New York
Communication Failures Preceded Deadly Crash at LaGuardia, N.T.S.B. Says
LaGuardia Airport’s failure to put communication transponders on emergency vehicles played a role in a fatal runway collision between an Air Canada passenger jet and an airport fire truck, according to a preliminary report the National Transportation Safety Board issued on Thursday.
The air traffic controller who allowed the fire truck to cross the runway even as the jet was approaching for a landing on March 22 had been juggling air and ground traffic leading up to the collision, the report says. And it details how the firefighters driving that truck, the lead vehicle in a convoy responding to an issue with another plane, failed to immediately understand that instructions they heard over the control tower frequency radio to “stop, stop, stop” were meant for them.
But the report focuses in particular on the lack of transponders in the emergency vehicles, which investigators suggested could have allowed an automatic warning system to alert the controller that the plane and the vehicles were on a potential crash course.
Without the transponders, the “system could not uniquely identify each of the seven responding vehicles or reliably determine their positions, or tracks,” investigators wrote in the report. “As a result, the system was unable to correlate the track of the airplane with the track of Truck 1” — the truck that was struck by the plane. Thus, the report added, the system “did not predict a potential conflict with the landing airplane.”
The Federal Aviation Administration recommended last year that airports outfit their emergency vehicles with such technology to avoid close calls. On Thursday, before the report was released, Kathryn Garcia, executive director of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, told reporters that the agency would wait to see the report before making any changes. The Port Authority operates the three major airports in the New York area, including LaGuardia.
The 15-page report offers the most comprehensive presentation the N.T.S.B. has issued detailing the factors that led to the March 22 collision, but it is still preliminary, and the board has yet to reach a conclusion about what caused the accident. Similar investigations usually take about a year.
Still, the report did answer some key questions about the first deadly accident at LaGuardia in more than three decades. That included what role air traffic controllers played that night and what the people in the fire truck heard before the collision. The accident killed both pilots of Air Canada Flight 8646 and sent 39 passengers, as well as the two firefighters in the truck, to hospitals.
The report details how the convoy of emergency vehicles, which was responding to a separate incident involving a United Airlines plane, made multiple attempts to contact the air traffic control tower to seek permission to cross the runway. The attempts began more than 90 seconds before the collision.
Truck 1 had not been the intended lead vehicle in the convoy. Originally, a tool truck that went by the call sign Truck 7 was in front. But Truck 7’s first attempt to reach the tower was blocked by other radio communications. After a second attempt, its drivers switched places with Truck 1, which took over the lead position and, with it, responsibility for making contact with air traffic control.
In the tower, two controllers were on duty, as is standard for the overnight shift at LaGuardia. But according to the report, in the minutes leading up to the collision, only one controller was managing both the airplanes and the ground vehicles. The second controller had been helping the United Airlines plane find its way back to a gate.
About 20 seconds before the collision, according to the report, Truck 1 got permission from air traffic control to cross Runway 4, along with the rest of the convoy. At that moment, the Air Canada jet was in the final seconds of its descent toward the runway and only 130 feet above the ground, according to the N.T.S.B.’s report.
Seconds after that, the controller began urgently calling on the fire truck to “Stop, Truck 1, stop!” But the truck did not stop. According to the report, it accelerated.
Farther back in the convoy, the driver of Truck 7 — the tool truck that was originally intended to be the lead vehicle — heard the controller’s command. Seconds later, she saw the oncoming plane and called “stop, stop, stop” to the drivers of Truck 1, according to the report. There are no recordings of the communications between the emergency vehicles, investigators said.
The fire truck’s turret operator recalled hearing an order to “stop, stop, stop” on the tower frequency, but did not initially realize that it was intended for his vehicle, according to interviews conducted by investigators. It clicked when he heard “Truck 1, stop stop stop,” but at that point, the vehicle had already entered the runway.
The report said that in the moments before the crash, the fire truck turned left — away from the oncoming plane. But it was not enough to avoid impact.
New York
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New York
This Parking Spot Is Free. Should It Be?
What if the city …
Added More Metered Spots in Busy Neighborhoods
Less than 3 percent of parking spaces on New York City streets have paid meters. That’s only about 80,000 spots.
Most of the meters that do exist are along busy corridors, with higher hourly rates in the core of Manhattan.
