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The Absurd Problem of New York City Trash

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The Absurd Problem of New York City Trash

In New York City, trash has no dedicated space all its own.

It fits, instead, in plastic bags squeezed into the in-between spaces of the city.

It fills the gaps between buildings, the landings of stairwells, any available turf between two fixed objects.

Say, a parked car and a dining shed.

Even towering piles of trash can be almost invisible to inured New Yorkers.

But step outside the city for a moment — or view it with a visitor’s eyes — and a sense of absurdity may set in: How can one of the world’s greatest cities handle its garbage like this?

Consider the ubiquitous New York trash bag. It tears. It leaks. It smells. It multiplies on the sidewalk, attracting carryout clamshells and still-full coffee cups tossed on top until it all melds into a sticky mess. That mess feeds rats, blocks sidewalks and spills into the street. Then it strains the sanitation workers who must move every bag by hand into a trash truck, as testy drivers honk behind them.

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Conversely, if the city could just tame all of this garbage, New York might be transformed.

The Sanitation Department has vowed to do this, shifting the bulk of New York’s waste out of sloppy sidewalk piles and into containers in a manner more closely resembling that of other American cities and global capitals. The prospect has prompted much snickering: New York’s big idea to clean up trash is to … put it in trash bins? Like other cities have done … for decades?

(It’s not lost on the Sanitation Department that the city is a punchline: “This was our moon landing,” the agency posted self-deprecatingly on X when video of its newly unveiled trash truck was shared widely last month.)

But the details of how this might be done in New York turn on a number of deeper and more difficult questions about the city itself: Where, exactly, do you carve out space for an essential city service in a place with so little space left? How should the city dole out what has become its most contested public asset, the curb space in the street? Would New Yorkers give up parking to clean up the trash?

These questions are about no less than the dilemma of a truly dense city, where anything that demands its own space means something else must give.

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To be a little less philosophical about it, the current state of trash collection in New York City seems almost preposterous:

All of the trash bags on New York’s sidewalks — and the chairs dumped there, too — are collected like this.

How we got here

And what the 1811 street grid has to do with it.

The scene in the video you just watched might equally be from the 1970s or the 1920s. Trash in New York has largely been collected the same way for generations, typically with a couple of guys in the middle of the road grinding down their knees and lower backs to thrust refuse onto a truck.

1940: Buckets containing ash were once a big part of the waste stream.

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New York City Municipal Archives

1924: Notice what’s not on the street in the background: parked cars.

The New York Times

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All that’s really changed has been the style of the vehicle and, if you go back far enough, the animal pulling it:

1920: New York’s Sanitation Department was originally the Department of Street Cleaning.

New York City Municipal Archives

1913: A century in the past, but the same problems as today.

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The New York Times

In 2024, this is not how trash is collected in most major American cities, or in comparably rich international ones.

For one thing, many American cities store and collect much of their trash out of view, in alleys instead of on the street. And they use two-wheeled bins that can be mechanically lifted by a truck. Dense European cities like Amsterdam, Barcelona and Berlin that do collect trash from the street often use large shared containers that are also mechanically emptied. Other cities even store trash underground or push it through pneumatic tubes (Roosevelt Island, an oasis of relative cleanliness in New York, has a pneumatic system).

But the idea of trash bags, just piled on the sidewalk?

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“People would not tolerate — Would. Not. Tolerate. — trash being left the way it is in New York City,” Anthony Crispino, deputy director for the District of Columbia Department of Public Works, said of Washington residents (about 65 percent of Washington’s collection happens in alleys, for one).

“I would never ever ever ever even think to try to have an opinion on what New York does,” Cole Stallard, Chicago’s streets and sanitation commissioner, said of his New York counterparts (alleys host about 90 percent of his trash collection). “They’re up against tough odds with people literally taking garbage — raw garbage, dog feces that they cleaned up — and they’re putting it in a bag and putting it out on the curb.”

No wonder New York has a rat problem (the dog feces, Mr. Stallard adds, are more delicious to rats than even the finest steak scraps).

To be fair to New York, it’s unlike other cities in some crucial ways beyond its sheer size. Many big-city sanitation departments serve only single-family houses and small multifamily buildings, requiring bigger apartment buildings to pay for private trash service. In New York, commercial businesses rely on private service. But for residences, the city collects free of charge from everyone: houses, midrises, huge apartment buildings, public housing complexes.

That’s more than 800,000 residential buildings, producing about 24 million pounds of waste a day. Commercial businesses produce another 20 million pounds daily.

