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Inside Vermont’s Radical Approach to Helping the Formerly Incarcerated Succeed

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Inside Vermont’s Radical Approach to Helping the Formerly Incarcerated Succeed


It’s a slate-gray October day in Vermont, and Leon—middle-aged, balding, in work boots and a plaid shirt—sits inside a local community justice center, a low white-clapboard building in the back of a storefront. Five other people encircle a round table with him. A bouquet of pink carnations blooms in the center. 

Leon has been out of prison for going on three years. But he’s struggling, battling depression as winter closes in. Close family members died while he was locked up. His children don’t speak to him.

“That’s the real price of what I did, not what some guard says or what my parole officer thinks or the time they can give me in jail,” he tells the group.

Leon is surrounded by town volunteers who’ve committed to supporting and keeping an eye on him in his first years out. Called a Circle of Support and Accountability, or CoSA, it’s an approach to keeping those who’ve committed sexual crimes from reoffending that Vermont has built into its reentry system. (At the request of the Vermont Department of Corrections, The Appeal is not using anyone’s real name nor the name of the town in question to protect his identity and that of his victim.) 

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Leon keeps venting. When he was in prison, he didn’t fight back if he got punched; he was focused on staying out of trouble and getting out of prison. He says that if he goes behind bars again, he’ll fight back. 

Barbara stiffens at his tone. She’s the center’s reentry coordinator and is moderating this meeting. “Do you think there’s a risk that you’re going to go back to jail right now?” she asks.

“Always a risk,” Leon replied. “Always.”

“What are the things that have helped lessen that risk?” she asks.

“Daily choices and not ever forgetting,” he says. “Seeing people who are still making really horrible, detrimental choices.”

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Leah, a volunteer, says she understands how disappointing it must be to lose the connection with his kids and grandkids, which he’s talked about in past meetings. “How do you keep that disappointment from consuming you?” she asks. “What are you filling your time with?”

Leon starts to tell her about all the stuff he’s bought to fill his time—guitars, snowboards, watches, and more. Talking about new toys is a diversion tactic the group recognizes from past meetings, one he uses to avoid answering tough questions. 

“We’re not doing show and tell today,” Barbara interrupts. The group laughs, and Leon starts over. He listens to music, tries to be still and quiet his mind, and focuses on managing his depression, he says.

“You know, anytime you want to ask your team to get together, as long as it’s not just to shoot the shit, they’re here for you,” Barbara says.

“And you’re still welcome to text me anytime,” adds Tina, another volunteer.

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“This process really does help,” Leon says at the end of the meeting. “You can only fake it so long, and when you’re faking it, these people are going to know.”  

Leon has had no reoffenses or parole violations since he left prison in late 2020, according to state records. 

“Not even close,” he adds.

Vermont’s CoSAs are made up of volunteers who meet regularly with those coming out of prison after sentences for serious crimes, meeting typically once a week for a year, though at least half the groups extend beyond a year. They offer encouragement, advice, and watchful eyes, helping the person at the center, or “core member”, with goals they’ve set for moving back into the community offense-free. 

Every quarter, an “outer circle”—including their probation officer, substance abuse provider, family members, and friends—gets together to share their perspectives with the impacted person.

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The circles model started in Canada in 1994. But in the U.S., only Vermont and Minnesota have built CoSAs into state reentry policies.

The results have been remarkable. Studies show that nationally, the vast majority of those with a past sexual crime don’t reoffend in the first place. But several studies have found that those who go through the circles model have lower rates of any type of reoffense than those who don’t. A 2018 study of Minnesota’s program showed it yielded a benefit of about $41,000 per participant in state costs avoided–in particular cutting the expenses of reimprisoning someone and the costs borne by new victims. 

In 2016, University of Vermont sociologist Kathryn Fox reported to the state legislature on a study she and two colleagues did of the state’s CoSA program. Researchers compared 139 people with convictions of any type who went through a circle and 139 who didn’t. Circle participants were half as likely to be reconvicted of some kind of felony within three to four years after release: 18 percent versus 35 percent. (Robin Wilson, a psychologist and collaborator on the study, told The Appeal that the sexual reoffense rates in both groups were so low that the researchers would have needed an even longer follow-up period to get meaningful results.)

