New York
Will New York Force More Mentally Ill People Into Treatment?
It is a nightmare that plays out on the streets and subways every few months: A homeless person with a history of mental illness or violence falls through the cracks or wanders away from the system intended to help him, surfaces in a psychotic rage and attacks a random New Yorker.
Though they make up a tiny fraction of crimes, the unpredictable attacks feed perceptions that the city is unsafe and stir demands for action. Politicians send police officers and National Guard members into the subways and pour money into outreach efforts and housing.
And as long-running arguments persist over how to balance public safety and the civil rights of mentally ill people, another outburst inevitably happens.
The debate resurfaced last month when Gov. Kathy Hochul proposed a package of laws to make it easier to take people in psychiatric crisis to a hospital involuntarily, easier to hold them there and harder for hospitals to push them back to the street before they fully stabilize.
But Ms. Hochul’s efforts, unveiled in her latest executive budget, face an uphill battle in the Legislature and opposition from progressives and civil liberties groups.
“Critics will say this criminalizes poverty or homelessness,” Ms. Hochul said last month. “I say that is flat-out wrong.”
She added, “This is about having the humanity and the compassion to help people incapable of helping themselves, fellow human beings who are suffering from mental illness that is literally putting their lives and the lives of others in danger.”
In proposing the changes — most of them longstanding requests from Mayor Eric Adams — Ms. Hochul joined a long line of leaders who have struggled to help people in psychosis on the streets and subways.
But even if all her changes were enacted, some supporters question how much impact they would have.
“We have to deal with the mental health crisis,” Carl E. Heastie, the Assembly speaker, said last month. “But this is another one where I always say to you: The hell is in the details.”
Ms. Hochul’s proposals include these changes to the state’s Mental Hygiene Law:
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Clarifying the threshold: Allow authorities to take someone involuntarily to a hospital for evaluation when mental illness leaves them so incapable of providing for “essential needs” like shelter, food or clothing that it causes a substantial risk of physical harm. Current law is less specific, though it allows involuntary transport to a hospital when someone’s conduct endangers themselves or others.
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Holistic decision-making: Require hospitals to consider psychiatric patients’ whole history, rather than just how they are behaving in the moment, when deciding whether to admit them against their will and whether to discharge them.
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Hospital admissions: At hospitals, give psychiatric nurse practitioners the power to admit patients involuntarily if a physician concurs. This would address a shortage of psychiatrists, though it only applies to 60-day admissions, which are longer than most.
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Mandated outpatient treatment: Make it easier to renew expired “Kendra’s Law” court orders, which require some psychiatric patients to get outpatient treatment after they have been discharged, including taking medication. Often, after an order expires, the person stops taking medication and their mental health declines.
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Improved coordination: Require hospitals to consult and coordinate with a psychiatric patient’s care providers in the community when the person is admitted or discharged, to keep track of patients after they leave the hospital.
The legislators running the committees with oversight of these issues have expressed deep skepticism about Ms. Hochul’s proposals. They have questioned the need for the changes and said they would force homeless people off the streets without giving them enough services. And they worry that not enough is being invested in street-level mental health workers.
State Senator Samra Brouk, chairwoman of the Mental Health Committee, acknowledged that the state’s “current crisis response is inadequate, and individuals suffering on the streets need our help.” But she asserted that expanding involuntary commitment “is not the compassionate way to get people the help they need.”
She vowed to oppose efforts that “coerce individuals into treatment or detention.”
Ms. Brouk’s Assembly counterpart, Jo Anne Simon, said politics and perceived dangers on the subway were driving the debate, not what was best for vulnerable people living with mental illness.
“My concern is we are not really addressing the problem, and we are potentially being asked to do something that I see as likely to exacerbate the problem,” she said.
But a psychiatrist at a nonprofit that provides social services and housing to people with serious mental illness in New York City said Ms. Hochul’s proposal could make a difference on the street.
The psychiatrist, Ellen Tabor, associate chief medical officer at the Institute for Community Living, said that if the “essential needs” standard for taking someone involuntarily to a hospital was widely used, a lot more people would get needed psychiatric help.
“To have the police pick you up and take you against your will, that’s terrifying, I get that,” she said. “But too often they don’t, and there’s a dangerous situation.”
Democrats control both legislative chambers and will haggle with Ms. Hochul about her proposals in negotiations over the entire budget.