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History has also been unkind to New York on the trash front. If we freeze that scene from above, all the constituent parts — the bags, the street collection, the parked cars — can be traced to decisions people made decades or even centuries ago:

Let’s start with the men who drew up the iconic 1811 plan for Manhattan’s street grid north of Houston Street. They didn’t include any alleys — for no particular reason historians have discerned.

This foundational 1811 map, zoomed in to what’s now the Chelsea neighborhood, didn’t bother to include alleys.

New York Public Library

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The map’s three authors left few notes about their thinking. But two of them also happened to be working under deadline on the plans for the future Erie Canal (and they produced a voluminous report for that one).

So it’s entirely possible Manhattan has no alleys for trash collection today because the men who drew the street grid in 1811 were preoccupied by what seemed at the time like a bigger assignment.

“It isn’t because they said alleys were bad,” the historian Gerard Koeppe said. “It’s because they were thinking about the Erie Canal.”

In 1954, New York made another momentous decision that wasn’t particularly related to trash but that now looms over the city’s possible solutions. That’s when New York conceded its streets to free overnight parking for private cars. Until that point, the streets typically looked like this, with cars allowed to park for no more than an hour during the day and three hours after midnight:

This residential block in the Chelsea neighborhood, seen in 1940, is framed today by tightly parked cars.

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New York City Municipal Archives

Now New York’s streets are lined with about three million parking spaces.

Today the only plausible place to put large, sturdy, rat-proof trash containers is in the street, as many European cities do. But to do that, New York will have to claw back street space from cars. And the city will also have to do that at a time when competition for curb space is soaring from entirely new sources: bike lanes, bikeshare docks, dining sheds, rideshare pickups, Amazon deliveries, electric car charging stations, cargo bike loading zones and more.

To take one last step through history, we must also revisit the New York sanitation worker strike of 1968. Before the strike, New Yorkers were required to put their trash straight into metal cans — picture the kind Oscar the Grouch might occupy.

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Sanitation Department guidance from 1949.

New York City Municipal Archives

But those cans overflowed to horrifying effect during the 10-day strike:

When New York streets resembled landfills.

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Neal Boenzi/The New York Times

Garbage was just loose in the street.

By the end of the strike, 100,000 tons of garbage sat on the street.

Larry C. Morris/The New York Times

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At the time, the chemicals industry offered to come to the city’s rescue with a new product — the durable plastic trash bag. The industry even donated 200,000 of them to City Hall in its hour of crisis.

Plastic bags also meant no one had to hose out grimy trash cans.

Meyer Liebowitz/The New York Times

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New Yorkers were relieved to be rid of the racket that metal cans made. They believed bags might better contain the smell that attracted rats. And sanitation workers preferred slinging bags into a truck over wrestling with cans. As the city moved in 1971 to formally wipe out the rule requiring cans, a city official declared the plastic bag the most significant advance in garbage collection since trash trucks replaced the horse and wagon.

Tackling the ‘black bag problem’

Or, how the city will try to put trash in containers, which sounds easy but actually is not.

It’s hard to say why, over the last half-century, New York never seriously rethought the plastic bag until now. Critics blame inertia. And the Sanitation Department had other things to worry about, like budget cuts, route planning, run-down equipment and where to put all the trash once Mayor Rudy Giuliani promised to close Fresh Kills landfill on Staten Island.

“In my day and then in subsequent years, I don’t think it was ever thought about from the point of view of: ‘What’s the container? Is this the best container?’” said Norman Steisel, who was the sanitation commissioner from 1979 to 1986 (his big project was moving from a three-man truck to one that required only two workers).

Enter Mayor Eric Adams, who hates rats. And a new sanitation commissioner, Jessica Tisch, who had no particular background in trash and who has been prone to asking an outsider’s questions about it, like, “What if people put it out later in the day?”

“I think tackling the black bag problem,” she said, “is the single biggest thing you can do to make the city cleaner and restore dignity and order.”

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In February, Ms. Tisch and the mayor unveiled their revised plan for “containerizing” trash; recycling, which is not so enticing to rats, will remain on the sidewalk for now. Their plan calls for one strategy for smaller residences, another for big apartment buildings, and a third for the midsize buildings in between, which actually wind up being some of the hardest.

Any plan to deal with all these bags must solve for three things: the right kind of container for each building, where to store that container, and what kind of truck can pick it up. The city’s proposal also assumes that it will continue collecting trash two or three days per week from every residence in the city.