CoSA is a radical departure from prevailing laws—public sex-offense registries and related regimes—that force registrants into isolation, unemployment, and homelessness and make them and their families targets of harassment and violence. For her 2023 book From Rage to Reason: Why We Need Sex Crime Laws Based on Facts, Not Fear, St. Francis College sociology and criminal justice professor Emily Horowitz interviewed dozens of people on registries. They reported being harassed by neighbors, having trouble finding housing and work, being shunned by family, friends, and their communities, and worse.  

In South Florida, hundreds of registrants live on the streets because of rules that forbid them from living anywhere near parks, schools, daycares, and more, putting vast swaths of housing off limits. Researchers have repeatedly found these rules do nothing to prevent sexual crimes.

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And 25 years of research show that sex offense registries don’t prevent repeat sexual offenses. A 2021 meta-analysis of 18 studies concluded those policies “demonstrate no effect on recidivism.” 

Vermont, like other states, is required under federal law to operate a public sex offense registry. But its rules are decidedly less draconian than elsewhere. Unlike in many states, registrants aren’t forced to tell new neighbors about their registry status when they move. And there are no state-level bans on where registrants can live, unlike in the many jurisdictions where such laws force registrants into homelessness.  

Vermont CoSA’s advocates are mystified as to why other states ignore its results. In conversations with The Appeal, experts and proponents said interstate community activists may need to launch their own circles to show state leaders what’s possible.

Fox, the sociologist, said some research on those who succeed after prison shows that people stop committing crimes because someone believes in them—a probation officer, a pastor, a CoSA member—and gives them the chance to create an alternative narrative: that they’re a good person who had some twists and turns along the way. 

To that end, circles let core members support others in the group. 

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“Sometimes the core member comes in and says, ‘I came in here wanting to talk about myself today, but I can see that Tina needs CoSA today, so we’re going to focus on that,’” Barbara said.

By contrast, probation and parole tend to take a ‘don’t do this, don’t do that’ approach so they’re “not really the best mechanism for support because they generally are just measuring compliance, sadly,” Fox said.  

The biggest challenge for core members might be the state registry. Having their photos and details listed publicly makes getting jobs and housing tough. Plus, the public list makes them targets for harassment and violence. Registrants have to pay $20 to $50 each week to attend mandatory sexual offending treatment groups. If they can’t get a job, they can’t pay. And if they can’t pay, they get sent back to prison.

Circles are also only part of Vermont’s alternative approach to crime. 

A shift happened in the early nineties when imprisonment rates were climbing even as crime rates held steady, Derek Miodownik, DOC’s community and restorative justice executive, told The Appeal. The public was telling state leaders it was unhappy with the state spending ever more money on prisons. 

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After hiring a market research firm to listen to residents, the department funded community restorative justice centers. In addition to CoSAs, those centers house a system of “reparative probation,” which complements traditional probation but functions differently. For nonviolent, minor crimes, the person who offended meets with a volunteer board and negotiates an accord in which they agree to tasks—like a letter of apology to the victim, restitution, and community service—designed to help them see the effects of what they did and repair the harm to the victim.

A study by researchers from three universities concluded that, compared with standard probation, those who went through reparative probation were significantly less likely to commit a new offense of any type. 
State legislators wrote restorative justice into state law in 1999, and today the Department of Corrections is administratively located within the state’s Agency of Human Services.


Credit: Steven Yoder

In CoSA parlance, Leon is his group’s “core member.” Most volunteers in his circle have experience inside the justice system: There’s Tina, a court stenographer; Samantha, who worked with adults with disabilities, including inside jails; Kyle, retired from the state’s Department of Corrections; and Leah, a business manager at a nearby university. 

Their reasons for getting involved are moral and practical. “I feel like we need more people who are kind and inclusive and want to help everyone have a place in our community,” Leah said. Samantha has a son who was in prison for years. She saw how isolated he was after getting out. Tina said the lesson she took from 40 years working in courts is that a “punitive-based system doesn’t work.” And Kyle saw the need for the program when he worked in corrections: “A lot of guys get out with nothing, and we’re here to fill the gap.” 

