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As Trump Attacks Elite Colleges, Their Usual Allies Are Nowhere in Sight

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As Trump Attacks Elite Colleges, Their Usual Allies Are Nowhere in Sight

In a very short time, Mahmoud Khalil, the former Columbia University graduate student and pro-Palestinian activist who was questionably detained by federal immigration officials, has become a symbol of the Trump administration’s escalating antagonism toward elite universities. Columbia finds itself up against the impression that whatever it has done to combat what it perceived as antisemitism — suppressing campus protests of the war in Gaza with the help of the police; evicting and expelling rallying students; severing ties with a law professor who had been a vocal supporter of the Palestinian cause — it has not been nearly punitive enough.

However egregious these measures might seem to champions of civil liberty, they strike people like Jeffrey Lichtman as cowardly and insufficient. Last year, Mr. Lichtman, a lawyer, represented a Columbia student and former member of the Israel Defense Forces in a suit against the university after he was suspended for showering protesters with foul-smelling joke spray that sickened some of them. Columbia settled for close to $400,000. Still, Mr. Lichtman believes that the university is so rife with hatred and disrespect for Jewish interests that it “should be taken over by the federal government” — at least in the short term, he said to me recently.

Just before Mr. Khalil was apprehended, the Trump administration took the comparatively modest step of canceling $400 million of Columbia’s federal grants. A few days later, it warned 60 universities that a similar fate could await them. Among the schools listed were Harvard, Cornell and Johns Hopkins, where Michael Bloomberg, who once called President Trump “a carnival barking clown,” made a $1 billion gift in July.

The goal of the current White House to dismantle higher education — while running for the Senate, JD Vance plainly called universities the enemy — has elicited alarm from many quarters, but it is striking how little we have heard from the megadonor class. Their contributions of billions of dollars to major universities would suggest a significant investment in the mission (or at the very least a vain interest in keeping alive the buildings and centers and divisions to which they have purchased naming rights).

The quiet was punctured this week when Bill Ackman, the hedge-fund manager who was instrumental in getting Claudine Gay removed from the presidency at Harvard last year, weighed in on X. He did not express concern about potential cuts to universities; rather he wanted to say that only “financial and legal pressure” will get them back to a point at which “sanity” might prevail.

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Under a different set of conditions, it would be easy to imagine wealthy Ivy League Democratic donors rising up to fill in the gaps left by an unwelcoming government. But in the current environment, the grievances of those donors — against diversity initiatives and unruly agitators — stand in precise alignment with the agenda in Washington.

Even before the cuts were announced, the Stand Columbia Society, a consortium of alumni and current and former faculty committed to dissecting the wonkier aspects of campus operations, laid out in its newsletter just what would be at stake if the university lost hundreds of millions dollars in federal grant money. The society has pushed both for Columbia to take a position of institutional neutrality, as the University of Chicago has done for decades, and to work harder to fight campus antisemitism (so that the university does not “dissipate due to the actions of a violent and nihilistic fringe mob”). It also made a persuasive argument that the disappearance of so much money would be catastrophic.

Reviewing the university’s 2024 financial statements, the writers pointed out that of the $1.3 billion Columbia receives annually from federal agencies, the bulk — $747 million — comes from the National Institutes of Health. About half the money goes to overhead, the cap for which has now been reduced. Whatever visions “overhead” conjures of boondoggle trips to conferences in Prague, much of the money that does not go directly to research covers expenses like salaries, lab renovations, student supports and the administrative work required to comply with federal regulations, 168 of which were adopted over the last decade.

Prestigious universities have come to find adversaries in many worlds, among the working class, among rich alumni, among highly educated progressives who find them self-regarding. “Universities are good targets for resentment,” said Michael Roth, the president of Wesleyan University who has written about modern campus politics. “They take such enormous pride in how many people they reject.

“We at universities have not done enough over the years to pay attention to those groups — conservative groups, religious groups — around the country that are essential parts of a democratic culture. The isolation makes us very vulnerable.”