For buildings with fewer than 10 units, including single-family homes across the outer boroughs, the city has proposed to use standard wheelie bins, as some residents already do. Residents would store them against their buildings or in front yards and wheel them to the curb on collection days. New York’s existing trash trucks, retrofitted with a lifting arm, would pick them up and empty them.

Apartments of 31 units or more would need large, stationary containers parked on the street. They would look something like this:

Two possible examples of the kind of street container coming to New York.

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Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

Two containers, each fitting four cubic yards of trash, would take up the space of one parked car. A specially designed side-loading trash truck would then lift those containers for dumping.

No sanitation workers were strained in the lifting of this trash container.

Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

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The middle-density buildings — those with 10 to 30 units — are tricky because they may produce too much trash for wheelie bins, but not enough to fill a container. These buildings also tend not to have full-time superintendents or trash compactors. The Sanitation Department wants to let the managers of each midsize building decide whether to use wheelie bins or on-street containers.

For every property, the answer will probably depend on the particular dimensions of their trash rooms, elevators, front yards and sidewalk space.

To understand how this will play out in real life, let’s look at a stretch of West 21st Street in the Chelsea neighborhood of Manhattan — the same block shown in the photo above from 1940.

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An overhead satellite photograph of two Manhattan blocks, bordered by Seventh Avenue, Eighth Avenue, West 20th Street and West 22nd Street, with West 21st Street running down the middle. Upon scroll, the image is color-coded to show the sizes of the buildings on the block, and shows that there are no alleys in these blocks.

About 2,000 people live — and generate trash — on these two blocks between Seventh and Eighth Avenues.

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Each type of building the Sanitation Department is planning for exists here.

These blocks have no interior alleys. There is little space between the buildings and the street. And the buildings form a solid mass that leaves few gaps to stash trash before collection day.

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On a recent Friday morning before collection, there were 373 bags of trash and recycling sitting on this block-long stretch of West 21st Street.

The sidewalks looked like this …

… with trash bags erected in sculptural heaps …

… and lined up like little expectant soldiers.

There was a mattress. There is always a mattress.

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The city’s plan, in theory, would take most of this trash (OK, not the mattress) and move it into a container. If we zoom in on the corner at West 21st Street and Seventh Avenue, the result might look like this:

A line illustration showing three buildings along a short stretch of West 21st Street, and their garbage. Upon scrolling, the illustration also highlights parked cars and space for a fire hydrant; three on-street trash containers replace one car and shift others down the street; wheelie bins sit in front of the two smaller buildings; and an additional on-street container replaces another car. A truck appears at the end to collect the garbage.

Trash and recycling are typically piled up like this now.

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Like many residential blocks in Manhattan, the street is lined with parked cars. There are fire hydrants, streetlights, tree pits and a bike lane to keep in mind, too.

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The 130-unit building on the corner will need three on-street trash containers, probably next to the space reserved for a fire hydrant. That takes up the space of one and a half cars.

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This six-unit building needs just three wheelie bins out front. They don’t block the street, but they do block the windows of the ground-floor apartment.

This 20-unit building has a choice: either eight wheelie bins, which would line the entire front of the building …

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… or one on-street container, which would preferably not be right next to the garden box.

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One truck will come down this block collecting from wheelie bins. Another will lift and empty the street containers. Recycling, meanwhile, will still be collected from piles on the sidewalk.

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If we continue down the full block, the city’s plan could mean placing about 80 wheelie bins on the sidewalk, and 20 containers in the street, replacing 10 parking spaces. That’s the middle range of the possible scenarios.

There’s a clear trade-off between the wheelie bins and the on-street containers: Strategies that clear more of the sidewalk take up more of the street.

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The most efficient plan — taking up the least total space — would have multiple buildings share street containers. That would solve for midsize properties that have too many wheelie bins but not enough trash to justify their own street container. But the city is worried about another problem here: Shared containers would attract illegal dumping, particularly by businesses that are supposed to pay a private hauler for trash collection. So instead the city plans to assign locked street containers to specific addresses, to be unlocked by the building super.

Citywide, this plan would require at least 800,000 wheelie bins, to be purchased by individual residents and building managers (any bin will do at first, but by 2026, the city will require a standardized one).

And the Sanitation Department estimates that this plan would take up 22,000 to 34,000 parking spaces — about 1 percent of the city’s total on-street parking — depending on what the medium-size buildings opt to do. That’s significantly less than the 150,000 parking spaces the city first estimated last year. The department has cut that number by removing recycling from the program and shifting more buildings to wheelie bins.