Earlier this month, a coalition of 39 social service, housing advocacy and civil rights organizations sent a letter to Mr. Heastie and State Senator Andrea Stewart-Cousins, the majority leader, asking them to reject Ms. Hochul’s proposals and instead “invest in solutions that work, including housing, services and care.”
Since taking office, Ms. Hochul has poured about $1 billion into building out the state’s mental health system, including funding for new housing units designed for people with mental illness. This year’s proposals are smaller but do include some money for more mental health outreach teams and beds in inpatient facilities.
Beth Haroules, a senior staff attorney at the New York Civil Liberties Union, which signed the letter, said law enforcement and government should focus more on using the laws already on the books to reach people who cannot help themselves.
The language about who would qualify for involuntary transport to a hospital for assessment is too broad, she said, adding that Ms. Hochul’s measures would infringe on homeless people’s rights and leave them at the mercy of law enforcement officers who are not properly trained.
“It is that loss of liberty as a result of mistaken assessment by a law enforcement officer who is not clinically trained to make the determinations,” she said, “which deprives a person of liberty.”
Last year, people were involuntarily taken to hospitals for psychiatric evaluation at least 800 times from the transit system and at least 700 times from other public spaces, according to the mayor’s office, which only just started tracking the holds.
Ms. Hochul’s proposals do not include all the changes Mr. Adams has pushed for. One left on the cutting-room floor would require hospitals to seek Kendra’s Law orders for all psychiatric patients who meet the standard for them.
Brian Stettin, Mr. Adams’s senior adviser for severe mental illness, applauded Ms. Hochul’s advocacy and committed to working with her and state lawmakers.
“We are pleased that Governor Hochul is supporting measures to help people reclaim their lives, even when they cannot recognize their own need for assistance,” he said in a statement.
Most of the governor’s proposals already exist in the form of agency regulations, guidance or court rulings, but some experts said that the police, hospitals and clinicians would be more likely to follow them if they were enshrined in law.
Ann Marie T. Sullivan, commissioner of the State Office of Mental Health, said that the proposals would affect a “very small select group of individuals” and that after years of shortages of psychiatric hospital beds in the city, there were now enough beds to accommodate them.
She said the measures would “help individuals who make these difficult but important decisions know better how to make those decisions.”
New York
Harvey Weinstein’s Third Trial on Rape Charge Opens in Manhattan
She testified last year that she first met the former producer when she was about 27, after moving to Los Angeles to pursue a career in acting. He pressured her into giving him a massage shortly after, she said.
In 2013, she was visiting New York and had planned a morning meal with friends and the producer. He arrived early and got a hotel room over her objections, Ms. Mann testified. Still, she went with him to the room, where he injected his penis with medication that produced an erection and then raped her, she said.
She tried to fight, she said, but eventually “I just gave up, I wanted to get out.”
In the years that followed, Ms. Mann said, she fell into a complex relationship with Mr. Weinstein, which included friendly email exchanges, phone calls and several consensual sexual encounters. In her testimony last year, she called it a “dance” in which she tried to keep him both happy and at a distance. At one point, Ms. Mann said, she decided to enter a romantic relationship with him.
During cross-examination, a lawyer for Mr. Weinstein questioned Ms. Mann about money — close to $500,000 — that she had received as settlement payments through a fund established as part of the bankruptcy of Mr. Weinstein’s company.
“This is not about money for me,” Ms. Mann testified.
For this trial, Mr. Weinstein has hired a new trial team of Jacob Kaplan, Marc Agnifilo and Teny Geragos.
The lawyers have already signaled that their defense will differ, at least slightly. They have indicated that they will not argue that Ms. Mann made the accusations against their client for financial gain.
New York
Gotti Grandson Is Sentenced to 15 Months for Covid Relief Fraud
The grandson of an infamous mob boss was sentenced to prison on Monday after pleading guilty to defrauding the federal government out of more than $1 million in Covid relief funds, some of which he invested in cryptocurrency.
Carmine G. Agnello Jr., the grandson of John J. Gotti, the former leader of the Gambino crime family, was sentenced to 15 months in prison by Judge Nusrat J. Choudhury in Federal District Court in Central Islip, N.Y. She also ordered Mr. Agnello to pay $1.3 million in restitution to the Small Business Administration.
Mr. Agnello, 39, fidgeted in court on Monday. Some of his family members were in attendance, including mob figures previously convicted of federal crimes: his father Carmine (the Bull) Agnello and his uncle John A. Gotti.