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It has become common in the narrative of the current moment to compare campus upheaval to the disruptions of the late 1960s, but the sense of vindictiveness and distaste directed at the academy now can seem of a different order entirely. In 1968, Richard Nixon — famously hostile to campus radicals, and soon to be president — was asked by an interviewer about the public pressure “to get tough and crack down on the student rebels.”

What, the interviewer wanted to know, was his view of the role of dissent on the college campus? “I’m for it,” Nixon responded. “I’m for dissent, because as I look back at the 190-year history of this country, I find that dissent is the great instrument of change.”

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Video: Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey

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Video: Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey

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Protesters Clash with Federal Agents Outside ICE Detention Center in New Jersey

Protesters and immigration agents clashed outside Delaney Hall detention center in Newark, where activists have gathered for days to denounce conditions inside.

“Get back!” “Get back, get back, get back, get back, get back!” [chanting] “ICE, ICE has got to go. Hey, hey, ho, ho.” “We’ve heard repeatedly about these horror stories of pregnant women not getting access to care, of people with injuries not being treated. People shouldn’t have to starve themselves to make their dignity known.” “Down, down with the degradation.” “Down, down with the degradation.”

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Protesters and immigration agents clashed outside Delaney Hall detention center in Newark, where activists have gathered for days to denounce conditions inside.

By Christina Kelso

May 28, 2026

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How a Family of 4 Lives on $225,000 a Year in Washington Heights

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How a Family of 4 Lives on 5,000 a Year in Washington Heights

How can people possibly afford to live in one of the most expensive cities on the planet? It’s a question New Yorkers hear a lot, often delivered with a mix of awe, pity and confusion.

We surveyed hundreds of New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save. We found that many people — rich, poor or somewhere in between — live life as a series of small calculations that add up to one big question: What makes living in New York worth it?

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Ellen Hagan grew up in a small town in Kentucky, and moved to New York City as quickly as she could after she graduated from college. She arrived a few weeks before Sept. 11, and tried to get her bearings in a city turned upside down.

She found a group of fellow young artists and writers who wanted to take advantage of everything they could in the city, on very limited budgets. They went to poetry readings and dance parties, and rented tiny apartments in the East Village.

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All the while, Ms. Hagan was diligent about saving money, even when she had very little of it.

“I didn’t know what I was saving for, but I knew I wasn’t going to have a job that would give me a pension,” she said. “I wanted to make enough money to live the New York existence I was dreaming of.”

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Ellen Hagan learned to be diligent about saving money after she moved to New York.

Twenty-five years later, Ms. Hagan and her husband, David Flores, whom she started dating in her early years in New York, have much more money than they used to. Still, they feel more anxious about money than they hoped they would at this point in their lives.

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The couple both work at DreamYard, a Bronx arts nonprofit. Last year, they made $178,135 there collectively, with Ms. Hagan, 47, directing the poetry and theater programs, and Mr. Flores, also 47, serving as the head of visual art and design.

They typically bring in another $40,000 to $60,000 a year through their freelance work. Mr. Flores is an adjunct professor, a photographer and a filmmaker, and Ms. Hagan teaches at a graduate writing program and writes books and poetry. They try to set aside about 15 percent of their income each year to grow their savings.

The couple live in Washington Heights in Upper Manhattan with their two daughters, who are 12 and 15.

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Homeownership Doesn’t Solve Everything

As a young couple, Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores lived in a 400-square-foot East Village rental. When their rent started to tick up, Ms. Hagan began looking for a place to buy, seeing homeownership as a buoy that would all but guarantee a secure financial life in New York.

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Sixteen years ago, the couple found a perfect apartment in Washington Heights and scrambled to cobble together a down payment. They pooled their savings to put a 15 percent down payment on the $335,000 home. Once they closed, they were left with only a few hundred dollars in savings, but were thrilled and relieved.

“I had this sense that when you buy, you’re set in New York City,” Ms. Hagan said.

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The reality, she has found, is more complicated.

