New York
As Trump Attacks Elite Colleges, Their Usual Allies Are Nowhere in Sight
In a very short time, Mahmoud Khalil, the former Columbia University graduate student and pro-Palestinian activist who was questionably detained by federal immigration officials, has become a symbol of the Trump administration’s escalating antagonism toward elite universities. Columbia finds itself up against the impression that whatever it has done to combat what it perceived as antisemitism — suppressing campus protests of the war in Gaza with the help of the police; evicting and expelling rallying students; severing ties with a law professor who had been a vocal supporter of the Palestinian cause — it has not been nearly punitive enough.
However egregious these measures might seem to champions of civil liberty, they strike people like Jeffrey Lichtman as cowardly and insufficient. Last year, Mr. Lichtman, a lawyer, represented a Columbia student and former member of the Israel Defense Forces in a suit against the university after he was suspended for showering protesters with foul-smelling joke spray that sickened some of them. Columbia settled for close to $400,000. Still, Mr. Lichtman believes that the university is so rife with hatred and disrespect for Jewish interests that it “should be taken over by the federal government” — at least in the short term, he said to me recently.
Just before Mr. Khalil was apprehended, the Trump administration took the comparatively modest step of canceling $400 million of Columbia’s federal grants. A few days later, it warned 60 universities that a similar fate could await them. Among the schools listed were Harvard, Cornell and Johns Hopkins, where Michael Bloomberg, who once called President Trump “a carnival barking clown,” made a $1 billion gift in July.
The goal of the current White House to dismantle higher education — while running for the Senate, JD Vance plainly called universities the enemy — has elicited alarm from many quarters, but it is striking how little we have heard from the megadonor class. Their contributions of billions of dollars to major universities would suggest a significant investment in the mission (or at the very least a vain interest in keeping alive the buildings and centers and divisions to which they have purchased naming rights).
The quiet was punctured this week when Bill Ackman, the hedge-fund manager who was instrumental in getting Claudine Gay removed from the presidency at Harvard last year, weighed in on X. He did not express concern about potential cuts to universities; rather he wanted to say that only “financial and legal pressure” will get them back to a point at which “sanity” might prevail.
Under a different set of conditions, it would be easy to imagine wealthy Ivy League Democratic donors rising up to fill in the gaps left by an unwelcoming government. But in the current environment, the grievances of those donors — against diversity initiatives and unruly agitators — stand in precise alignment with the agenda in Washington.
Even before the cuts were announced, the Stand Columbia Society, a consortium of alumni and current and former faculty committed to dissecting the wonkier aspects of campus operations, laid out in its newsletter just what would be at stake if the university lost hundreds of millions dollars in federal grant money. The society has pushed both for Columbia to take a position of institutional neutrality, as the University of Chicago has done for decades, and to work harder to fight campus antisemitism (so that the university does not “dissipate due to the actions of a violent and nihilistic fringe mob”). It also made a persuasive argument that the disappearance of so much money would be catastrophic.
Reviewing the university’s 2024 financial statements, the writers pointed out that of the $1.3 billion Columbia receives annually from federal agencies, the bulk — $747 million — comes from the National Institutes of Health. About half the money goes to overhead, the cap for which has now been reduced. Whatever visions “overhead” conjures of boondoggle trips to conferences in Prague, much of the money that does not go directly to research covers expenses like salaries, lab renovations, student supports and the administrative work required to comply with federal regulations, 168 of which were adopted over the last decade.
Prestigious universities have come to find adversaries in many worlds, among the working class, among rich alumni, among highly educated progressives who find them self-regarding. “Universities are good targets for resentment,” said Michael Roth, the president of Wesleyan University who has written about modern campus politics. “They take such enormous pride in how many people they reject.
“We at universities have not done enough over the years to pay attention to those groups — conservative groups, religious groups — around the country that are essential parts of a democratic culture. The isolation makes us very vulnerable.”
It has become common in the narrative of the current moment to compare campus upheaval to the disruptions of the late 1960s, but the sense of vindictiveness and distaste directed at the academy now can seem of a different order entirely. In 1968, Richard Nixon — famously hostile to campus radicals, and soon to be president — was asked by an interviewer about the public pressure “to get tough and crack down on the student rebels.”
What, the interviewer wanted to know, was his view of the role of dissent on the college campus? “I’m for it,” Nixon responded. “I’m for dissent, because as I look back at the 190-year history of this country, I find that dissent is the great instrument of change.”
New York
Compare the Purported Epstein Suicide Note to His Writings
A suicide note purported to be written by the sexual predator Jeffrey Epstein while he was in jail in 2019 uses language that in some cases echoes his past writings to friends and family.
One phrase found in the apparent suicide note — “No Fun” — also appears on a handwritten page found in Mr. Epstein’s jail cell at the time of his death, as well as in emails he sent over the years.
And another saying in the suicide note — “watcha want me to do — bust out cryin!!” — appears in emails that Mr. Epstein had written to people close to him.
A cellmate claimed that Mr. Epstein left the suicide note before he was found unresponsive in their cell weeks before his death. The New York Times reported on the note last week and successfully asked a federal judge to unseal it.
If authentic, the note gives a view into Mr. Epstein’s mind-set before he was found dead at age 66 in August 2019. The New York City medical examiner ruled his death a suicide.
‘NO FUN’
A different handwritten note was found in Mr. Epstein’s cell when he died, and investigators believed it was written by him. In that document, Mr. Epstein complained about jail conditions — burned food, giant bugs and being kept in a locked shower. He concluded it with the underlined phrase, “NO FUN!!”
Mr. Epstein also used the phrase in emails when describing things he was unhappy about, or situations that had not gone his way.