Circles are akin to a combination of Alcoholics Anonymous and small support groups. Meetings open with an icebreaker that a member brings, like “What was your favorite childhood candy?” 

Then there’s a check-in. This often starts with the core member: What’s happened in the last week? What’s been tough? What’s going well? The group may discuss pressing tasks, like a core member’s progress on getting a driver’s license. At the end, they offer closing words for one another. Barbara doesn’t always facilitate, the volunteers or the core member might take a turn. 

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Sometimes they chuck it all and do something fun, like play a game, have a cookout, or go to an art gallery. 

This day’s meeting was a bit different than a standard circle. After Leon left prison, his CoSA group met with him weekly for a few months. But in late 2018, he slipped up, violating his halfway-house rules and landing back in prison for an additional two years. When he was released, the circle took up where they left off, meeting once a week until May 2022. Leon can still ask the group to get together when he needs support, which is why the group convenes today. 

Barbara, the coordinator, asks the group to think about Leon’s first circle, which ran for only a few months. How was that experience? 

The group agreed Leon was overwhelmed on the outside after four years locked up, but he didn’t want to admit it. 

“I don’t want to say [I was] delusional, but I still had such a jail mentality,” Leon said to the group. 

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In prison, people got jealous if someone had a nice watch. So once he was out, he started buying stuff to fill up his life. Buying expensive things made him feel fine. But he wasn’t. 

“I didn’t commit crimes, but I didn’t feel like I was doing that great,” he said.

“You were really like, I’ve got this, and it’s great, and it’s perfect, and you just were drinking from the firehose,” Tina said. 

Samantha then chimed in.

“You would get really defensive whenever we asked a question, and that would kind of shut things down,” she said. 

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Barbara then offered her own expertise.

“For me, there were red flags,” she said. “When that happens and it’s going on for too long, I feel like some bad thing is going to happen.”

Before Leon left prison for a second time, he said he wanted to start meeting with the CoSA group again on release. Barbara wanted to make sure he was serious. So she met with him several times on the inside. She had him write three drafts of a “success plan” in which he mapped out how he’d stay on track. By the third one, she thought he was starting to look inward and ask hard questions. 

Re-starting was complicated by the pandemic. The group met on Zoom the first few times, with Leon sometimes disengaged and staring at the ceiling. But of all its programs, the Vermont Department of Corrections (DOC) wanted to keep CoSA face-to-face. Barbara said the DOC quickly built a yurt outside the center for them to meet in.

The volunteers were skeptical when they started the second time.

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“We’re dropping the shit, and we’re all going to be here,” Tina remembered telling Leon on a Zoom call. “Cards on the table. I’ll put mine, you put yours, and we’re not going to do show and tell this time around.”

Still, Leon struggled in early meetings. He showed up to one high, and the group confronted him. He admitted he’d been smoking weed, a turning point because he wouldn’t have owned up to it during the first circle, Barbara said. At one of the next meetings, he told the group, “Okay, I’m ready to go. Give me the hard stuff. Let’s ask the hard questions.” 

They did. Leon had been convicted of pressuring two people, including an underage teenager, into having sex. In the first round of CoSA meetings, Leon was laying blame elsewhere, complaining about the DOC, the judge, and the prosecutor. When he was locked up, other prisoners—and even guards—had praised his abuse.

The volunteers hammered away at that distortion, asking him to consider the terrible impact of the abuse on both relatives and the pressure he’d put on the woman to participate. One day Leon got it and a light bulb went off.

“I never thought about it that way,” he told the group. 
Meanwhile, Barbara helped Leon get an apartment and a construction job—no easy prospect for someone on the sex offense registry. Volunteers serve as ambassadors for core members and help spread the word about what they need. Now, Leon said he is “so happy to pay my rent every month. I loved getting my first electric bill.”

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What might make other states pay attention? 

The circles model has two goals for core members: no secrets and no more victims. 

“If that doesn’t appeal to everybody, I don’t know what does,” Barbara said. 