The apartment-dense Upper East and West Sides of Manhattan would probably lose the most parking.

Source: Sanitation Department

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Every design choice has trade-offs. The on-street containers clear the sidewalks, but they may also complicate street sweeping and plowing. The wheelie bins require no street space, but too many of them may also be a nuisance. The city’s preferred side-loading trucks lift only from one side, so the city will need two fleets of right- and left-loading vehicles. Alternative hoist trucks that lift containers 20 feet off the ground can dump from either side, but they risk whacking trees and light posts. Even overhead, New York is crowded.

“This whole program,” Ms. Tisch said, “is one big balancing act.”

Commercial businesses offer a glimpse of these trade-offs to come. Last summer the city began to require restaurants, and then chain stores, and now all businesses to keep their trash in containers before private haulers collect it. There’s already less waste on the ground than existed one year ago, but there’s also a growing number of bins chained to bike racks and sewer grates to prevent people from stealing them.

Scaling up to the whole city

What happens when ideas that make sense in other cities run into the particulars of New York.

Eventually, the city envisions deploying a fleet of bespoke trash trucks — a European truck body on an American chassis, costing about $500,000 per truck — that would mechanically do the work of two people tossing trash bags.

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“It’s a great idea,” Harry Nespoli, the head of the New York sanitation workers’ union, said (the trucks will still require two sanitation workers). “But over the years,” he added, “I’ve seen ideas come into New York City and come out of this city, and some of them just don’t work.”

The city is planning to pilot its strategy in Harlem starting in the spring of 2025, and any kinks and workarounds will no doubt become clear then. For example: What happens when snow piles up around the street containers? Can they withstand drivers smashing into them? What if sanitation workers can’t fit the wheelie bins between tightly parked cars?

Can such an ambitious project, which could run citywide to hundreds of millions of dollars, also stay on track at a time of city budget cuts?

The biggest logistical challenge will be the city’s enormous variability — that it contains our depicted Chelsea block and the suburban-style streets of Staten Island and the extreme density of the Financial District.

“It’s the central issue — creating some kind of uniformity in a place that doesn’t have uniformity,” said Martin Melosi, an environmental historian who has chronicled the history of waste in New York.

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New York must also consider really big apartment buildings: A thousand-unit complex would need about two-dozen on-street containers. And the city has many neighborhood main streets, where ground-floor stores and cafes may not welcome a wall of wheelie bins out front serving the apartments upstairs. Then add dining sheds to these scenes. They use the same street space trash containers would. But the details of how the city contains trash on the street may also affect how appealing it is to eat there.

Imagine the view from the dining shed.

Clare Miflin, an architect and the executive director of the Center for Zero Waste Design, argues that a different scheme would better address these harder cases. In denser parts of the city, she suggests all small and midsize buildings use shared on-street containers, clearing the sidewalks of wheelie bins. (With the right design choices, like a smaller opening to throw trash, Ms. Miflin says the city could still discourage illegal dumping.)

That would take up more parking, and require more frequent collection in the densest parts of the city. But Ms. Miflin suggests the biggest apartment buildings don’t need their own permanent street containers. They could use four-wheeled bins that would be stored inside, filled from trash compactors, and pushed to designated on-street spots on collection days. That same street space could then be used for recycling bins on other days, and for delivery trucks and rideshare drop-offs at other hours.

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Ms. Miflin worries the city is too focused on rats and not enough on how the challenge of trash containerization could also serve much larger goals in rethinking the city’s streetscape and reducing overall waste in the process.

“You should make the best use of space,” she said, suggesting that the sidewalk in front of a cafe or a ground-floor apartment isn’t best spent on wheelie bins. “Things should be on the street. But don’t consider the street something we can take as much of as we like.”

The city concedes that its plan won’t solve for every building or block. Neither wheelie bins nor street containers will work on about 4 percent of residential blocks, places where the buildings are just too big or the streets too small (or both, in the Financial District). The city would have to offer waivers or specialized trash plans to the residents there.

Relatedly, the sanitation workers’ union used to keep two chiropractors on call in the union hall.

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Considering the scenes of trash in the city today, the bar is set remarkably low, said Benjamin Miller, a former director of policy planning at the Sanitation Department and author of another history of New York trash (the word “remarkably” is ours; he used a synonym we can’t print).

