Politics
'How are we going to defend ourselves?' Inside the Capitol during the Jan. 6 insurrection
Many Americans watched video footage of the crowd attacking the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, but few have a firsthand account of what happened inside. Three years ago, Times reporter Sarah D. Wire wrote about her experience, typing it out on a cellphone from the House safe room. She was one of three reporters to make it inside.
Now, with the aid of time and surveillance footage recently made available by the House, along with additional firsthand accounts from Rep. Norma Torres (D-Pomona), Sen. John Boozman (R-Ark.) and freelance congressional correspondent Matt Laslo, Wire provides a more expansive view of what it was like inside the Capitol that day.
Protesters gather Jan. 6, 2021, outside the Capitol, fueled by President Trump’s continued claims of election fraud.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
I knew there was going to be a massive protest in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021. Then-President Trump had been talking about it for weeks. I knew violence was likely. A mid-December MAGA event had become violent. Social media platforms were full of open calls for civil war and revolution, and dozens of news outlets had written about it.
But I worked inside the U.S. Capitol, the safest place on Earth, as I reminded my husband the night before — I was worried about the reporters who would be outside. While I obliged my husband’s pleas to wear plain clothes and get into the building as swiftly as possible, I never thought twice about working that day.
There was nothing I loved more than being in the House or Senate chambers for important events, including a ceremonial moment like the counting of the electoral college votes. Many Americans never get to set foot in their Capitol, and I felt a responsibility to tell them what happens there.
I arrived about 11:15 a.m. COVID-19 restrictions had greatly reduced the number of people allowed on Capitol Hill. Rather than the thousands of staff members and tourists who typically fill the building, I passed just handfuls of people on their way to offices or the Capitol.
The protest ramps up as Congress finalizes the results of the 2020 presidential election.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
Rep. Norma Torres (D-Pomona), worried that protesters might cause traffic, had arrived early. She bought a Boston cream pie doughnut on her way in, a nod to the Día de Los Tres Reyes celebration she would normally have on Jan. 6 with her staff, who were working from home.
Rep. Norma Torres (D-Pomona) in her office on Capitol Hill.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
Since then, she’s been unable to eat Boston cream pie doughnuts.
“I have purchased at least half a dozen, and they stay and rot in my bag,” she said.
The joint session begins
I settled into my seat in the press gallery above the speaker’s dais at about 12:45 p.m. and prepared to watch the joint session of Congress convene for the electoral vote count. I’ll always consider that front-row spot my seat.
Capitol Police lost control of the first barrier on the west side of the building at 12:53 p.m. as senators walked to the House chamber.
Rioters were streaming over fences and barricades by the time then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) gaveled in the joint session of Congress at 1:05 p.m.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) and Vice President Mike Pence officiate Jan. 6, 2021, as a joint session of the House and Senate convenes to confirm the electoral college vote.
(Jim Lo Scalzo / Associated Press)
Because of COVID-19 precautions, only members chosen to present for their states were allowed on the House floor. Many watched from their offices. Torres joined the members sitting in the gallery above the chamber.
Senators and representatives counted the votes in alphabetical order of states. When they reached Arizona, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Rep. Paul Gosar (R-Ariz.) objected to recording the state’s 11 electoral votes. The House and Senate retired to their respective chambers to debate the objections.
I stayed in the House. Just half a dozen lawmakers had spoken when I learned there might be trouble. My phone buzzed at 1:41 p.m. — I received a Capitol Police alert saying House office buildings had been locked down.
Sen. John Boozman (R-Ark.) said he had no inkling of what was happening as senators headed back to their chamber to debate. He’s used to the noise; protests are common on Capitol Hill.
Boozman joked with his old friend Mike Pence before the then-vice president ascended the dais that they needed to go golfing.
“He said, ‘Well, I’ve got plenty of time to do it now,’” Boozman recalled.
At 1:42 p.m., congressional correspondent Matt Laslo noticed Pence’s Secret Service detail in the hallway outside the Senate chamber.
“You could feel their nervousness,” Laslo said.
Vice President Mike Pence’s Secret Service detail speak in a Capitol hallway on Jan. 6, 2021. Rioters breached the building moments after this image was taken.
