Politics
From Day 1, Trump Shows He’ll Test Limits of What He Can Get Away With
His vice president, JD Vance, said he “obviously” wouldn’t do it.
His nominee for attorney general, Pam Bondi, agreed there was no way: “The president does not like people that abuse police officers,” she told senators last week.
The Republican speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, gave similar assurances that President Trump would not pardon “violent criminals” — the kind who bashed police officers with pieces of broken furniture or stashed an arsenal of weapons in Virginia to be used if their breach of the Capitol failed on Jan. 6, 2021.
Even public opinion was against Mr. Trump. Just 34 percent of Americans thought he should pardon the Jan. 6 rioters, according to a Monmouth University poll in December.
But on Monday, the first day of the second Trump presidency, he tossed caution aside and did exactly what he wanted: He decreed that every rioter would get some sort of reprieve. It didn’t matter what crimes they committed; whether they were convicted of violent acts or even seditious conspiracy, they will all eventually be cleared. Hundreds of convicts got full pardons; 14 members of far-right groups accused of sedition had their sentences expunged; and all others with ongoing cases will eventually have their charges dismissed.
Mr. Trump’s decision to intervene in even the most violent cases sends an unmistakable message about his plans for power these next four years: He intends — even more so than in his first term — to test the outer limits of what he can get away with.
“These people have been destroyed,” Mr. Trump said of the Jan. 6 rioters, after issuing the pardons, sitting behind the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office for the first time as the 47th president. “What they’ve done to these people is outrageous.”
Mr. Trump’s advisers and lawyers had spent months debating how far he should go in granting clemency to people prosecuted in connection with the Capitol riot. The White House counsel, David Warrington, presented Mr. Trump with options, some more expansive than others, according to two people briefed on the situation who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe sensitive internal discussions.
Mr. Trump and his advisers had said during the campaign that he would approach the pardons on a case-by-case basis. It was an unspoken recognition that there were dangerous criminals within the group, but the vague formulation was also Mr. Trump’s way of keeping his options open.
He was still making up his mind over the weekend and into Monday, according to advisers. But by Sunday afternoon, people close to him had the impression that he was likely to go for a sweeping form of clemency. To have done anything less would have been an admission that there was something wrong with what his supporters did on Jan. 6, or that cause of overturning the 2020 election was somehow unjustified, or that anyone defending Mr. Trump’s view of the world had erred.
President Biden’s pre-emptive pardons for people who had investigated Mr. Trump’s role in the lead-up to the Jan. 6 assault only added to his desire to take the broadest approach possible, according to the two people with knowledge of his decision-making.
Sitting in the Capitol Rotunda awaiting Mr. Trump’s swearing-in on Monday, one senior member of Mr. Trump’s team said to others, “We can do it all now,” referring to Mr. Biden’s pardons.
The way Mr. Trump sees it, he didn’t only defeat the Democrats in the 2024 campaign; he also vanquished the remnants of Republican opposition, the mainstream media and a justice system that he saw as a force weaponized against him. He has occasionally claimed that the only retribution he wants in office is “success” for the country; but it’s clear from what he has said and done in his first 24 hours on the job that he also wants payback.
The pardons were among several Day 1 actions — some public, some less so — that revealed his plans to get even.
Mr. Trump revoked the Secret Service protection for John R. Bolton, his former national security adviser who fell out with him. Agents had guarded Mr. Bolton since 2021, after U.S. authorities learned of an alleged Iranian plot to assassinate him; a person was criminally charged with targeting him in 2022.
Mr. Trump also revoked Mr. Bolton’s security clearance and that of 49 former intelligence officials who signed a letter before the 2020 election claiming that a laptop belonging to Mr. Biden’s son Hunter appeared to be part of a Russian disinformation operation.
Another of Mr. Trump’s executive orders, lost within the blur of activity on Inauguration Day, suggests an even broader scope for retribution.
The order, titled “Ending the Weaponization of the Federal Government,” has a preamble that asserts as fact that the Biden administration weaponized its prosecutorial powers in pursuing criminal investigations of Mr. Trump and his allies. The order instructs federal agencies, including the Justice Department and the intelligence community, to dig deep to demonstrate the alleged weaponization and then to send reports of the misconduct to the White House. The order sets up what will be, at a minimum, a name-and-shame exercise.