The couple’s mortgage payment is $1,300 a month, and their maintenance fees keep rising, partially as a result of a new local law that requires increased inspections and repairs for buildings. Local Law 11 boosted their maintenance by $462 a month, at least temporarily, to about $1,900 total. And when the building’s management installed a new security system, each unit had to chip in $95 a month for three months.

Ms. Hagan loves the apartment, but she worries that they may eventually be priced out of their neighborhood.

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“This building isn’t going to be for us at some point,” she said. “This feels like, uh oh, they’re imagining people who have much higher incomes than we do.”

Keeping the Kids Busy

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Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores, who each maintain packed calendars, have encouraged their daughters to adopt the same approach to city living.

“I’m definitely a proponent of, let’s fill your schedule and see what you love,” Ms. Hagan said.

The girls’ public school offers free debate and band classes before and after school, and they’ll appear this spring in the school’s productions of “Annie” and “The Addams Family.”

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The girls are also enrolled in a free theater academy at the People’s Theatre and writing workshops at Uptown Stories, which has a pay-what-you-can system. Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores typically pay the full tuition, which is $800 for each 12-week session, and donate about $2,500 a year to the organizations their daughters are part of.

The couple’s older daughter, Araceli, who wants to be both a writer and a doctor, is enrolled in a medical training program for middle and high school students. She made $2,500 for completing an internship at a cardiothoracic intensive care unit last summer.

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Their younger daughter, Miriam, is going to a Y.M.C.A. camp this summer, which costs $2,600 for two weeks.

Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores spent about $500 total on holiday gifts for both girls, and the couple doles out their daughters’ weekly allowances in two installments: $25 on Mondays and $25 on Fridays.

They shook their heads when Miriam, who is known as the most stylish member of the family, came home one day wearing a Dr Pepper T-shirt she’d bought at Target.

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“We were like, ‘What are you doing with your money?’” Ms. Hagan said.

The Fun Stuff

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The extra income from the couple’s freelance work allows the family to splurge on theater, vacations, books and memberships at the Museum of Modern Art and the Whitney Museum of American Art.

Sometimes, Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores work together. A few years ago, they sold a young adult novel called “Tell Me Every Lie” they had co-written for a $35,000 advance, some of which went to their agent.

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Every little bit helps. The family is spending a weekend on Long Beach Island in New Jersey this summer, which will cost about $3,500. That price tag includes a hotel room big enough for four.

The family typically travels twice a year to Kentucky, where both Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores are from, and where the couple co-owns a home in Louisville with Mr. Flores’s parents. They put $40,000 down and spend about $12,000 annually on expenses related to the home.

The family was hoping to travel to the Philippines this year, where Mr. Flores’s father is from, but they realized it could cost as much as $15,000. The trip is now on hold indefinitely.

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They spend about $700 a month on groceries from nearby supermarkets, and occasionally order grocery deliveries from FreshDirect.

Every Wednesday, when the girls come home late from theater class, someone picks up dinner at the nearby halal truck or the Dominican restaurant Malecon, which usually runs about $60.

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Dinner out as a family of four can easily cost $200, so Ms. Hagan and Mr. Flores typically eat at restaurants just once or twice a month. The other night, the whole family was hungry and craved Italian food from a favorite upscale spot nearby.

They balked, and walked around the corner to a diner instead. The meal was $120, all in.

We are talking to New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save.

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Gov. Sherrill Demands Access to ICE Facility as Hunger Strike Widens

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Gov. Sherrill Demands Access to ICE Facility as Hunger Strike Widens

Gov. Mikie Sherrill of New Jersey, a Democrat who has clashed with the Trump administration over immigration policies, joined protests outside a detention center in Newark on Monday in support of detainees participating in a hunger strike.

Ms. Sherrill heard from family members of detainees, who have complained about rotten and spoiled food and inadequate medical care at Delaney Hall. Dozens of protesters waved signs, banged on drums, and chanted “Free Them All!” The governor told the crowd she had requested access but was denied.