Where are NYC’s parking meters?
The placement of meters often feels arbitrary. Much of the East Village, a busy Manhattan neighborhood, has no meters. Nostrand Avenue, a major artery in Brooklyn, has meters over most of a five-mile stretch, but they end abruptly north of Fulton Street.
A busy commercial corridor in Bedford-Stuyvesant lacks meters
Adding more meters in busy neighborhoods could improve turnover for spots, research suggests, and raise revenue for the city.
Seeking alternatives to avoid paying for meters overnight, car owners may choose to move to garages — which can cost $500 per month or more, depending on the neighborhood — park farther afield, or sell their cars. They could also turn to car-share programs, which set aside parking for shared vehicles.
When the city tries to add meters, there is often fierce opposition from neighbors, including on the Upper West Side of Manhattan last year, where residents revolted, the local City Council member complained people had been “blindsided” and the city backed down.
Critics argue that those pushing for reforms “hate people who own cars,” in the words of Vickie Paladino, a City Council member who represents a district in Queens that is home to many car owners.
How realistic is this? The city can add additional meters on its own without needing permission from state lawmakers in Albany. Dean Fuleihan, Mr. Mamdani’s first deputy mayor, gave supporters hope when he said in March that he was open to the idea.
How much could it raise? Parking meters currently generate $278 million in revenue per year. Adding meters to one-fourth of the city’s existing free parking spaces, for example, could produce at least $1.2 billion annually, according to the Center for an Urban Future.
What if the city …
Introduced Residential Parking Permits
Most parking on residential streets is open to all drivers, not just those who live nearby. But many other major U.S. cities, including Los Angeles and Chicago, have permits to reserve street parking for neighborhood residents.
Residential parking permits in New York could cost anywhere from $100 per year to far more than that, experts say, with higher rates potentially prodding some residents to give up their cars. Some spots could be set aside for visitors.
But permits would not necessarily solve the problem of the demand for parking outpacing the supply. And some transit groups oppose the idea, arguing that there are better ways to use the street space and that parking should not be guaranteed.
Rachel Weinberger, a vice president at the Regional Plan Association, an urban planning think tank, said that permits alone would not make parking easier. She also argued they would have to be prohibitively expensive in order to deter ownership.
“A permit would only be a hunting license, meaning that you’re allowed to look for a space,” she said. “It should mean you’re guaranteed a space.”
How much do cities charge for residential parking permits?
Boston
No fee
Chicago
$30
Los Angeles
$34
Washington, D.C.
$55*
Philadelphia
$75
Berkeley, Calif.
$85
San Francisco
$215
Experts say that permits could also be paired with an incentive for drivers: fewer alternate side-parking days for street sweeping. Most drivers are required to move their cars once or twice a week so the streets can be cleaned, and some choose instead to leave them in place and eat the costs of the $65 tickets they receive. Moving to monthly street sweeping could make the prospect of buying a permit more appealing.
How realistic is this? Residential permits would need to be approved by state lawmakers. Momentum for the idea grew after congestion pricing began in Manhattan, over concerns that drivers from outside the city would park outside the zone and take the subway in. It has support from Mark Levine, the city comptroller, and Carmen De La Rosa, a City Council member in northern Manhattan.
How much could it raise? If a permit cost $100 per year and was required in two-thirds of the city, that could raise roughly $200 million per year, minus administrative costs, according to Terrance J. Regan, an adjunct professor at Boston University who focuses on transportation policy. The city’s Independent Budget Office recommended starting with a smaller pilot program that would raise $6 million annually by the third year.
What if the city …
Ended Free Parking and Implemented Dynamic Pricing
Some urban planners want to phase out free parking altogether.
Transportation Alternatives, a street safety group, has pushed for eliminating free parking and argued that the city would benefit if fewer car trips were made.
“If you look around the world, there are many other transit-oriented cities that are safer, more efficient and healthier,” said Ben Furnas, the group’s executive director.
The city could reclaim many miles of streets, which proponents argue could be better used for public spaces, bus lanes, bike lanes, outdoor dining setups and trash containers.
Paid parking spaces could use dynamic pricing, a system where the cost of a spot varies by demand. Right now, parking rates are as low as $1.50 for the first hour.