And there’s the money: It costs between $60,000 and $80,000 a year to keep someone locked up in Vermont, she says. Circles lower reoffending, so they cut prison costs, and thus cut taxes. 

To spread beyond Vermont and Minnesota, the idea might need to start with grassroots activists. Wilson, the psychologist, helped launch the first CoSA in 1994 in Canada, completed the first research on the model, and co-published a “how-to” guide in August 2022 for communities interested in starting a circles program. He believes a CoSA effort should be community-driven and managed, even if it draws state and federal dollars. 

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That’s what happened in Fresno, California, and Lowell, Massachusetts.   

Fresno’s CoSA program was launched in 2007 by a nonprofit with a grant from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. Now run by another nonprofit, the Community Justice Center, it’s served dozens of people re-entering after prison. 

Program director Jaime Leyva says since he took the job in 2022, 34 people have participated in a circle. None have reoffended, he says. Sean, a former Fresno CoSA core member, said each of the four volunteers on his CoSA team would call him on different days to check in. “They basically become your circle of real-life friends,” he says. “I went from hanging out with no one to hanging out with healthy individuals. I never thought that would be possible,” he says. 

The Massachusetts CoSA project, started in 2014 by the nonprofit THRIVE Communities, has worked with at least 150 people returning to communities from prison. Last year it won a $300,000 grant from a local foundation that it will use to launch 100 additional circles, according to a local report. An award-winning 2023 documentary featuring interviews with several of its graduates now holds screenings around the country. 

For her part, Barbara thinks people can start circles on their own as long as they can recruit volunteers and find space to meet. 

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“I mean, AA works, right?” she said. “Everybody could use a CoSA. I could use one myself.” She added later: “It’s a brilliantly simple process.”

It’s a compelling idea: individuals anywhere might seed an alternative to the existing brutal, expensive, ineffective system of banishment and public humiliation for those coming back to society after a sexual offense. Barbara said the CoSA volunteers at her center are ambassadors for restorative justice and have changed how their community thinks. 

For Leon, the circle has become more than just a way to stay out of jail—it’s a permanent support network. If he were slipping, he’d call Barbara. 

“I know they’re here,” he said of his circle. “You don’t feel so disconnected from the community. You become a part of the community by interacting with these people.”

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Fallen solar panels in Vermont prompt environmental concerns – Valley News

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Fallen solar panels in Vermont prompt environmental concerns – Valley News


High winds in October and March blew down many solar panels in a field in Shaftsbury, Vt., and regulators are now looking into the potential environmental impact of the damaged panels.

This is one of the first times in Vermont that large swaths of damaged panels containing lead and silver have raised the specter of environmental contamination and prompted the state to examine the issue. In this case, concerns grew partly because the fallen panels weren’t immediately cleaned up, state officials said in a recent filing, causing regulators to investigate potential environmental impacts.

In a recent filing to the Public Utility Commission, an Agency of Agriculture, Food and Markets staff attorney wrote that the agency is looking into options for testing the soil to determine if contamination is a concern.

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“In general, it is important to protect agricultural soils,” an agency spokesman, Trevor Audet, wrote in a statement. “We are not aware of broken solar panels being a common issue in Vermont, but our knowledge is imperfect under the current reporting framework and we are working to learn more about any potential impacts.”

The damaged panels have caught the attention of environmentalists in the area. Among what they are seeking is pre-testing of soil near solar developments, so there will be a baseline to measure against for possible contamination.

Shaftsbury resident and farmer Jesse McDougall wrote to the Public Utility Commission expressing concern about whether Vermont’s acidic, low pH rain, winter snowmelt and spring showers could compound environmental contamination onsite. McDougall also alleged there were two fires after the October blowdown event.

“I want to see the right steps taken,” McDougall said in an interview. “There were hundreds of panels down, many of them smashed and broken, and on the ground for six months through a Vermont winter and two giant wind events and two fires.”

The solar array is near another controversial planned solar site in Shaftsbury approved by the commission last October, though neighbors to the project appealed the decision to the Vermont Supreme Court.

