, Trump rejected both characterizations and instead cast the effort as part of a broader security doctrine.

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VENEZUELAN LEADER MADURO LANDS IN NEW YORK AFTER BEING CAPTURED BY US FORCES ON DRUG CONSPIRACY CHARGES

President Donald Trump shared a photo of captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro aboard the USS Iwo Jima after strikes on Venezuela, on Saturday, Jan. 3, 2026.  (Donald Trump via Truth Social)

He tied the intervention to long-standing U.S. policy in the Western Hemisphere, invoking historical precedent.

“It’s about peace on Earth,” Trump said. “You gotta have peace, it’s our hemisphere. The Monroe Doctrine was very important when it was done.”

Trump went on to criticize past presidents for failing to enforce that doctrine, arguing his administration has restored it as a guiding principle.

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RUBIO DEFENDS VENEZUELA OPERATION AFTER NBC QUESTIONS LACK OF CONGRESSIONAL APPROVAL FOR MADURO CAPTURE

“And other presidents, a lot of them, they lost sight of it,” Trump added. “I didn’t. I didn’t lose sight. But it really is. It’s peace on Earth.”

Agents with the Drug Enforcement Administration arrived at the West 30th Street Heliport for the arrival of captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, Saturday, Jan. 3, 2026, in New York.  (Stefan Jeremiah/AP Photo)

Trump said the U.S. role in Venezuela will ultimately focus on rebuilding the country while caring for Venezuelans displaced by years of economic collapse.

He said that includes Venezuelans currently living in the U.S., many of whom he said were forced to flee.

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“We’re gonna cherish a country,” Trump said. “We’re going to take care of, more importantly, of the people, including Venezuelans that are living in our country that were forced to leave their country, and they’re going to be taken very good care of.”

Trump made clear the comments on Venezuela were part of a broader foreign policy outlook, using the gaggle to issue warnings about instability elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere and overseas. He suggested the U.S. is prepared to respond forcefully to threats he said could endanger American security interests.

Trump singled out Colombia, describing the country as a growing security concern and accusing its leadership of enabling large-scale drug trafficking into the U.S.

“Colombia’s very sick too, run by a sick man who likes making cocaine and selling it to the United States, and he’s not going to be doing it very long,” Trump said.

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When asked whether that meant U.S. action, Trump replied, “It sounds good to me.”

Trump also addressed ongoing protests in Iran, warning that the U.S. is closely monitoring the situation and would respond if the Iranian government uses violence against demonstrators.

“We’re watching it very closely,” he said. “If they start killing people like they have in the past, I think they’re going to get hit very hard by the United States.”

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To ‘run’ Venezuela, Trump presses existing regime to kneel

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To ‘run’ Venezuela, Trump presses existing regime to kneel

Top officials in the Trump administration clarified their position on “running” Venezuela after seizing its president, Nicolás Maduro, over the weekend, pressuring the government that remains in power there Sunday to acquiesce to U.S. demands on oil access and drug enforcement, or else face further military action.

Their goal appears to be the establishment of a pliant vassal state in Caracas that keeps the current government — led by Maduro for more than a decade — largely in place, but finally defers to the whims of Washington after turning away from the United States for a quarter-century.

It leaves little room for the ascendance of Venezuela’s democratic opposition, which won the country’s last national election, according to the State Department, European capitals and international monitoring bodies.

President Trump and his top aides said they would try to work with Maduro’s handpicked vice president and current interim president, Delcy Rodríguez, to run the country and its oil sector “until such time as we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition,” offering no time frame for proposed elections.

Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem underscored the strategy in a series of interviews Sunday morning.

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“If she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price, probably bigger than Maduro,” Trump told the Atlantic magazine, referring to Rodríguez. “Rebuilding there and regime change, anything you want to call it, is better than what you have right now. Can’t get any worse.”

Rubio said that a U.S. naval quarantine of Venezuelan oil tankers would continue unless and until Rodríguez begins cooperating with the U.S. administration, referring to the blockade — and the lingering threat of additional military action from the fleet off Venezuela’s coast — as “leverage” over the remnants of Maduro’s government.

“That’s the sort of control the president is pointing to when he says that,” Rubio told CBS News. “We continue with that quarantine, and we expect to see that there will be changes — not just in the way the oil industry is run for the benefit of the people, but also so that they stop the drug trafficking.”

Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, told CNN that he had been in touch with the administration since the Saturday night operation that snatched Maduro and his wife from their bedroom, whisking them away to New York to face criminal charges.

Trump’s vow to “run” the country, Cotton said, “means the new leaders of Venezuela need to meet our demands.”

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“Delcy Rodríguez, and the other ministers in Venezuela, understand now what the U.S. military is capable of,” Cotton said, adding: “It is a fact that she and other indicted and sanctioned individuals are in Venezuela. They have control of the military and security forces. We have to deal with that fact. But that does not make them the legitimate leaders.”

“What we want is a future Venezuelan government that will be pro-American, that will contribute to stability, order and prosperity, not only in Venezuela but in our own backyard. That probably needs to include new elections,” Cotton said.

Whether Rodríguez will cooperate with the administration is an open question.