(Matt Laslo)
He watched through a second-floor window as the crowd surged up the steps under the inaugural platform to reach the West Terrace. The Capitol shook with the force of percussion grenades, and smoke rose above the crowd. At 2:11 p.m., Laslo recorded the rioters’ first breach of the Capitol, at the Senate-wing doors.
“You felt the roar of the crowd as they entered,” he said.
Meanwhile, inside the Senate chamber, Boozman realized something was wrong when he saw someone whisper in Pence’s ear.
Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough works beside Pence during the certification of electoral college ballots, shortly before the Capitol was stormed by rioters.
(J. Scott Applewhite / Associated Press)
“We have lots of drills around here. And there’s a difference in having a drill and then looking at the sergeant of arms … seeing a look of worry on their face,” he said. “You could just tell that they were very concerned.”
Officers scrambled to lock the chamber doors at 2:13 p.m.; Sen. Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa), third in line for the presidency, was pulled out of the chamber one minute later. Senate staff members scurried to gather their belongings and raced into the chamber. Capitol Police officers barricaded one of the senators-only stairways with office furniture.
Laslo saw Capitol Police officer Eugene Goodman tell Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah), who was leaving the chamber, to turn around because he would be safer inside. Goodman ran downstairs and slowed rioters’ ascent to the second floor, buying time to lock the Senate chamber.
Matt Laslo, a congressional reporter, documented the events during the riot at the Capitol.
(Matt Laslo)
Laslo raced up the stairs to the third-floor windows to take photos of what was happening outside. The hallway was empty; the officers who’d been stationed outside the Senate public galleries had been called elsewhere.
“There was this weird calm before the storm” on the third floor, he told me. “You could tell stuff was happening down there, but up here was just dead quiet.”
The Capitol locks down
At 2:13 p.m., I walked into the House press offices in time to hear the emergency radio crackle to life.
“Due to an external security threat located on the West Front of the U.S. Capitol Building, no entry or exit is permitted at this time,” a panicked voice said. “You may move throughout the building[s], but stay away from exterior windows and doors. If you are outside, seek cover.”
I ran back to my seat in the House gallery to alert my editors. I looked over the railing into the chamber and noticed that Pelosi, second in line to the presidency, had been spirited away by her security detail.
Torres received a text at 2:18 p.m.: “Capitol: Internal security threat: move inside office/lock doors, seek cover and remain silent. USCP.”
Behind me, about a dozen reporters were ushered into the gallery from the press offices before police shut and locked the doors. Officers interrupted the proceedings to announce that tear gas had been deployed in the Capitol rotunda. They told representatives to pull air filtration hoods from beneath their seats.
Riot police clear a hallway inside the Capitol.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
A staff member handed out more hoods in the gallery, and we passed them down the row until everybody had one.
Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), a former combat Marine, stood on a table and yelled instructions to other members on how to use the hoods.
Suddenly, the doors to the chamber closed one by one. It was about 2:20 p.m.
“When these wooden doors that are 8 foot tall slam, that echo is so disturbing,” Torres said.
Police began to escort lawmakers off the House floor through the Speaker’s lobby. Representatives in the gallery were told to get on their hands and knees and crawl. Suddenly there was a frantic demand to get up and run for the center door.
Representatives were ordered to put on emergency air filtration hoods because tear gas had been deployed to clear the rioters. Once activated, the motors emitted a high-pitched whine for hours. (Rep. Norma Torres)
Emergency air filtration hoods and other Capitol Police gear were strewn about. Reporters encountered the mess as they were escorted from the building. (Matt Laslo)
Torres stayed behind to help representatives who couldn’t run. The doors to exit the gallery slammed shut before she and the members could reach them.
“I didn’t think we were going to ever leave,” she said. “We started to look for [makeshift] weapons. How are we going to defend ourselves? How are we going to fight back?”
A few lawmakers still on the floor assisted plainclothes officers in shoving a bookcase in front of the chamber’s main entry — the same one the president passes through for the State of the Union address.
Officers on the floor shouted at reporters to move from their seats across from the main doors and get out of a direct line of fire. We scrambled over railings and chairs.
“Crouch on the floor!” an officer shouted. “Get as low as you can!”
I slid to my belly behind a row of chairs in the box where the first lady sits during the State of the Union.
Outside the chamber, Capitol Police were quickly overwhelmed as they fought to prevent access to the building at multiple points on the east and west fronts of the Capitol, while others worked to secure representatives and senators.