More likely, it will provide a road map for prosecutions.
The White House did not respond to an email seeking comment.
‘He earned power, and now he’s going to use it’
Mike Davis, a Republican lawyer and supporter of Mr. Trump who advocated pardons in connection with the Jan. 6 riot, said the president had learned a great deal about executive power over the past eight years. He said Mr. Trump will not be constrained by people who want to stymie him for what he sees as political reasons.
“This election was a referendum on Trump, on MAGA and on lawfare, and the American people rendered their verdict on Nov. 5,” Mr. Davis said. “He earned power, and now he’s going to use it, like Democrats.”
Mr. Davis was not worried about any backlash to the pardons. “He understands how to govern,” he said, adding that “he knows that public opinion can be changed.”
The Jan. 6 pardons culminated a four-year campaign to rewrite the history of the riot as a day in which Mr. Trump and his supporters were the righteous victims and those investigating their actions were the villains.
That wasn’t always Mr. Trump’s view — or at least not his publicly stated one. The day after the attack, he recorded a video in which he described the assault on the Capitol as “heinous,” adding, “to those who broke the law, you will pay.” This was the second video he released after the riot; his staff thought his first video was too sympathetic to the rioters and they persuaded him to tape another.
In the final days of his first term, Mr. Trump privately discussed the possibility of granting clemency to people involved in the riot. He dropped the idea, but within months of leaving office, Mr. Trump began reframing Jan. 6 as a patriotic day, “a day of love.”
He integrated the “J6 community” into his campaign as patriotic martyrs or, as he called them, “hostages.” Mr. Trump played at his rallies a version of “The Star-Spangled Banner” recorded by a choir of imprisoned Jan. 6 defendants. His nominee for F.B.I. director, Kash Patel, had the idea of turning it into a song, dubbed over with Mr. Trump reciting the Pledge of Allegiance. Mr. Trump still plays the recording on his patio at Mar-a-Lago, as guests stand and sing along, hands over hearts.
Daniel Hodges, one of the officers who was injured on Jan. 6 after being pinned in a doorway of the Capitol and crushed, said Mr. Trump’s whitewashing of Jan. 6 was necessary to preserve his supporters’ belief in their own goodness and patriotism.
“In a way he had to lean into it and say that these insurrectionists were patriots,” said Officer Hodges. If Mr. Trump didn’t elevate the rioters, “they would have to come to terms with the fact that they led an attack against the United States of America — and that’s very antithetical to their self-image.”
The speed with which the mammoth investigation of Jan. 6 collapsed astonished even those who had been mentally preparing for it. Within the space of an evening, not only were nearly 1,600 people granted clemency, but defendants were walking out of prison — among them Enrique Tarrio and Joseph Biggs, two leaders of the Proud Boys serving lengthy sentences for seditious conspiracy.
Ed Martin, Mr. Trump’s new interim U.S. attorney in Washington, was already moving to dismiss riot cases — including the trial of a former F.B.I. agent accused of confronting officers at the Capitol, calling them Nazis and encouraging a mob of Trump supporters to kill them. Mr. Martin sits on the board of the most prominent legal fund-raising group to help Jan. 6 defendants.
Mr. Trump has always favored a maximalist approach toward whatever he does, but he has sometimes stopped short when external constraints seem immovable. It’s unclear, now, how much is left in Washington to restrain him.
He has far more capacity to get what he wants than he did four years ago. He is more knowledgeable about the range of his presidential powers and is far more willing to test them in court. His order to terminate birthright citizenship was something he pushed his administration to do in his first term right up until his 2020 election, but his White House lawyers and his attorney general, William P. Barr, told him he did not have the authority to nullify a right guaranteed by the 14th Amendment.
He now has a more favorable judiciary, which he transformed in his first term, and he has a far more compliant Republican leadership in Congress. Few G.O.P. lawmakers have been willing to say anything critical about Mr. Trump’s pardons of the rioters.