Wearing a gray, checkered suit, Mr. Agnello read a brief statement in court calling his crime “wrong, selfish and criminal.” He added that he never wanted to “find myself in prison” like so many of his relatives.
“I regret not only what I did, but the disappointment I caused my family,” he said.
Starting in April 2020, Mr. Agnello applied for at least three loans for his Queens-based company, Crown Auto Parts & Recycling L.L.C., through a program meant to support small businesses hurt by the pandemic.
He applied for the loans under false pretenses, claiming he did not have a criminal record when he in fact did have one, prosecutors said. He then used more than $400,000 of the borrowed money to invest in a crypto business.
Mr. Agnello pleaded guilty in September 2024 to a single count of wire fraud. Federal prosecutors with the Eastern District of New York had sought a sentence of around three years, as well as $1.3 million in restitution.
He “shamefully lined his own pockets with government and taxpayers’ dollars,” Joseph Nocella Jr., the U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of New York, said in a statement.
As a child, Mr. Agnello starred on the reality television show “Growing Up Gotti” alongside his mother, Victoria Gotti, and two brothers, Frank and John. The show, which ran on A&E for three seasons and was canceled in 2005, depicted a Long Island household in the milieu of “The Sopranos.”
At the time, Mr. Agnello’s father was in prison and had been divorced from Ms. Gotti, a former columnist for The New York Post, leaving her to raise three rowdy sons. The intense media focus on the Gottis gave the grandson “a distorted sense of reality,” wrote John A. Gotti, Mr. Agnello’s uncle and the leader of the crime family in the 1990s, in a letter to Judge Choudhury before the sentencing.
“Being part of the Gotti family meant growing up with too much attention, expectations and society’s judgment that most kids never have to deal with,” Mr. Gotti wrote. He added that his nephew faced pressure “to live up to the Gotti name.”
Mr. Agnello found his way into the family business, in a way. In 2018, he pleaded guilty to running an unregistered scrap business. That case echoed his father’s racketeering conviction after he firebombed a rival scrap company in Queens that was run by undercover police officers.
Mr. Agnello’s grandfather exercised power with unrelenting brutality and delighted in the spotlight. He seized control of the family by organizing the 1985 assassination of his predecessor, Paul Castellano, before running enterprises that investigators estimated earned about $500 million a year from ventures that included extorting unions, illegal gambling, loan-sharking and stock fraud.
After numerous acquittals in state and federal trials, aided by juries that had been tampered with, Mr. Gotti earned the nickname “Teflon Don” from New York City’s tabloids. He was ultimately convicted in 1992 on 13 criminal counts and died of cancer in 2002 at age 61 in a federal prison hospital.
Jeffrey Lichtman, a lawyer for Mr. Agnello, told Judge Choudhury that Mr. Agnello had grown up with no male role models in his life, as 15 of his family members had gone to prison, including his grandfather when he was 5 and his father when he was 14.
Mr. Lichtman, who also represented Mr. Agnello’s uncle, called his client’s crime “horrific behavior” but added that his conduct was inevitable.
Charles P. Kelly, a federal prosecutor, said in court on Monday that Mr. Agnello’s family history was no excuse for his fraud.
“This case is not about John Gotti; it’s about Carmine Agnello,” Mr. Kelly said.
This year, Steven Metcalf, another lawyer for Mr. Agnello, asked Judge Choudhury for a sentence with no prison time so that Mr. Agnello could donate a kidney to his mother, who has renal disease and also appeared in court on Monday. Without the transplant, Ms. Gotti could die during her son’s prison term, Mr. Metcalf said.
But in April, Mr. Agnello hired Mr. Lichtman, who apologized to the judge for Mr. Metcalf’s “voluminous argument” in support of Mr. Agnello, which stretched hundreds of pages.
As Judge Choudhury announced the sentence, Mr. Agnello kept his gaze forward and nodded. Judge Choudhury pushed back on the notion that his upbringing drove him to commit wire fraud.
“You were raised with access to opportunities. These are opportunities that many people in our society do not have,” she said.
After the sentence on Monday, Mr. Agnello embraced his family members in a hallway of the courthouse, one by one, kissing his uncle and his father on the cheek. He must surrender to the authorities to begin serving his prison term by July 20.
Outside the courthouse, his uncle John A. Gotti addressed a group of reporters.
“We had 15 members of our family who went to prison,” he said. “I think that’s enough. I think we did our time.”