A Pro-Trump insurrectionist mob streams into the rotunda of the Capitol after breaking through the east door.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
If COVID-19 hadn’t limited the number of people in the building that day, Torres said, there’s no telling what might have happened.
“I’m terrified what it would have been like if the gallery would have been full of people, innocent members of the public who come here to see … magic happen on this floor or to just participate in the ceremony,” Torres said. “And every member of Congress [would have been] here. What would Capitol Police have been able to do?”
The Senate evacuates
The Secret Service rushed Pence out of the Senate and down a private set of stairs at 2:25 p.m.
Five minutes later, officers moved the furniture barricading the stairs, and senators and staff evacuated, winding down several flights to reach the subway between the Capitol and Senate office buildings. Officers headed in the opposite direction and into the Capitol building.
Police arrive at the Capitol.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
Women took off their heels to run down the lengthy tunnel to the Senate office buildings. Staff members carried large boxes full of electoral votes, preventing rioters from gaining control of the official records sent by the states declaring which candidate received the most votes.
Boozman noticed Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), who had been deteriorating physically and mentally, fall toward the back of the pack of senators. She was on the phone and looked confused, he said, ignoring a young staff member who urged her to hurry up.
“I could talk to her in a different way than he could,” Boozman said. “So I said, ‘Senator, you need to put your phone away. This is very serious. We need to go,’ essentially. And so she put her phone away, and I kind of grabbed her and started walking.”
Boozman placed his arm across Feinstein’s back and clasped his hand around her upper arm as he led her away.
As they walked down Senate tunnels toward a safe room, Feinstein recounted finding the bodies of San Francisco Mayor George Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk after they were assassinated in 1978. Boozman had heard the story many times during their time together in Washington.
“She was aware of what was going on in the sense that that immediately came to her mind,” he said.
Two floors above them, at 2:44 p.m., the first rioter reached the door Pence used to escape from the Senate. Realizing the door was locked, the rioter dropped to his knees and began to pray. More rioters arrived and rifled through staff desks in search of keys to get in.
Smoke fills the walkway outside the Senate chamber as rioters are confronted by U.S. Capitol Police officers.
(Manuel Balce Ceneta / Associated Press)
Soon rioters entered the Senate gallery. They jumped down onto the floor, looked through senators’ desks and opened the doors to let the waiting crowd inside.
Leaving the House gallery
Meanwhile, officers were doing everything they could to slow the crowd’s progress from the rotunda and buy time for representatives to evacuate the House floor, surveillance footage shows. In a burst of strength, the crowd shoved police officers backward until they reached the main House chamber doors at 2:36 p.m.
The glass on the main doors began to crack and shattered. I peeked over a chair into the chamber as then-Rep. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.) attempted to reason with the rioters who were trying to push their way in.
Inside the chamber, officers aimed their service weapons through the shattered glass.
“Oh, my God, they are going to fire on them,” Torres said in a video she recorded at the time.
An officer told representatives to get as low as possible. There was a frenetic pounding on the second-floor doors to the chamber and to the gallery doors on the third floor.
People shelter in the House chamber as rioters try to break in.
(Andrew Harnik / Associated Press)
The second-floor crowd expanded, filling the east hallway. The officers guarding the House chamber and the east exterior entrance doors had moved into the chamber. Rioters opened the exterior doors to the throngs outside.
The crowd reached the entrance to the Speaker’s Lobby behind the House chamber. The rioters pounded on the glass doors, which had been barricaded shut with antique furniture, and broke the glass with their fists, flagpoles and helmets. Just yards away, more than a dozen members of Congress evacuated through the lobby.
San Diego Air Force veteran Ashli Babbitt began crawling through a hole in the glass. She was struck by a single, fatal gunshot to her left shoulder, fired by a Capitol Police officer at 2:44 p.m.
A minute later, officers fired tear gas in an effort to break up the crowd outside the main House doors. After receiving little response, officers fired more canisters. A cloud of gas billowed to fill the hall. Finally, the crowd dissipated.
“You could see the smoke coming up [into the House chamber],” Torres said. “I couldn’t believe it, any of it.”
The gunshot and the tear gas immediately quieted the crowd. Representatives’ prayers and the whine of the air-filtration hood motors echoed in the chamber. That whine would be a constant throughout the day, and still haunts my nightmares.