“Almost anything we do would be good,” he said. “And getting rid of bags is the first sort of ‘duh!’ The benefits follow from there.”

The streets would be cleaner. The trash trucks wouldn’t idle as long. The sanitation workers would be healthier (half of their line-of-duty injuries now are sprains and strains).

Containers also make it easier to reduce waste. Some cities do that by billing more to the buildings that produce more trash. And research has suggested that if cities charge for the actual cost of garbage services, they wind up with less trash. But if you wanted to price trash, first you’d need to put it in containers for easier monitoring and measuring. (In New York, this would require a change from a service that’s nominally free.)

Then there are the building supers who’d surely be happier.

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All this trash — “I go to sleep thinking about it,” said Martin Robertson, the super for a 303-unit building in Brooklyn.

Trash is the bulk of his job: figuring out where to store it, how to squish it, how to keep ahead of the ever-growing mound of cardboard.

Mr. Robertson’s cardboard …

… and his recycling. The more his residents recycle, the worse his storage problem gets.

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His trash room is 163 square feet in size. But with the trash compactor, the sink and a bit of space to move around, he counts less than 42 square feet for storing the actual bags until he can take them outside on collection day.

The compactor squishes trash. But it also takes up space.

“Literally every inch is a fight,” Mr. Robertson said. “And every system to save and reduce those inches is a fight.”

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Out of space and out of better ideas, Mr. Robertson has taken to piling up his trash bags in a parking space he has claimed in front of the building with his own traffic barriers.

He has basically arrived on his own at the conclusion the city is reaching now, too: There’s nowhere left to put the trash but in the street.

At the dawn of a new day in New York trash collection.

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Map: 2.3-Magnitude Earthquake Strikes Connecticut

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Map: 2.3-Magnitude Earthquake Strikes Connecticut

Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 3 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “weak,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown. The New York Times

A minor, 2.3-magnitude earthquake struck in Connecticut on Wednesday, according to the United States Geological Survey.

The temblor happened at 7:33 p.m. Eastern about 1 mile northwest of Moodus, Conn., data from the agency shows.

As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.

Aftershocks in the region

An aftershock is usually a smaller earthquake that follows a larger one in the same general area. Aftershocks are typically minor adjustments along the portion of a fault that slipped at the time of the initial earthquake.

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Quakes and aftershocks within 100 miles

Aftershocks can occur days, weeks or even years after the first earthquake. These events can be of equal or larger magnitude to the initial earthquake, and they can continue to affect already damaged locations.

Source: United States Geological Survey | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Eastern. Shake data is as of Wednesday, Nov. 20 at 7:41 p.m. Eastern. Aftershocks data is as of Wednesday, Nov. 20 at 11:34 p.m. Eastern.

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Two Affordable Housing Buildings Were Planned. Only One Went Up. What Happened?

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Two Affordable Housing Buildings Were Planned. Only One Went Up. What Happened?

It is an idea that many point to as a solution for New York City’s worst housing shortage in over 50 years: Build more homes.

More people keep deciding they want to live in the city — and the number of new homes hasn’t kept pace. Residents compete over the limited number of apartments, which pushes rents up to stratospheric levels. Many people then choose to leave instead of pay those prices.

So why is it so hard to build more housing?

The answer involves a tangled set of financial challenges and bitter political fights.

We looked at two developments that provided a unique window into the crisis across the city, and the United States, where there aren’t enough homes people can actually afford.

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Both developments — 962 Pacific Street in Crown Heights in Brooklyn, and 145 West 108th Street on the Upper West Side in Manhattan — might have appeared similar. Both were more than eight stories, with plans for dozens of units of affordable housing. And each had a viable chance of being built.

But only one was.

Here’s how their fates diverged, from the zoning to the money and the politics.

The Neighborhood

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The lack of housing options across the region makes high-demand areas particularly expensive.

Homes are built in Westchester County and the Long Island suburbs, for example, at some of the slowest rates in the country. In New York City, only 1.4 percent of apartments were available to rent in 2023, according to a key city survey.

And median rent in the city has risen significantly over the past few decades.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau

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That leaves neighborhoods like the Upper West Side and Crown Heights sought after by people of all income levels. Both neighborhoods have good access to parks, subways and job centers in Brooklyn and Manhattan.

The pressures are immense, even as each neighborhood has added some new housing to try to match the demand, though at different rates.

Crown Heights has become one of the most striking emblems of gentrification in the city, with new residents, who tend to be white and wealthy, pushing out people who can no longer afford to live there. Low-rise rowhouses line many streets, just blocks from Prospect Park. But there are also shiny new high-rises.