“No matter what your immigration status is, you shouldn’t be treated with anything less than dignity in this country,” said Ms. Sherrill, who was dressed in a T-shirt, jeans, and blue-gray jacket on the Memorial Day holiday. At one point, she rested her hand on the shoulder of a crying relative and smoothed the hair of an upset child.

After the governor left, the scene worsened outside the detention facility. A tense standoff erupted between Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and protesters who blocked an entrance; the agents responded by firing pepper balls and spray at the protesters. Senator Andy Kim, who was trying to de-escalate the situation, was among those affected.

On Monday, the governor and other elected officials, including Mayor Ras J. Baraka of Newark, appeared outside Delaney Hall amid growing concerns over the hunger strike, which started on Friday inside the gray, cinder-block building enclosed by a high chain link fence topped with razor wire.

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Immigration advocates have rallied outside Delaney Hall since Friday. Detainees said they would go on a hunger and labor strike while calling for an investigation of the detention center and its operations and for Ms. Sherrill to visit to discuss protections from ICE. Hundreds of detainees were participating, one protester told Ms. Sherrill.

The governor said in a statement on Sunday that she had contacted ICE to gain access to the detention center and was working to monitor the situation and “do what’s necessary to ensure humane conditions.”

At Monday’s protest, some protesters shouted in Ms. Sherrill’s face to criticize her for not showing up earlier in the weekend, like other elected officials had.

Representative Rob Menendez of New Jersey had arrived at 8 p.m. on Sunday and stayed all night until he was allowed into the center on Monday morning. Mr. Menendez said that he had spoken to some of the detainees inside Delaney Hall, including a young woman who just wanted to go to her high school graduation, a pregnant woman who was trying to get medical care, and a man who showed him a carton of milk that had gone rancid.

“I heard just desperation from so many people in there,” Mr. Menendez said afterward.

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Angela Martinez told Ms. Sherrill that her cousin, Bolivar Bueno, 65, has diabetes and that she hasn’t been able to speak to him to make sure he is getting medication. “We don’t know what’s going on,” she told the governor.

Afterward, Ms. Martinez said, “I want for her to help me out.”

Ms. Sherrill left after about an hour, around 11:30 a.m., as some demonstrators jeered at her. Her security had to clear the road of a couple people who tried to stop her S.U.V. from leaving.

A few hours later, a convoy of ICE vehicles approached another entrance on the south side of Delaney Hall. Protesters, who had rallied at the north entrance in the morning, ran over to sit down in front of the vehicles. Many said they feared that the detainees on hunger strike inside would be transferred to other facilities.

ICE agents — most of whom were wearing face masks — pushed and shoved the protesters out of the way, even dragging one young man by a kaffiyeh around his neck. As the protesters chanted “Trump Has To Go,” they linked arms and faced the ICE agents.

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The standoff prevented anyone from leaving through the south entrance. Soon after, a military-style vehicle moved toward that entrance, with a man on top holding a firearm pointed at demonstrators.

Senator Kim, Democrat of New Jersey, who had been allowed inside Delaney Hall, came out during the confrontation and walked over to support the protesters. Soon afterward, the ICE agents and military vehicles backed away from the entrance and slightly retreated toward to the detention center, but the standoff continued.

“They provoked it, they brought that tank over,” Mr. Kim said. “It’s getting worse and worse here.”

The senator said he was working to “de-escalate” the standoff through negotiations with federal officials and would push for families to be allowed to visit detainees as early as Tuesday. “I’m going to keep at it,” he said.

Not long after, the standoff escalated with ICE agents using pepper balls and mace on the crowd.

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It’s not the first time Delaney Hall has faced protests. In June 2025, four men escaped from the detention center after days of unrest over meager and sporadic meals and overcrowding that forced some detainees to sleep on the floor. Detainees had smashed windows, doors and security cameras.

And Mr. Baraka, the Newark mayor, was arrested in May 2025 during a clash with federal agents outside its gates last year.

Dakota Santiago contributed reporting.

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