I crawled over to Torres. She took a photo of me to share online so my bosses would know I was safe. I tried to shake the thought that it might be the last photo of me alive.
Torres took this photo of Times reporter Sarah D. Wire as they were locked in the House gallery and tweeted it to let Wire’s bosses know she was safe.
(Rep. Norma Torres)
“Can I do the hardest part of my job and ask you what you are thinking right now?” I asked her.
“It’s horrible that this is America, this is the United States of America, and this is what we have to go through because Trump has called homegrown terrorists to come to the Capitol and invalidate people’s votes,” she replied.
Feet from us, in the hallway outside the locked doors, the crowd on the third floor had grown. Security footage shows the rioters pounding on doors, rattling doorknobs and filing in and out of an unlocked office.
Officers started retaking control of the hall by 2:45 p.m.
Lawmakers and police officers argued inside about whether to run for it. One of the doors briefly opened, and a few people made it out before the rioters noticed. Officers locked the door from inside seconds before the rioters reached it.
Rep. Norma Torres shares video of members of Congress and reporters waiting to be evacuated from the gallery while rioters try to break into the House chamber on Jan. 6, 2021.
“We were saying, ‘Where are we going to go?’ We were scared what was going to be on the other side of the door,” Torres said. “The pounding on the doors was horrible.”
Video shot by Torres shows a female officer telling people in the gallery to prepare to move quickly and calmly once the door opened again.
“Wait for the direction. They are going to make sure it is clear first,” the unidentified officer said, her voice rising to be heard.
Security footage at that time shows a phalanx of officers carrying assault-style weapons marching up a flight of stairs and ordering rioters to the ground. One officer pointed a grenade or tear gas launcher at the rioters’ heads.
Capitol Police hold rioters at gunpoint near the House chamber.
(Associated Press)
The evacuation of the House gallery began at 2:51 p.m. I zeroed in on the rioters peering up at us from the floor and was shaken by how close they were. A few feet from me in the crowd, Torres first saw blood on an officer, she said.
Torres and other members screamed when white officers in plainclothes ran toward them, thinking they were rioters.
“I never thought I would be afraid of a person because of the color of their skin or how they look. These experiences were all new to me,” Torres said.
As my foot hit the first step of the marble staircase that was our escape route, I realized that I hadn’t told my husband I was safe.
“I’m ok. Being evacuated,” I texted him at 2:57 p.m., too overwhelmed to give details.
“Big exhale,” he replied. “Ok. Keep me updated. Love you.”
As she started down the stairs, Torres took a phone call from one of her sons.
“I regret so much saying to him that I was running for my life. He’s a police officer, and he was watching on TV, and it looked horrible,” she said.
Torres asked staff to update her family the rest of the day. She knew she would lose composure if she spoke to her husband or her other children.
We passed the tear-gas-filled hall on the second floor and made our way down a warren of hallways, a winding staircase and a long tunnel. I interviewed lawmakers on the way.
House members hustle down a tunnel under the Capitol complex to get to a safe room. The tunnels are normally used to move between buildings during bad weather.
(Rep. Norma Torres)
The representatives who had evacuated from the House floor carried gas masks and weapons made from broken furniture or anything else they found along the way. They reached the safe room by 2:50 p.m., security footage shows.
Somehow, I wasn’t blocked like other reporters and made it into the safe room, where I continued my interviews.
As members typed on their phones and received updates from security officials, staff handed out snacks and bottles of water.
A member pleaded with colleagues not to give interviews, worried we might accidentally betray our location.
“Lady, I’m in here too,” I thought.
Fleeing the Senate
Meanwhile, in the Senate safe room, senators, reporters and staff watched coverage of the riot happening around them.
Laslo, a congressional reporter and new media professor at John Hopkins University, documented the events. (Matt Laslo)
Laslo at the Capitol. (Matt Laslo)
“You could actually see on television what was happening to the areas that you just left,” Boozman said. “I think that’s really when we realized the full extent of what was going on.”
Surveillance footage shows officers clearing Senate staff and reporters from third-floor offices at about 3:20 p.m.
While reporters waited to be evacuated, they pulled down signs on desks identifying the news organizations that used them, turned off lights and hid so they couldn’t be seen through a window in the door.