There were more than 50,000 housing units in the Crown Heights area, according to a 2022 U.S. Census Bureau estimate, a roughly 13 percent jump over the past decade.

The Upper West Side has long been one of the city’s more exclusive enclaves with many brownstone homes. Next to Central Park and Riverside Park, with easy access to downtown, the neighborhood is home to many of the city’s affluent residents.

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There were 129,000 housing units on the Upper West Side according to the 2022 Census Bureau data, an increase of roughly 5 percent over the same time period.

The Lot

There isn’t as much empty land left in New York City compared with places like Phoenix or Atlanta, which can expand outward. City developers have to look hard to find properties with potential, and then they have to acquire the money to buy them.

The empty lot in May 2021.

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Google Street View

Between the two proposals, the Crown Heights site seemed to be more promising at first glance. Until 2018, it was just vacant land that local businesses sometimes used as a parking lot. The developer, Nadine Oelsner, already owned it, removing a potential roadblock that can often tie up projects or make them financially unworkable.

One of three aging parking garages in September 2015.

Google Street View

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On the Upper West Side, though, the site was already occupied by three aging parking garages with a shelter and a playground in between. The garages would need to be demolished if the developer, a nonprofit known as the West Side Federation for Senior and Supportive Housing that operated the shelter, succeeded in its plan to build apartments on either side of the playground.

The new development, which was floated to the community in 2015, would also include a renovated and expanded shelter. And the nonprofit did not own the garages or the land — the city did.

One thing working in the group’s favor, though, was that the city had wanted to build housing on the site since at least the mid-2000s, according to planning documents.

Source: West Side Federation for Senior and Supportive Housing

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The Zoning

But something invisible can matter more than a plot’s physical characteristics: zoning.

That governs how every piece of land in New York City can be used. Zoning determines, for example, whether homes or warehouses are allowed in a particular area, how much parking is needed and how tall a building can be.

It also aims to prevent growth in haphazard ways, with schools next to factories next to office buildings.

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The city’s modern zoning code does not leave much room for growth, which means that a bigger building often requires a zoning change. One 2020 study by the nonprofit Citizens Budget Commission found that only about one residentially zoned plot in five would allow for that kind of additional housing. A zoning change triggers a lengthy, unpredictable bureaucratic process.

The site Ms. Oelsner owned was zoned for industrial, not residential use, a throwback to a time when that part of Brooklyn was dominated by businesses supported by the nearby railroad line.

Community leaders were frustrated by one-off changes to individual lots — there had been at least five zoning changes within a two-block radius of Ms. Oelsner’s site in recent years. To counter the trend, the community decided to come up with a bigger rezoning plan for the area. Ms. Oelsner saw an opportunity for her lot in that idea.

But she would need a zoning change, too.

Sources: OpenStreetMap, New York City Department of City Planning

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The site on the Upper West Side had a slight edge: It was zoned for residential use.

As the project began to move forward, the city also sought a slight zoning change to allow for a bigger structure with more homes.

Sources: OpenStreetMap, New York City Department of City Planning

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The Proposal

U.S. housing is mostly built and run by the private sector. If developers and owners can’t cover their costs with income from rents and sales — and make a profit — they most likely won’t build.

This can make it hard to keep rents affordable to potential tenants without big subsidies from the government, such as money a developer receives directly or tax breaks in exchange for making some units affordable for people at specified income levels.

Here are more details of what the two developers planned.

The proposal for the Crown Heights lot was by Ms. Oelsner and her company, HSN Realty, who were private developers working without city support.

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Ms. Oelsner also made the case that her family had been part of the community for years, operating a Pontiac dealership.

Most of the apartments she proposed would rent at market rates, meaning the rents could be set as high as the landlord thought tenants could pay. This was similar to other new buildings in the area.

In Ms. Oelsner’s case, a government subsidy would likely come in the form of a decades-long property tax exemption.

In exchange, several apartments would be made “affordable” — in this case, rents would be capped at a certain percentage of gross household income for particular groups.

Under one plan, for example, 38 units would be restricted in this way. Of those, 15 might rent for around $1,165 for a one-bedroom apartment, or $1,398 for a two-bedroom.

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Source: West Side Federation for Senior and Supportive Housing

The proposal from the West Side Federation had a much stronger case because of the city’s support. The group wanted to construct a building where all the apartments would rent below market rates and be targeted to some of the city’s poorest residents.