Critics of such pricing models have argued that higher street-parking costs could hurt lower-income drivers or local businesses that rely on drivers. In 2019, Hoboken, N.J., announced a version of dynamic pricing on high-demand blocks, but the mayor and City Council repealed the plan after some resident opposition.
But the idea has worked elsewhere. In 2018, after a successful pilot, the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency implemented demand-based pricing for the 10 percent of the city’s parking spots that are paid spaces, roughly 27,000 in all.
An evaluation of the pilot found that drivers spent 43 percent less time searching for a parking space, which in turn helped reduce car-based pollution. And once parking became easier, sales revenue increased for nearby businesses.
The rates in San Francisco can vary by block, time of day, or day of the week. Meters on the busiest blocks cost $11.75 an hour. The agency regularly reviews parking meter data and occupancy rates and decides whether to raise or lower rates.
Charles Komanoff, an economist and traffic modeler who helped create New York’s congestion pricing program, said dynamic pricing for parking could do even more than the tolls did to improve the flow of traffic here.
“I can’t imagine anything better,” he said.
How realistic is this? The Transportation Department could implement dynamic pricing, but a legislative push would most likely hasten change. Nantasha M. Williams, a City Council member representing Southeast Queens, has proposed a bill that would require a dynamic pricing pilot program in each borough. Eliminating all free parking would be a far more dramatic proposal, though supporters say it could be done in phases over several years.
How much could it raise? Parking reformists said the city could potentially raise billions of dollars a year under a dynamic parking system — money that could be reinvested into the neighborhoods where the fees are collected.
What if the city …
Cracked Down on Rule-Breakers
None of these plans work unless drivers obey the rules.
The city last year issued more than 11.6 million violations for parking and related offenses, according to a report by the Department of Finance, including for failing to move for street sweepers (1.8 million), not displaying a parking receipt (1.2 million), blocking a fire hydrant (674,000) and obstructing a bus stop (565,000).
In 1996, Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani moved the city’s traffic enforcement agents, the unarmed civilians who write tickets for parking and other traffic violations, from the Transportation Department to the Police Department.
Some parking reformers say the shift weakened enforcement efforts, in part because the police have not focused on some of the most flagrant traffic violations.
They say that either the police should start issuing more tickets and collecting more fines, or they should allow the Transportation Department to once again take charge.
Some point to what they view as the city’s lackluster response to placard abuse, the practice of using either official permits issued by city agencies, or fraudulent ones, to park in unauthorized spots.
More than 91,000 complaints have been filed with the city since 2020 about possible placard abuse, but the police took action to fix the problem in just 21 percent of cases, according to a Times review of public data. Only about 12 percent of the complaints led to a driver being issued a summons.
“If you’re just unclogging these streets to have them filled with cars with fake placards, you’re not helping anything,” said Nicole Gelinas, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a conservative think tank.
There has also been a surge in fake, often out-of-state license plates that have made traffic violations harder to track. A perceived lack of consequences worsens the problem, said Jon Orcutt, a former policy director at the city’s Transportation Department.
“The culture has gotten terribly bad,” Mr. Orcutt said about enforcement efforts.
A spokesperson for the Police Department said in a statement that there was “deep collaboration” with the Transportation Department on traffic enforcement, and pointed to some recent initiatives, including issuing 247,000 summonses last year for “ghost vehicles” with fake plates.
Samuel I. Schwartz, the chair of the transportation research program at Hunter College, was New York City’s traffic commissioner under Mayor Edward I. Koch, at a time when the Transportation Department still controlled enforcement.
He said he thought it would be possible to change the behavior of repeat offenders if that agency led the effort and had the support of the police.
“I would go out in the field with an army of tow trucks,” Mr. Schwartz said.
How realistic is this? Mr. Mamdani could restore traffic enforcement powers to the Transportation Department, or instruct the Police Department to step up enforcement.
How much could it raise? The city issued $1.1 billion worth of parking tickets and camera violations in fiscal year 2025, according to the Finance Department, but just $946 million, or 84 percent, was ultimately collected. By ramping up fine collection, the city could raise more revenue.
As Mr. Mamdani weighs how to improve city streets and whether parking regulations should change, almost everyone agrees that the status quo is unacceptable.
Ms. Gelinas said that any of the leading ideas could be an improvement.
“The dumbest thing is just to keep things the way they are,” she said.
New York
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