Laslo hung a blazer over the sign for the radio-TV press gallery. He prepared for the possibility that reporters would have to get out of the building on their own by hiding his press pass and ripping his shirt to expose his tattoos. He armed himself with a wrench and a wooden doorstop that he fashioned into a shiv.
“I was walking around all the booths looking for anything that could be a makeshift weapon,” he said.
Laslo took a shot of moonshine from the bottle in his desk and left with another reporter at 3:54 p.m. He spotted a Gadsden flag left behind by rioters and ripped it from its pole, thinking he might drape it over himself to blend into the crowd.
At 4:01 p.m., Laslo passed the Senate-wing windows from which he had filmed rioters breaking in hours before, finding they were blocked with broken furniture. Officers braced the barricade with their bodies as the crowd outside screamed at them through broken panes.
Moments later, Laslo caught up with a group of about 25 staffers who had hidden under a conference-room table for hours as the mob ransacked Pelosi’s suite. Security footage shows officers amassing on the upper West Terrace around the same time to repel rioters who remained on the presidential inauguration stand or the West Lawn.
After police separated Laslo from Pelosi’s team, he spent hours waiting in a cafeteria with dozens of other reporters and staffers, watching teams of armed federal agency officers rush down the halls toward the Capitol or up the stairs of the office building to look for rioters hiding inside.
At one point, Laslo climbed out an upper-story window, planning to jump to a nearby tree in order to get off Capitol grounds.
“I was getting claustrophobic,” he said. “I needed to be gone.”
An officer at the street level waited for Laslo to finish a cigarette, then ordered him back inside.
In the House safe room, then-Rep. Jackie Speier (D-Hillsborough) repeatedly put her hand on my shoulder as she walked by. I realized I was visibly trembling. It would be hours before I stopped.
Congress finishes its work
Around 5:30 p.m., the House’s top security official announced that the Capitol was secure. He urged members to stay in the safe room until the grounds were cleared. At 5:45 p.m., police regained control of the West Terrace and West Lawn.
At about 6:30 p.m., Pelosi entered the room. She condemned the “mobs desecrating the halls of the Capitol of the United States” and declared that the House and Senate would return immediately to finish their work.
Pelosi tells representatives that they are immediately going back to the chamber to finish certifying the results of the 2020 presidential election.
(Rep. Norma Torres)
Laslo and others in the cafeteria were allowed to leave at 7:14 p.m. He walked to the edge of the Capitol campus and hailed a taxi. It took him hours to make it home.
Representatives were allowed to leave the safe room at roughly the same time.
On my way back to the House gallery to finish covering the electoral count certification, I slipped in the tear gas and fire extinguisher residue that coated the floors. Custodial staff who had remained hidden for hours as the insurrection raged worked quickly to clean up glass shards, broken furniture, blood and even feces smeared on the walls so that Congress could resume its work.
At 8 p.m., the Capitol complex was officially declared secure.
“Today was a dark day in the history of the United States Capitol,” Pence said when he gaveled the Senate back into session six minutes later.
Pence looks at a mobile device from a secured loading dock at the Capitol.
(Associated Press)
Boozman said he stayed until the very end.
“I think the consensus on both sides was, ‘We’re going to do our job,’” he said. “‘We’re not going to succumb to any delay based on that kind of activity.’”
Torres sat in the last row of seats on the House floor as deliberations resumed.
“That’s when my skin started burning,” she said. A few minutes later, an officer cautioned members that the tear gas hadn’t been cleaned off the chairs.
Debate continued for hours. Torres headed back to her office around midnight.
“I felt so scared and alone,” she said. “I grabbed a baseball bat from the [congressional] women’s softball team, and I cleared my offices with that to make sure nobody was in there, nobody had gotten in there. And once I did that, I sat down and cried, and I finally called my husband.”
At 3:44 a.m., Congress certified Joe Biden’s win.
Politics
Where Iran’s ballistic missiles can reach — and how close they are to the US
NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!
President Donald Trump warned that Iran is working to build missiles that could “soon reach the United States of America,” elevating concerns about a weapons program that already places U.S. forces across the Middle East within range.
Iran does not currently possess a missile capable of striking the U.S. homeland, officials say. But its existing ballistic missile arsenal can target major American military installations in the Gulf, and U.S. officials say the issue has emerged as a key sticking point in ongoing nuclear negotiations.