Most units would rent to people who were formerly homeless, often referred from shelters and typically relying on government-funded voucher programs to pay almost all of their rent. The remaining apartments would rent for between $865 and $1,321.

The West Side Federation said it had slowly built trust in the community over decades, in part because of the shelter it already operated on the street and was now expanding, as well as two dozen other area buildings it ran.

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Because of that track record, and the need for affordable housing, the city decided to do several things. It essentially gave the developer the land — appraised at about $55 million — for free, a typical government practice in such a scenario.

It also chipped in $9 million to help pay for construction and another $33 million through a federal tax credit program. The West Side Federation would not have to pay property taxes on the development.

The Politics

Both projects met immediate opposition as they began to wade through a bureaucratic city process in which housing proposals often run into challenges from community members and politicians. It’s not unusual for this process to be costly and time-consuming, often taking more than two years.

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In fact, this is where Ms. Oelsner’s project in Crown Heights met its end.



Informal project discussions

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These discussions between the developer, the community and the government about the project can determine its fate early. They helped shape both the Crown Heights and the Upper West Side proposals.

Application filed with the city

An application is filed with the City Planning Department and is considered certified if it properly describes the proposal and any zoning change.

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Over 60 days, the community board holds a public hearing. The Upper West Side project was recommended for approval while the Crown Heights project wasn’t. This isn’t binding so the Crown Heights proposal still moved ahead.

Over 30 days, the borough president’s office might hold another public hearing and issue its own recommendation. Both projects were recommended for approval.

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City Planning Commission review

Over 60 days, the commission may hold another public hearing and vote on whether to allow the project to move forward. Both projects were approved.

Here’s where things ended for the Crown Heights project, which was rejected by the council member from the area. The Upper West Side project was approved.

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The mayor has the option to veto a project, and the City Council can override that veto. In this case, the Upper West Side project was not vetoed.

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Informal project discussions

These discussions between the developer, the community and the government about the project can determine its fate early. They helped shape both the Crown Heights and the Upper West Side proposals.

Application filed with the city

Advertisement

An application is filed with the City Planning Department and is considered certified if it properly describes the proposal and any zoning change.

Over 60 days, the community board holds a public hearing. The Upper West Side project was recommended for approval while the Crown Heights project wasn’t. This isn’t binding so the Crown Heights proposal still moved ahead.

Advertisement

Over 30 days, the borough president’s office might hold another public hearing and issue its own recommendation. Both projects were recommended for approval.

City Planning Commission review

Over 60 days, the commission may hold another public hearing and vote on whether to allow the project to move forward. Both projects were approved.

Advertisement

Here’s where things ended for the Crown Heights project, which was rejected by the council member from the area. The Upper West Side project was approved.

The mayor has the option to veto a project, and the City Council can override that veto. In this case, the Upper West Side project was not vetoed.

Advertisement

Informal project discussions

These discussions between the developer, the community and the government about the project can determine its fate early. They helped shape both the Crown Heights and the Upper West Side proposals.

Advertisement

Application filed with the city

An application is filed with the City Planning Department and is considered certified if it properly describes the proposal and any zoning change.

Advertisement

Over 60 days, the community board holds a public hearing. The Upper West Side project was recommended for approval while the Crown Heights project wasn’t. This isn’t binding so the Crown Heights proposal still moved ahead.

Over 30 days, the borough president’s office might hold another public hearing and issue its own recommendation. Both projects were recommended for approval.

City Planning Commission review

Advertisement

Over 60 days, the commission may hold another public hearing and

vote on whether to allow the project to move forward. Both projects

were approved.

Advertisement

Here’s where things ended for the Crown Heights project, which was rejected by the council member from the area. The Upper West Side project was approved.

The mayor has the option to veto a project, and the City Council can override that veto. In this case, the Upper West Side project was not vetoed.

Advertisement


In Crown Heights, neighbors wanted more apartments to be available at lower rents and were concerned about parking. Ms. Oelsner worried the bigger rezoning plan of the area would take too long and, if she waited, would run up the costs of her project, which she said she had designed to be consistent with the broader efforts.

In the end, Crystal Hudson, who held the power to approve or reject the development as the local council member, voted against Ms. Oelsner’s proposal last year, effectively killing the project. Ms. Hudson said she would not back individual developments until the bigger neighborhood rezoning was finished.