New York
Inside the NYC Power Stations That Keep Trains Moving — or Bring Them to a Halt
It was one of the worst commutes in years. A power outage stranded more than 3,500 New York City subway riders in stuffy, crowded train cars for more than two hours on Dec. 11, 2024, during the evening rush.
Firefighters evacuated riders from the disabled trains, but not before some passengers were forced to relieve themselves between cars, according to people who were present. The ensuing delays, which affected the A, C, F and G lines in Brooklyn, stretched well into the morning, snarling the commute for thousands more riders.
But the foul-up didn’t start on the tracks — it began about 40 feet beneath the sidewalk, in a concrete bunker called a substation, like this one.
The Metropolitan Transportation Authority, which runs the New York City subway, operates 225 of these substations. They provide the electricity that keeps trains moving.
Some are deep underground, while others are in fortresslike buildings close to train tracks. Dozens of the facilities are nearing 100 years old, and some components have gone decades without substantial upgrades.
The electrical outage in 2024 started after a critical failure in a Downtown Brooklyn substation that dates to the 1930s. Heavy rainfall most likely seeped into equipment and caused an explosion so forceful that it knocked a door off its hinges, according to the M.T.A.
Without adequate electricity, trains that were closest to the damaged substation could not move, and their ventilation systems shut down.
Such major failures are rare, but are responsible for some of the subway’s worst logjams, said Jamie Torres-Springer, the head of the authority’s construction and development division.
“That’s what causes the most difficult, painful disruptions in the system that drive people out of their minds,” he said.
In hopes of preventing the next nightmare commute, the M.T.A. is making the biggest investment in power in its history. Transit officials plan to spend $4 billion on new power systems by 2029, including upgrades to 75 subway substations. That’s three times as many as were renovated during the last major round of repairs, which ended in 2024.
They have their work cut out for them.
Hidden beneath a steel-trap door on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, 36 steps below the surface, is one of the system’s oldest remaining substations.
“This is a blast from the past,” said David Jacobs, the M.T.A.’s acting general superintendent for power stations, who donned a hard hat and safety glasses on a recent weekday before disappearing into the underground space.
The substation, near 73rd Street and Central Park West, was built in the 1930s, and is expected to be renovated during the current blitz.
A dirty tarp hung in one corner of the cavernous room, to catch water that seeped through worn concrete. Rows of machines hummed with the constant surge of power feeding the electrified third rail on nearby tracks.
It takes about 2 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity to run the subway system annually. That’s enough power to light 128,000 homes for a year.
The substations’ main function is to convert raw, high-voltage electricity from the electrical grid into lower-voltage power that can be delivered to the third rail.
But the aging equipment has become progressively less efficient and reliable, and harder to maintain.
The substations are spaced out across the city, to help keep electricity flowing to trains even if one of them malfunctions. But the equipment has sometimes failed when asked to carry an extra load, leading to cascading problems.
Last year, there were 758 “major incidents” on the subway, ones in which 50 or more trains were delayed. Substations cause a small but disruptive share of the problems, according to M.T.A. data.
“Power is everything,” said John Ross, a recently retired transit worker who was dispatched to help after several service disruptions in the subway, including the outage in 2024. “When it breaks, it breaks good.”
M.T.A. officials assessed the condition of every substation in recent years, and found that 36 percent of the equipment was in poor condition or in need of replacement.
While the main purpose of the upgrades is to reduce train delays, the changes have other benefits. The M.T.A. is installing a new signal system that relies on wireless technology to automatically control train movement.
The system, known as Communications-Based Train Control, or C.B.T.C., will allow trains to operate more reliably. It will also enable transit workers to monitor train traffic more closely from a dedicated room in Midtown Manhattan, known as the operations control center.
But switching to that signal system requires upgrading the rest of the subway’s archaic equipment. “In order to run more trains, we need more power,” Mr. Torres-Springer said.
For Mr. Jacobs, 36, who joined the M.T.A. nearly two decades ago as an electrical apprentice, working with machines younger than him would be a welcome change.
Today he runs a department of almost 400 people, and much of the work remains hands-on: diagnosing problems in the machinery by reading small flags with numbered codes, searching for replacement parts that are no longer manufactured, and generally eking out more life from obsolete machines.
“I do love this equipment,” he said with a smile.
But he’s ready for an upgrade to something built in this century.
“It’s like a B.M.W. versus a 1940 Cadillac.”
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