Here’s what Iran can hit now — and how close it is to reaching the U.S.
What Iran can hit right now
A map shows what is within range of ballistic missiles fired from Iran. (Fox News)
Iran is widely assessed by Western defense analysts to operate the largest ballistic missile force in the Middle East. Its arsenal consists primarily of short- and medium-range ballistic missiles with ranges of up to roughly 2,000 kilometers — about 1,200 miles.
That range places a broad network of U.S. military infrastructure across the Gulf within reach.
Among the installations inside that envelope:
IRAN SIGNALS NUCLEAR PROGRESS IN GENEVA AS TRUMP CALLS FOR FULL DISMANTLEMENT
- Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, forward headquarters for U.S. Central Command.
- Naval Support Activity Bahrain, home to the U.S. 5th Fleet.
- Camp Arifjan in Kuwait, a major Army logistics and command hub.
- Ali Al Salem Air Base in Kuwait, used by U.S. Air Force units.
- Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia.
- Al Dhafra Air Base in the United Arab Emirates.
- Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Jordan, which hosts U.S. aircraft.
U.S. forces have drawn down from some regional positions in recent months, including the transfer of Al Asad Air Base in Iraq back to Iraqi control earlier in 2026. But major Gulf installations remain within the range envelope of Iran’s current missile inventory.
Israel’s air defense targets Iranian missiles in the sky of Tel Aviv in Israel, June 16, 2025. (MATAN GOLAN/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images)
Multiple U.S. officials told Fox News that staffing at the Navy’s 5th Fleet headquarters in Bahrain has been reduced to “mission critical” levels amid heightened tensions. A separate U.S. official disputed that characterization, saying no ordered departure of personnel or dependents has been issued.
At the same time, the U.S. has surged significant naval and air assets into and around the region in recent days.
The USS Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group is operating in the Arabian Sea alongside multiple destroyers, while additional destroyers are positioned in the eastern Mediterranean, Red Sea and Persian Gulf.
The USS Gerald R. Ford Carrier Strike Group is also headed toward the region. U.S. Air Force fighter aircraft — including F-15s, F-16s, F-35s and A-10s — are based across Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, supported by aerial refueling tankers, early warning aircraft and surveillance platforms, according to a recent Fox News military briefing.
Iran has demonstrated its willingness to use ballistic missiles against U.S. targets before.
In January 2020, following the U.S. strike that killed Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Gen. Qassem Soleimani, Iran launched more than a dozen ballistic missiles at U.S. positions in Iraq. Dozens of American service members were later diagnosed with traumatic brain injuries.
That episode underscored the vulnerability of forward-deployed forces within reach of Iran’s missile arsenal.
Can Iran reach Europe?
Most publicly known Iranian missile systems are assessed to have maximum ranges of around 2,000 kilometers.
Depending on launch location, that could place parts of southeastern Europe — including Greece, Bulgaria and Romania — within potential reach. The U.S. has some 80,000 troops stationed across Europe, including in all three of these countries.
Iran is widely assessed by Western defense analysts to operate the largest ballistic missile force in the Middle East. (Majid Saeedi/Getty Images)
Reaching deeper into Europe would require longer-range systems than Iran has publicly demonstrated as operational.
Can Iran hit the US?
IRAN NEARS CHINA ANTI-SHIP SUPERSONIC MISSILE DEAL AS US CARRIERS MASS IN REGION: REPORT
Iran does not currently field an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) capable of striking the U.S. homeland.
To reach the U.S. East Coast, a missile would need a range of roughly 10,000 kilometers — far beyond Iran’s known operational capability.
However, U.S. intelligence agencies have warned that Iran’s space launch vehicle program could provide the technological foundation for a future long-range missile.
In a recent threat overview, the Defense Intelligence Agency stated that Iran “has space launch vehicles it could use to develop a militarily-viable ICBM by 2035 should Tehran decide to pursue the capability.”
That assessment places any potential Iranian intercontinental missile capability roughly a decade away — and contingent on a political decision by Tehran.
U.S. officials and defense analysts have pointed in particular to Iran’s recent space launches, including rockets such as the Zuljanah, which use solid-fuel propulsion. Solid-fuel motors can be stored and launched more quickly than liquid-fueled rockets — a feature that is also important for military ballistic missiles.