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Approved by the Public Utility Commission in 2022, the broken solar array, called ER Waite Cemetery Solar LLC, is licensed for 2.2 megawatts, the largest energy development allowed under a state program that facilitates long-term contracts and sets rates for renewable energy developments in Vermont.

Encore Renewable Energy planned and received a permit for the solar project, which Fusion Renewable then purchased. Fusion Renewable is now responsible for remediation at the site, wrote Jeffrey Polubinski, attorney for ER Waite Cemetery Solar.

The owner said the delay in site cleanup was due to the lag time in insurance approval. Then Fusion Renewable needed to pause any project work until April due to a deer wintering area near the site, according to a May 8 filing by the Department of Public Service.

The regulatory filing raised questions about work on the site, and the Department of Public Service filing included requests for information about the damage and remediation to see if there is more work to be done, if the owner violated terms of the contract or if there were impacts to rate payers.

An Agency of Natural Resources filing to the commission stated that the owner must dispose of panels as hazardous materials, given the silver and lead inside them.

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In addition, the Agency of Agriculture, Food and Markets said it is investigating options for agricultural soil testing in areas the state has designated as important farmland, according to a recent filing to the commission. In his statement, Audet wrote that the remediation method will depend on the scope and type of potential contamination found.

Meanwhile, some research on the environmental impact of damaged solar panels says that the impacts are likely to be minimal, but stronger standards and practices for solar developments may be necessary.

Annick Anctil, a Michigan State University civil and environmental engineering professor, said in an interview that pre-testing soil before construction can help determine whether broken solar panels have caused increased levels of heavy metals in the soil.

Annette Smith, executive director of Vermonters for a Clean Environment, said that, in addition to pre-testing soil, she wants more state-level tracking of solar array failures to prevent this type of situation from happening in the future.

“We could have all of the solar projects in Vermont fail, and I don’t know that there would be any ramifications,” Smith said.

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For the solar owner’s part, Polubinski wrote that the owner is working with the state to dispose of the solar panels, and they plan to detail the damage, the current and future remediation of impacts from the wind damage and subsequent fires.

Peter Sterling, executive director of the trade association Renewable Energy Vermont, maintains that the state has more than 100 solar arrays and that solar array failures are rare. Still, Sterling said the state’s examination of the issue shows “the process is working, which is good.”

This story was republished with permission from VtDigger, which offers its reporting at no cost to local news organizations through its Community News Sharing Project. To learn more, visit vtdigger.org/community-news-sharing-project.



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Vermont’s only theme park opened in the 50s. How Santa’s Land got its start

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Vermont’s only theme park opened in the 50s. How Santa’s Land got its start


Theme parks: Plus-size visitors worry about this ‘walk of shame’

While theme parks across the country post height requirements, plus-size customers are often left to figure out if they will physically fit in.

Staff video, USA TODAY

As the weather gets warmer, it’s almost time to return outdoors to some of your favorite summer attractions, including beaches, festivals and theme parks.

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While a summer day at the amusement park is typically associated with fireworks and kettle corn, Vermont’s one true theme park, Santa’s Land USA, celebrates the season with visits to Santa and dancing elves. While the park is known for its holiday cheer, it also has a storied history, dating back to 1957.

Here’s the story of how the oldest theme park in Vermont came to be, as well as how to visit this summer.

History of Santa’s Land USA

According to Santa’s Land’s website, the park was founded in 1957 by Jack Poppele, a New York City radio pioneer who dreamed of building a roadside attraction in Putney after vacationing in Vermont.

On August 10, 1957, Santa’s Land USA officially opened, featuring attractions like the original Santa’s Sweetheart Bridge. Both locals and travelers celebrated Poppele’s idea for Christmas in July, and the park became a success for many decades.

However, in 2014, the park fell into disrepair, ultimately closing and sitting abandoned for multiple years. In 2017, Santa’s Land was saved by David Haversat, who dreamed of owning the park since he was a child. After lots of hard work painting, polishing and building, Haversat reopened the park, with much of the original 1950s architecture and artifacts restored to their original beauty.