Mr. Trump’s team is also far less of a restraint on his impulses. His second term West Wing contains none of the type of first term aides who tried to talk him out of his most extreme ideas. In their place is a team of loyalists who may occasionally disagree on policy, but are true believers in his instincts, especially after his remarkable comeback.
His team has weeded out anybody they view as disloyal to Mr. Trump. Even people with no known history of opposition to Mr. Trump have been blacklisted because of their associations with Republicans he now views as disloyal. That group includes Republicans he hired in his first term such as Nikki Haley and Mike Pompeo.
Many Trump aides have received subpoenas over the past four years, and some of his closest aides, including his aide Walt Nauta, have been indicted. These investigations further radicalized many of his advisers against what they pejoratively refer to as the “deep state.” Many of them are now joining him in his return to government for this second shot at power. They don’t plan to waste it.
Politics
Why Iran resists giving up its nuclear program, even as Trump threatens strikes
Embassy staffers and dependents evacuating, airlines suspending service, eyes in Iran warily turning skyward for signs of an attack.
The prospects of a showdown between the U.S. and Iran loom ever higher, as massive American naval and air power lies in wait off Iran’s shores and land borders.
Yet little of that urgency is felt in Iran’s government. Rather than quickly acquiescing to President Trump’s demands, Iranian diplomats persist in the kind of torturously slow diplomatic dance that marked previous discussions with the U.S., a pace that prompted Trump to declare on Friday that the Iranians were not negotiating in “good faith.”
But For Iran’s leadership, Iranian experts say, concessions of the sort Trump are asking for about nuclear power and the country’s role in the Middle East undermine the very ethos of the Islamic Republic and the decades-old project it has created.
“As an Islamic theocracy, Iran serves as a role model for the Islamic world. And as a role model, we cannot capitulate,” said Hamid Reza Taraghi, who heads international affairs for Iran’s Islamic Coalition Party, or Hezb-e Motalefeh Eslami.
Besides, he added, “militarily we are strong enough to fight back and make any enemy regret attacking us.”
Even as another round of negotiations ended with no resolution this week, the U.S. has completed a buildup involving more than 150 aircraft into the region, along with roughly a third of all active U.S. ships.
Observers say those forces remain insufficient for anything beyond a short campaign of a few weeks or a high-intensity kinetic strike.
Iran would be sure to retaliate, perhaps against an aircraft carrier or the many U.S. military bases arrayed in the region. Though such an attack is unlikely to destroy its target, it could damage or at least disrupt operations, demonstrating that “American power is not untouchable,” said Hooshang Talé, a former Iranian parliamentarian.
Tehran could also mobilize paramilitary groups it cultivated in the region, including Iraqi militias and Yemen’s Houthis, Talé added. Other U.S. rivals, such as Russia and China, may seize the opportunity to launch their own campaigns elsewhere in the world while the U.S. remains preoccupied in the Middle East, he said.
“From this perspective, Iran would not be acting entirely alone,” Tale said. “Indirect alignment among U.S. adversaries — even without a formal alliance — would create a cascading effect.”
We’re not exactly happy with the way they’re negotiating and, again, they cannot have nuclear weapons
— President Trump
The U.S. demands Iran give up all nuclear enrichment and relinquish existing stockpiles of enriched uranium so as to stop any path to developing a bomb. Iran has repeatedly stated it does not want to build a nuclear weapon and that nuclear enrichment would be for exclusively peaceful purposes.
The Trump administration has also talked about curtailing Iran’s ballistic missile program and its support to proxy groups, such as Hezbollah, in the region, though those have not been consistent demands. Tehran insists the talks should be limited to the nuclear issue.
After indirect negotiations on Thursday, Oman’s Foreign Minister Badr al-Busaidi — the mediator for the talks in Geneva — lauded what he said was “significant progress.” Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said there had been “constructive proposals.”
Trump, however, struck a frustrated tone when speaking to reporters on Friday.
“We’re not exactly happy with the way they’re negotiating and, again, they cannot have nuclear weapons,” he said.
Trump also downplayed concerns that an attack could escalate into a longer conflict.
This frame grab from footage circulating on social media shows protesters dancing and cheering around a bonfire during an anti-government protest in Tehran, Iran, on Jan. 9.