Space launch vehicles and long-range ballistic missiles rely on similar multi-stage rocket technology. Analysts say advances in Iran’s space program could shorten the pathway to an intercontinental-range missile if Tehran chose to adapt that technology for military use.
For now, however, Iran has not deployed an operational ICBM, and the U.S. homeland remains outside the reach of its current ballistic missile arsenal.
US missile defenses — capable but finite
The U.S. relies on layered missile defense systems — including Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD), Patriot and ship-based interceptors — to protect forces and allies from ballistic missile threats across the Middle East.
These systems are technically capable, but interceptor inventories are finite.
During the June 2025 Iran-Israel missile exchange, U.S. forces reportedly fired more than 150 THAAD interceptors — roughly a quarter of the total the Pentagon had funded to date, according to defense analysts.
The economics also highlight the imbalance: open-source estimates suggest Iranian short-range ballistic missiles can cost in the low hundreds of thousands of dollars apiece, while advanced U.S. interceptors such as THAAD run roughly $12 million or more per missile.
Precise inventory levels are classified. But experts who track Pentagon procurement data warn that replenishing advanced interceptors can take years, meaning a prolonged, high-intensity missile exchange could strain stockpiles even if U.S. defenses remain effective.
Missile program complicates negotiations
The ballistic missile issue has also emerged as a key fault line in ongoing diplomatic efforts between Washington and Tehran.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said Iran’s refusal to negotiate limits on its ballistic missile program is “a big problem,” signaling that the administration views the arsenal as central to long-term regional security.
While current negotiations are focused primarily on Iran’s nuclear program and uranium enrichment activities, U.S. officials have argued that delivery systems — including ballistic missiles — cannot be separated from concerns about a potential nuclear weapon.
CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP
Iranian officials, however, have insisted their missile program is defensive in nature and not subject to negotiation as part of nuclear-focused talks.
As diplomacy continues, the strategic reality remains clear: Iran cannot currently strike the U.S. homeland with a ballistic missile. But U.S. forces across the Middle East remain within range of Tehran’s existing arsenal — and future capabilities remain a subject of intelligence concern.
Politics
Contributor: The last shreds of our shared American culture are being politicized
At a time when so many forces seem to be dividing us as a nation, it is tragic that President Trump seeks to co-opt or destroy whatever remaining threads unite us.
I refer, of course, to the U.S. men’s Olympic hockey team winning gold: the kind of victory that normally causes Americans to forget their differences and instead focus on something wholesome, like chanting “USA” while mispronouncing the names of the European players we defeated before taking on Canada.
This should have been pure civic oxygen. Instead, we got video of Kash Patel pounding beers with the players — which is not illegal, but does make you wonder whether the head of the Federal Bureau of Investigation has a desk somewhere with neglected paperwork that might hold the answers to the D.B. Cooper mystery.
Then came the presidential phone call to the men’s team, during which Trump joked about having to invite the women’s team to the State of the Union, too, or risk impeachment — the sort of sexist humor that lands best if you’re a 79-year-old billionaire and not a 23-year-old athlete wondering whether C-SPAN is recording. (The U.S. women’s hockey team also brought home the gold this year, also after beating Canada. The White House invited the women to the State of the Union, and they declined.)
It’s hard to blame the players on the men’s team who were subjected to Trump’s joke. They didn’t invite this. They’re not Muhammad Ali taking a principled stand against Vietnam, or Tommie Smith and John Carlos raising fists for Black power at the Olympics in 1968, or even Colin Kaepernick protesting police brutality by kneeling during the national anthem. They’re just hockey bros who survived a brutal game and were suddenly confronted with two of the most powerful figures in the federal government — and a cooler full of beer.
When the FBI director wants to hang, you don’t say, “Sorry, sir, we have a team curfew.” And when the president calls, you definitely don’t say, “Can you hold? We’re trying to remain serious, bipartisan and chivalrous.” Under those circumstances, most agreeable young men would salute, smile and try to skate past it.
But symbolism matters. If the team becomes perceived as a partisan mascot, then the victory stops belonging to the country and starts belonging to a faction. That would be bad for everyone, including the team, because politics is the fastest way to turn something fun into something divisive.
And Trump’s meddling with the medal winners didn’t end after his call. It continued during Tuesday night’s State of the Union address, when Trump spent six minutes honoring the team, going so far as to announce that he would award the Presidential Medal of Freedom to goalie Connor Hellebuyck.