On the Upper West Side, a vocal resident group had several complaints: that the loss of the parking garages could lead to an uptick in traffic, greenhouse gas emissions and accidents; that the development could disturb students at a nearby middle school; and that it could reduce the amount of sunlight in nearby parks.

The councilman who represented the neighborhood at the time, Mark Levine, initially said he would hold off on supporting the plan until he better understood the effects of more cars on the street.

Eventually, though, the project gave the community enough of what it wanted, the group behind the project said, and government officials came around. The project was split into two phases, keeping one garage running for a few years after the first two were demolished.

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The Results

One key to successful development is buy-in from the government and local politicians. The Upper West Side plan had that, despite the opposition it faced, while the Crown Heights project did not.

That’s in part because the Upper West Side lots were owned by the city, which was ready and willing to chip in lots of money to create a deeply needed housing project in the area that would most likely not have been built otherwise. The Crown Heights lot, on the other hand, is privately owned and mostly out of the city’s control — which made the project potentially very lucrative for the owners, even if it added some benefit to the community.

Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

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The dirt lot in Crown Heights remains a dirt lot. The broader plan Ms. Hudson pushed is underway, set to be completed next year.

Ms. Oelsner, however, has said that she’s not sure whether it still makes financial sense to build her project, so its fate remains uncertain.

Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

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The Upper West Side building has been open for about two years. It is full and has a long waiting list.

And the amount tenants pay in rent remains low. That’s because the government sends the West Side Federation about $1 million annually to help cover the rent.

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Read the Trump Assassination Plot Criminal Complaint

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Read the Trump Assassination Plot Criminal Complaint

and committed out of the jurisdiction of any particular State or district of the United States,
FARHAD SHAKERI, CARLISLE RIVERA, a/k/a “Pop,” and JONATHAN LOADHOLT, the
defendants, and others known and unknown, at least one of whom is expected to be first brought
to and arrested in the Southern District of New York, knowingly and willfully did combine,
conspire, confederate, and agree together and with each other to commit murder-for-hire, in
violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 1958.
6. It was a part and an object of the conspiracy that FARHAD SHAKERI,
CARLISLE RIVERA, a/k/a “Pop,” and JONATHAN LOADHOLT, and others known and
unknown, would and did knowingly travel in and cause others to travel in interstate and foreign
commerce, and would and did use and cause another to use a facility of interstate and foreign
commerce, with intent that a murder be committed in violation of the laws of the State of New
York or the United States as consideration for the receipt of and as consideration for a promise or
agreement to pay anything of pecuniary value, to wit, SHAKERI, RIVERA, and LOADHOLT
participated in an agreement whereby RIVERA and LOADHOLT would kill Victim-1 in exchange
for payment, and used cellphones and electronic messaging applications to communicate in
furtherance of the scheme.
(Title 18, United States Code, Sections 1958 and 3238.)
COUNT FIVE
(MONEY LAUNDERING CONSPIRACY)
7. From at least in or about December 2023, up to and including the date of
this Complaint, in Iran, the Southern District of New York, and elsewhere, and in an offense begun
and committed out of the jurisdiction of any particular State or district of the United States,
FARHAD SHAKERI, CARLISLE RIVERA, a/k/a “Pop,” and JONATHAN LOADHOLT, the
defendants, and others known and unknown, at least one of whom is expected to be first brought
to and arrested in the Southern District of New York, knowingly and willfully did combine,
conspire, confederate, and agree together and with each other to commit money laundering, in
violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 1956.
8. It was further a part and an object of the conspiracy that FARHAD
SHAKERI, CARLISLE RIVERA, a/k/a “Pop,” and JONATHAN LOADHOLT, the defendants,
and others known and unknown, in an offense involving and affecting interstate and foreign
commerce, knowing that the property involved in certain financial transactions represented the
proceeds of some form of unlawful activity, would and did conduct and attempt to conduct such
financial transactions which in fact involved the proceeds of specified unlawful activity, to wit,
the proceeds of the murder-for-hire offenses charged in Counts Three and Four of this Complaint,
knowing that the transactions were designed in whole and in part to conceal and disguise the
nature, location, source, ownership, and control of the proceeds of said specified unlawful activity,
in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 1956(a)(1)(B)(i).
9. It was further a part and an object of the conspiracy that FARHAD
SHAKERI, CARLISLE RIVERA, a/k/a “Pop,” and JONATHAN LOADHOLT, the defendants,
and others known and unknown, would and did transport, transmit, and transfer, and attempt to
transport, transmit, and transfer, monetary instruments and funds to a place in the United States
3

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