(Uncredited / Associated Press)
“I guess you could say there’s always a risk. You know, when there’s war, there’s a risk in anything, both good and bad,” Trump said.
Three days earlier, in his State of the Union address Tuesday, said, “My preference is to solve this problem through diplomacy. But one thing is certain, I will never allow the world’s number one sponsor of terror, which they are by far, to have a nuclear weapon — can’t let that happen.”
There are other signs an attack could be imminent.
On Friday, the U.S. Embassy in Israel allowed staff to leave the country if they wished. That followed an earlier move this week to evacuate dependents in the embassy in Lebanon. Other countries have followed suit, including the U.K, which pulled its embassy staff in Tehran. Meanwhile, several airlines have suspended service to Israel and Iran.
A U.S. military campaign would come at a sensitive time for Iran’s leadership.
The country’s armed forces are still recovering from the June war with Israel and the U.S, which left more than 1,200 people dead and more than 6,000 injured in Iran. In Israel, 28 people were killed and dozens injured.
Unrest in January — when security forces killed anywhere from 3,000 to 30,000 protesters (estimates range wildly) — means the government has no shortage of domestic enemies. Meanwhile, long-term sanctions have hobbled Iran’s economy and left most Iranians desperately poor.
Despite those vulnerabilities, observers say the U.S. buildup is likely to make Iran dig in its heels, especially because it would not want to set the precedent of giving up positions at the barrel of a U.S. gun.
Other U.S. demands would constitute red lines. Its missile arsenal, for example, counts as its main counter to the U.S. and Israel, said Rose Kelanic, Director of the Middle East Program at the Defense Priorities think tank.
“Iran’s deterrence policy is defense by attrition. They act like a porcupine so the bear will drop them… The missiles are the quills,” she said, adding that the strategy means Iran cannot fully defend against the U.S., but could inflict pain.
At the same time, although mechanisms to monitor nuclear enrichment exist, reining in Tehran’s support for proxy groups would be a much harder matter to verify.
But the larger issue is that Iran doesn’t trust Trump to follow through on whatever the negotiations reach.
After all, it was Trump who withdrew from an Obama-era deal designed to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions, despite widespread consensus Iran was in compliance.
Trump and numerous other critics complained Iran was not constrained in its other “malign activities,” such as support for militant groups in the Middle East and development of ballistic missiles. The Trump administration embarked on a policy of “maximum pressure” hoping to bring Iran to its knees, but it was met with what Iran watchers called maximum resistance.
In June, he joined Israel in attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities, a move that didn’t result in the Islamic Republic returning to negotiations and accepting Trump’s terms. And he has waxed wistfully about regime change.
“Trump has worked very hard to make U.S. threats credible by amassing this huge military force offshore, and they’re extremely credible at this point,” Kelanic said.
“But he also has to make his assurances credible that if Iran agrees to U.S. demands, that the U.S. won’t attack Iran anyway.”
Talé, the former parliamentarian, put it differently.
“If Iranian diplomats demonstrate flexibility, Trump will be more emboldened,” he said. “That’s why Iran, as a sovereign nation, must not capitulate to any foreign power, including America.”
Politics
Video: Bill Clinton Says He ‘Did Nothing Wrong’ in House Epstein Inquiry
new video loaded: Bill Clinton Says He ‘Did Nothing Wrong’ in House Epstein Inquiry
transcript
transcript
Bill Clinton Says He ‘Did Nothing Wrong’ in House Epstein Inquiry
Former President Bill Clinton told members of the House Oversight Committee in a closed-door deposition that he “saw nothing” and had done nothing wrong when he associated with Jeffrey Epstein decades ago.
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“Cause we don’t know when the video will be out. I don’t know when the transcript will be out. We’ve asked that they be out as quickly as possible.” “I don’t like seeing him deposed, but they certainly went after me a lot more than that.” “Republicans have now set a new precedent, which is to bring in presidents and former presidents to testify. So we’re once again going to make that call that we did yesterday. We are now asking and demanding that President Trump officially come in and testify in front of the Oversight Committee.” “Ranking Member Garcia asked President Clinton, quote, ‘Should President Trump be called to answer questions from this committee?’ And President Clinton said, that’s for you to decide. And the president went on to say that the President Trump has never said anything to me to make me think he was involved. “The way Chairman Comer described it, I don’t think is a complete, accurate description of what actually was said. So let’s release the full transcript.”