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Since its reopening, Santa’s Land has served as a favorite New England family tradition. One of the last standing roadside attractions in the region, the park stands today with attractions like antique car rides, a carousel, mini golf, Christmas displays and visits with Santa and his elves.

How to visit Santa’s Land USA

Santa’s Land USA is not yet open for the season and hasn’t yet posted an opening date. In 2025, the theme park was open for the holiday season.



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With two major vacancies, who will lead the Vermont House and Senate? – VTDigger

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With two major vacancies, who will lead the Vermont House and Senate? – VTDigger


Democratic Majority Leader Sen. Kesha Ram Hinsdale, D-Chittenden Southeast, at the Statehouse in February 2025. File photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

Two empty seats 

The leaders of both the Vermont House and Senate will not be running for reelection. So who will fill their shoes? 

Senate Majority Leader Kesha Ram Hinsdale, D-Chittenden Southeast, said she’s running for Senate president pro tempore. 

Ram Hinsdale has served in the legislature for 14 years and is the first woman of color to serve in the Senate. 

“I have seen so many types of leadership, so many tools in the toolbox that you can use to move people in the same direction,” she said. 

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While spending more than a decade in the Legislature, Ram Hinsdale said she’s lived through many crises and charted the state’s path through them. She was a lawmaker during the Great Recession, the Covid-19 pandemic and two years of record breaking floods. 

With multiple long-serving legislators retiring this year, Ram Hinsdale said she thinks she will bring needed institutional knowledge and experience, along with a willingness to rally new people. 

Along with Ram Hinsdale, lawmakers have eyed Sen. Andrew Perchlik, D/P-Washington, who currently chairs the Senate Appropriations Committee, as a future pro tem. 

Perchlik said Friday that he’s considering running for the position, though he didn’t want to definitively say until after the primary election in August. 

“I’ve been approached by many senators asking me to do it,” Perchlik said. And he said he thinks it makes sense, given his past leadership roles as the whip for the majority party in the Senate and his former role as chair of the Senate Transportation Committee. 

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Perchlik has chaired the appropriations committee for the last two years, receiving bills from every committee and managing the state’s funds. That role has allowed him to work with lawmakers across the chamber and different parts of the executive branch, he said. 

“You get a really broad picture of the entire government,” Perchlik said. 

Just a day after House Speaker Jill Krowinski, D-Burlington, surprisingly announced that she won’t seek reelection, a handful of likely Democrats to succeed her said they were mum on their plans to run for speaker. 

House Majority Leader Rep. Lori Houghton, D-Essex Junction, said it’s too soon to say if she will run, though she didn’t rule out the possibility. 

“She just announced yesterday,” Houghton said, adding that she’s trying to focus on finishing out the session. 

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Rep. Emilie Kornheiser, D-Brattleboro, who chairs the House Ways and Means Committee, similarly said she’s considering running, but right now she’s focused on finishing legislative work, too. 

Rep. Charlie Kimbell, D-Woodstock, said, “I haven’t made up my mind about it.” Kimbell previously ran for speaker in 2020 before dropping out of the race to endorse Krowinski. He also ran for lieutenant governor in 2022 before losing in the primary. 

Rep. Laura Sibilia, I-Dover, who challenged Krowinski for speaker at the beginning of 2025, said, “I have not ruled it out.”

In the know

At the eleventh hour, lawmakers let the law enforcement masking bill supported by immigrant rights activists, S.208, die. 

“I’m very disappointed with what has happened to S.208,” said Sen. Nader Hashim, D-Windham, the bill’s lead sponsor, on the Senate floor Friday. 

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The decision comes after a committee of lawmakers from the House and Senate agreed on a version of the bill that would have largely banned all law enforcement operating in the state — including federal agents — from wearing masks or failing to visibly identify themselves. 

Committee members decided to make that provision of the bill go into effect March 15, 2027, rather than upon passage, reasoning it would give the state time to see how similar laws in other states play out in the courts. 

The bill the committee approved would have given the Vermont attorney general’s office the responsibility to enforce it, bringing a civil lawsuit if officers violated the law. 

Upon passage, the bill also would have required a Vermont law enforcement board to create a statewide policy on masking and identification for local and state police. 