Trump said Saturday that she seemed amenable to making “Venezuela great again” in a conversation with Rubio. But the interim president delivered a speech hours later demanding Maduro’s return, and vowing that Venezuela would “never again be a colony of any empire.”

The developments have concerned senior figures in Venezuela’s democratic opposition, led by Maria Corina Machado, last year’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and Edmundo González Urrutia, the opposition candidate who won the 2024 presidential election that was ultimately stolen by Maduro.

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In his Saturday news conference, Trump dismissed Machado, saying that the revered opposition leader was “a very nice woman,” but “doesn’t have the respect within the country” to lead.

Elliott Abrams, Trump’s special envoy to Venezuela in his first term, said he was skeptical that Rodríguez — an acolyte of Hugo Chávez and avowed supporter of Chavismo throughout the Maduro era — would betray the cause.

“The insult to Machado was bizarre, unfair — and simply ignorant,” Abrams told The Times. “Who told him that there was no respect for her?”

Maduro was booked in New York and flown at night over the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor to the Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn, where he is in federal custody at a facility that has housed inmates including Sean “Diddy” Combs, Ghislaine Maxwell, Bernie Madoff and Sam Bankman-Fried.

He is expected to be arraigned on federal charges of narco-terrorism conspiracy, cocaine importation conspiracy, possession of machine guns and destructive devices, and conspiracy to possess machine guns and destructive devices as soon as Monday.

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Although few in Washington lamented Maduro’s removal, Democratic lawmakers criticized the operation as another act of ousting a foreign government by a Republican president that could have violated international law.

“The invasion of Venezuela has nothing to do with American security. Venezuela is not a security threat to the U.S.,” said Sen. Chris Murphy, a Democrat from Connecticut. “This is about making Trump’s oil industry and Wall Street friends rich. Trump’s foreign policy — the Middle East, Russia, Venezuela — is fundamentally corrupt.”

In their Saturday news conference, and in subsequent interviews, Trump and Rubio said that targeting Venezuela was in part about reestablishing U.S. dominance in the Western Hemisphere, reasserting the philosophy of President Monroe as China and Russia work to enhance their presence in the region. The Trump administration’s national security strategy, published last month, previewed a renewed focus on Latin America after the region faced neglect from Washington over decades.

Trump left unclear whether his military actions in the region would end in Caracas, a long-standing U.S. adversary, or whether he is willing to turn the U.S. armed forces on America’s allies.

In his interview with the Atlantic, Trump suggested that “individual countries” would be addressed on a case-by-case basis. On Saturday, he reiterated a threat to the president of Colombia, a major non-NATO ally, to “watch his ass,” over an ongoing dispute about Bogota’s cooperation on drug enforcement.

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On Sunday morning, the United Nations Security Council held an urgent meeting to discuss the legality of the U.S. operation in Venezuela.

It was not Russia or China — permanent members of the council and long-standing competitors — who called the session, nor France, whose government has questioned whether the operation violated international law, but Colombia, a nonpermanent member who joined the council less than a week ago.

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Dan Bongino officially leaves FBI deputy director role after less than a year, returns to ‘civilian life’

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Dan Bongino officially leaves FBI deputy director role after less than a year, returns to ‘civilian life’

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Dan Bongino returned to private life on Sunday after serving as deputy director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) for less than a year.

Bongino said on X that Saturday was his last day on the job before he would return to “civilian life.”

“It’s been an incredible year thanks to the leadership and decisiveness of President Trump. It was the honor of a lifetime to work with Director Patel, and to serve you, the American people. See you on the other side,” he wrote.

The former FBI deputy director announced in mid-December that he would be leaving his role at the bureau at the start of the new year.

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BONDI, PATEL TAP MISSOURI AG AS ADDITIONAL FBI CO-DEPUTY DIRECTOR ALONGSIDE BONGINO

Dan Bongino speaks with FBI Director Kash Patel as they attend the annual 9/11 Commemoration Ceremony at the National 9/11 Memorial and Museum in New York City on Sept. 11, 2025. (Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

President Donald Trump previously praised Bongino, who assumed office in March, for his work at the FBI.

“Dan did a great job. I think he wants to go back to his show,” Trump told reporters.

FBI DIRECTOR, TOP DOJ OFFICIAL RESPOND TO ‘FAILING’ NY TIMES ARTICLE CLAIMING ‘DISDAIN’ FOR EACH OTHER

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“After his swearing-in ceremony as FBI Deputy Director, Dan Bongino paid his respects at the Wall of Honor, honoring the brave members of the #FBI who made the ultimate sacrifice and reflecting on the legacy of those who paved the way in the pursuit of justice and security,” the FBI said in a post on X. (@FBI on X)

Bongino spoke publicly about the personal toll of the job during a May appearance on “Fox & Friends,” saying he had sacrificed a lot to take the role.

“I gave up everything for this,” he said, citing the long hours both he and FBI Director Kash Patel work.

“I stare at these four walls all day in D.C., by myself, divorced from my wife — not divorced, but I mean separated — and it’s hard. I mean, we love each other, and it’s hard to be apart,” he added.

The FBI’s J. Edgar Hoover headquarters building in Washington on Nov. 2, 2016. (AP Photo/Cliff Owen, File)

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Bongino’s departure leaves Andrew Bailey, who was appointed co-deputy director in September 2025, as the bureau’s other deputy director.

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