By Jackeline Luna
February 27, 2026
Politics
ICE blasts Washington mayor over directive restricting immigration enforcement
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U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) accused Everett, Washington, Mayor Cassie Franklin of escalating tensions with federal authorities after she issued a directive limiting immigration enforcement in the city.
Franklin issued a mayoral directive this week establishing citywide protocols for staff, including law enforcement, that restrict federal immigration agents from entering non-public areas of city buildings without a judicial warrant.
“We’ve heard directly from residents who are afraid to leave their houses because of the concerning immigration activity happening locally and across our country. It’s heartbreaking to see the impacts on Everett families and businesses,” Franklin said in a statement.
“With this directive, we are setting clear protocols, protecting access to services and reinforcing our commitment to serving the entire community.”
ICE blasted the directive Friday, writing on X it “escalates tension and directs city law enforcement to intervene with ICE operations at their own discretion,” thereby “putting everyone at greater risk.”
Mayor Cassie Franklin said her new citywide immigration enforcement protocols are intended to protect residents and ensure access to services, while ICE accused her of escalating tensions with federal authorities. (Google Maps)
ICE said Franklin was directing city workers to “impede ICE operations and expose the location of ICE officers and agents.”
“Working AGAINST ICE forces federal teams into the community searching for criminal illegal aliens released from local jails — INCREASING THE FEDERAL PRESENCE,” the agency said. “Working with ICE reduces the federal presence.”
“If Mayor Franklin wanted to protect the people she claims to serve, she’d empower the city police with an ICE 287g partnership — instead she serves criminal illegal aliens,” ICE added.
DHS, WHITE HOUSE MOCK CHICAGO’S LAWSUIT OVER ICE: ‘MIRACULOUSLY REDISCOVERED THE 10TH AMENDMENT’
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement blasted Everett’s mayor after she issued a directive restricting federal agents from accessing non-public areas of city facilities without a warrant. (Victor J. Blue/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
During a city council meeting where she announced the policy, Franklin said “federal immigration enforcement is causing real fear for Everett residents.”
“It’s been heartbreaking to see the racial profiling that’s having an impact on Everett families and businesses,” she said. “We know there are kids staying home from school, people not going to work or people not going about their day, dining out or shopping for essentials.”
The mayor’s directive covers four main areas, including restricting federal immigration agents from accessing non-public areas of city buildings without a warrant, requiring immediate reporting of enforcement activity on city property and mandating clear signage to enforce access limits.
BLOCKING ICE COOPERATION FUELED MINNESOTA UNREST, OFFICIALS WARN AS VIRGINIA REVERSES COURSE
Everett, Wash., Mayor Cassie Franklin said her new directive is aimed at protecting residents amid heightened immigration enforcement activity. (iStock)
It also calls for an internal policy review and staff training, including the creation of an Interdepartmental Response Team and updated immigration enforcement protocols to ensure compliance with state law.
Franklin directed city staff to expand partnerships with community leaders, advocacy groups and regional governments to coordinate responses to immigration enforcement, while promoting immigrant-owned businesses and providing workplace protections and “know your rights” resources.
The mayor also reaffirmed a commitment to “constitutional policing and best practices,” stating that the police department will comply with state law barring participation in civil immigration enforcement. The directive outlines protocols for documenting interactions with federal officials, reviewing records requests and strengthening privacy safeguards and technology audits.
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Everett, Wash., Mayor Cassie Franklin issued a directive limiting federal immigration enforcement in city facilities. (iStock)
“We want everyone in the city of Everett to feel safe calling 911 when they need help and to know that Everett Police will not ask about your immigration status,” Franklin said during the council meeting. ”I also expect our officers to intervene if it’s safe to do so to protect our residents when they witness federal officers using unnecessary force.”
Fox News Digital has reached out to Mayor Franklin’s office and ICE for comment.
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