All members of the conference committee signed on to support the newest version of the bill except the committee’s lone Republican appointee, Sen. Chris Mattos, R-Chittenden North. During a committee meeting Thursday, Mattos said he was unsure he could support the bill because the committee hadn’t heard from the attorney general’s office about whether it was on board to enforce the policy. 

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After the conference committee approved the bill, it sat on the House’s calendar Friday but was not taken up on the House floor. 

For the bill to pass before adjournment, lawmakers would have needed three-quarters of the House to suspend legislative rules, which would allow lawmakers to speed up the legislative process. That would have required Republican support.

Lawmakers on the Senate floor decided to adjourn around 5:50 p.m., giving up on the idea of receiving the bill from the House. 

“It was barely a year ago that I watched Mohsen Mahdawi be taken by masked men in unmarked vehicles,” said Sen. Becca White, D-Windsor, expressing her frustration that the bill didn’t pass. 

Charlotte Oliver

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Lawmakers on the House floor Friday made a failed attempt to override the governor’s veto of a bill, H.727, that would have set strict guardrails for any future huge data centers in Vermont. 

The bill contained provisions that would prevent any large data centers in Vermont from increasing electricity costs for average ratepayers. The bill also contained provisions that would restrict how data centers discharge chemicals and use water to stay cool in an attempt to limit environmental impacts. 

Gov. Phil Scott vetoed the bill Thursday. In his letter to lawmakers, Scott said he believes Vermont’s existing regulations would prevent harmful impacts from data centers. 

Lawmakers voted 83-52 in favor of overriding the veto, but they needed 90 votes to do so. 

Charlotte Oliver

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On the move

Vermont’s House and Senate budget writers reached a deal Thursday night on a state spending package for the upcoming fiscal year, which starts in July.

Agreement on the budget bill, H.951, came with likely just a day left in this year’s legislative session. Overall, the joint House and Senate conference committee’s version of the budget totals $9.38 billion, close to the amount of spending Gov. Phil Scott proposed at the start of the session in January.

The bill was expected to get a final sign-off on the House floor Friday after weeks of both public and closed-door negotiations. The conference committee signed off on the bill around 11 p.m. Thursday.

Among the last pieces of the nearly 150-page legislation to get resolved in the committee was a controversial plan to take money out of a state-run college scholarship fund to help pay for a long-stalled athletic complex at the University of Vermont instead. The fund, called the Higher Education Endowment Trust Fund, saw a historic infusion of cash last year from Vermont’s tax on the estates of high-wealth individuals.

Read the full story here.

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— Shaun Robinson 

Say cheese

“A crime has been committed, and we do need justice by the end of the day.”

Rep. Conor Casey, D-Montpelier, told his colleagues on the floor Friday morning that he was set on getting to the bottom of a putrid predicament that has been vexing him and other members of the House Corrections and Institutions Committee for weeks.

As he told it: Casey walked into the committee room a couple of months ago to “a rancid smell.” After weeks of searching high and low, he realized that the desks making up the committee’s table had small drawers underneath that he had never noticed before. He opened his drawer, only to find “a moldy, disgusting, offensive glob of cheese,” with a note that read, “say cheese.”

Casey is well known around the Statehouse for pulling pranks on his colleagues, so the cheese may have been an effort to get back at him before he steps down from the House. He then pulled open the drawer of his seat-neighbor, Barre Town Republican Rep. Gina Galfetti, to find yet another glob of cheese. 

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“It was a bipartisan cheesing, Madam Speaker,” he exclaimed Friday. 

If the person who lodged the offending dairy did not come forward by the end of the day, Casey said, he would subject his colleagues to a full recitation of James Joyce’s mammoth novel, “Ulysses,” on the floor. Coming from the man who recited part of a play he wrote during a floor session last year, that seemed far from an empty threat.

As of this newsletter’s deadline, at least, the mystery remained unsolved.

“The craven still hides in the shadows,” Casey wrote in a text. “But rest assured they will be brought to justice. The session may end, but my lust for vengeance will endure…”

— Shaun Robinson

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