To be sure, presidents have always tried to bask in reflected glory. The main difference with Trump, as always, is scale. He doesn’t just associate himself with popular institutions; he absorbs them in the popular mind.
We’ve seen this dynamic play out with evangelical Christianity, law enforcement, the nation of Israel and various cultural symbols. Once something gets labeled as “Trump-adjacent,” millions of Americans are drawn to it. However, millions of other Americans recoil from it, which is not healthy for institutions that are supposed to serve everyone. (And what happens to those institutions when Trump is replaced by someone from the opposing party?)
Meanwhile, our culture keeps splitting into niche markets. Heck, this year’s Super Bowl necessitated two separate halftime shows to accommodate our divided political and cultural worldviews. In the past, this would have been deemed both unnecessary and logistically impossible.
But today, absent a common culture, entertainment companies micro-target via demographics. Many shows code either right or left — rural or urban. The success of the western drama “Yellowstone,” which spawned imitators such as “Ransom Canyon” on Netflix, demonstrates the success of appealing to MAGA-leaning viewers. Meanwhile, most “prestige” TV shows skew leftward. The same cultural divides now exist among comedians and musicians and in almost every aspect of American life.
None of this was caused by Trump — technology (cable news, the internet, the iPhone) made narrowcasting possible — but he weaponized it for politics. And whereas most modern politicians tried to build broad majorities the way broadcast TV once chased ratings — by offending as few people as possible — Trump came not to bring peace but division.
Now, unity isn’t automatically virtuous. North Korea is unified. So is a cult. Americans are supposed to disagree — it’s practically written into the Constitution. Disagreement is baked into our national identity like free speech and complaining about taxes.
But a functioning republic needs a few shared experiences that aren’t immediately sorted into red and blue bins. And when Olympic gold medals get drafted into the culture wars, that’s when you know we’re running out of common ground.
You might think conservatives — traditionally worried about social cohesion and anomie — would lament this erosion of a mainstream national identity. Instead, they keep supporting the political equivalent of a lawn mower aimed at the delicate fabric of our nation.
So here we are. The state of the union is divided. But how long can a house divided against itself stand?
We are, as they say, skating on thin ice.
Matt K. Lewis is the author of “Filthy Rich Politicians” and “Too Dumb to Fail.”
Politics
Video: Hillary Clinton Denies Ever Meeting Jeffrey Epstein
new video loaded: Hillary Clinton Denies Ever Meeting Jeffrey Epstein
transcript
transcript
Hillary Clinton Denies Ever Meeting Jeffrey Epstein
The former first lady, senator and secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, told congressional members in a closed-door deposition that she had no dealings with Jeffrey Epstein.
-
“I don’t know how many times I had to say I did not know Jeffrey Epstein. I never went to his island. I never went to his homes. I never went to his offices. So it’s on the record numerous times.” “This isn’t a partisan witch hunt. To my knowledge, the Clintons haven’t answered very many questions about everything.” “You’re sitting through an incredibly unserious clown show of a deposition, where members of Congress and the Republican Party are more concerned about getting their photo op of Secretary Clinton than actually getting to the truth and holding anyone accountable.” “What is not acceptable is Oversight Republicans breaking their own committee rules that they established with the secretary and her team.” “As we had agreed upon rules based on the fact that it was going to be a closed hearing at their demand, and one of the members violated that rule, which was very upsetting because it suggested that they might violate other of our agreements.”
By Jackeline Luna
February 26, 2026
-
World2 days agoExclusive: DeepSeek withholds latest AI model from US chipmakers including Nvidia, sources say
-
Massachusetts2 days agoMother and daughter injured in Taunton house explosion
-
Montana1 week ago2026 MHSA Montana Wrestling State Championship Brackets And Results – FloWrestling
-
Oklahoma1 week agoWildfires rage in Oklahoma as thousands urged to evacuate a small city
-
Louisiana5 days agoWildfire near Gum Swamp Road in Livingston Parish now under control; more than 200 acres burned
-
Technology6 days agoYouTube TV billing scam emails are hitting inboxes
-
Denver, CO2 days ago10 acres charred, 5 injured in Thornton grass fire, evacuation orders lifted
-
Technology6 days agoStellantis is in a crisis of its own making