‘watcha want me to do — bust out cryin’
Mr. Epstein used the phrase “watcha want me to do — bust out cryin” with friends, and in messages to his brother, Mark Epstein.
Like the note released by the judge, Mr. Epstein’s emails were often short, with staccato phrases and erratic punctuation. The emails were contained in millions of pages of documents the Justice Department released in response to a law passed last year requiring disclosure of records pertaining to Mr. Epstein.
New York
New York’s Budget Deal Is Still Hazy. Here Are 5 Key Questions.
It has become an article of faith in the New York State Capitol that when Gov. Kathy Hochul enters the Red Room on the building’s second floor to announce a budget agreement, the deal is actually far from sealed.
This year was no different.
Despite declaring that “today is the day” to announce an agreement on a $268 billion state budget, Ms. Hochul on Thursday acknowledged that several key initiatives — including a new tax surcharge on multimillion-dollar second homes in New York City — had been agreed on in principle, but that the details still needed work.
Even the top-line figure had not been finalized.
Lawmakers are fond of saying that the devil is in the details. But in the absence of the lengthy budget bills that include those details, which have yet to be printed and voted on, a host of unanswered questions remain.
Here are five of them:
Why did Hochul announce a deal when one hadn’t really been made yet?
New York’s opaque budget process, which starts in January with the State of the State address and is supposed to be completed by April 1, has become far more than a negotiation over a fiscal document.
Governors have tended to use the budget to wedge in legislative priorities, wielding their leverage over billions of dollars to get their way.
Ms. Hochul has embraced this practice. And, in a re-election year, she wanted to convey to voters that she intended to stand up to President Trump’s immigration crackdown, help out New York City and lower costs for everyday New Yorkers.
She made that case on Thursday at a news conference flanked by several of her top aides. Notably missing were the leaders of the State Assembly and Senate.
When will the budget actually be passed?
Not this week. The Assembly speaker, Carl E. Heastie, said on Thursday that it was “very premature” of the governor to say a deal had been reached. He would not even say that the Legislature had agreed to the $268 billion figure.
He complained about Ms. Hochul’s penchant for jamming nonfiscal policies into the budget and said he would not discuss such matters with his members until he had a better sense of the total amount the state would be spending.
As he spoke, members of the Senate and Assembly, who are currently not being paid, were wrapping up their legislative business for the week in a rush to return to their districts. They will be back in Albany on Monday; it is unclear what bill language, if any, will have been printed and distributed by then.
Did Zohran Mamdani get what he wanted?
Mr. Mamdani, the mayor of New York City, campaigned on wresting more than $10 billion in tax increases from the state to pay for his ambitious agenda. That will not happen this year.
Ms. Hochul did accede to a new tax on second homes that targets the city’s richest property owners whose primary residences are outside New York City. The goal is to raise $500 million each year, which will go toward closing the city’s estimated $5.4 billion budget deficit.
But she spurned the mayor’s request to make changes to a tax credit called the Pass Through Entity Tax that is used by some business owners. Mr. Mamdani had said that the measure, which was also backed by the City Council speaker, Julie Menin, could raise up to $1 billion a year in tax revenue.
Aside from tax increases, Mr. Mamdani’s overarching priority has been expanding child care in the city. Ms. Hochul’s budget does just that, with $4.5 billion allotted for child care and prekindergarten programs across the state.
It’s not the whole loaf, or even half. But Mr. Mamdani can point to that funding and say that he is advancing toward his goal of providing free child care for every New York City child under 5. And while the governor rejected his efforts to fund a program to make buses free, she directed more than $1 billion in additional aid to the city that, combined with revenue from the second-home tax and other proposed measures like delays in pension payments, could help Mr. Mamdani work to close its budget gap.
How will the tax on pieds-à-terre work?
State lawmakers — and just about everyone else — are scratching their heads about the details of this tax surcharge, which Ms. Hochul proposed with great fanfare last month. The New York Times previously reported that one proposal being discussed would apply one tax rate to pieds-à-terre with values between $5 million and $15 million; a higher rate for ones valued between $15 million and $25 million; and an even higher rate for properties valued at $25 million or more, according to three people familiar with the matter.
How much the property owners would pay is still up in the air. Ms. Hochul said on Thursday that more details would be coming in the near future and that the tax would apply to units worth $5 million or more.
Also being sorted out is how, exactly, the value of each co-op or apartment would be determined.
“It’s going to take some time to get to the right number to assess that,” the governor said, noting the city’s complex system for calculating a property’s assessed value.
“We’re looking at the difference between what is currently assessed but what is market value,” she added. “We’re working it out with the city. We have had some really good conversations.”
How will pensions change for state workers?
Facing pressure from the state’s largest public unions, Ms. Hochul has been trying to determine how to restore certain pension benefits that had been cut for public employees hired after 2012.
Any changes could end up costing the state hundreds of millions of dollars, while also saddling local municipalities and school districts with increased spending burdens. Several of the labor groups have prioritized lowering the minimum retirement age to 55 from 63.
Ms. Hochul said on Thursday that the particulars were still being negotiated, but stressed that the cost to the state and local governments would be less than the $1.5 billion that has been requested by the unions.
“We are willing to look at this and make changes, but a much more scaled-back monetary proposal,” she said.
“We will release these numbers as soon as it’s absolutely done,” she added.
New York
Cornell Is Investigating Confrontation Between President and Students
Cornell University’s trustees announced on Thursday that they would investigate an April 30 incident in which the president, Michael Kotlikoff, bumped into students with his car after a debate over the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians.
A small group of students confronted Dr. Kotlikoff after he had spoken at the university event about free speech and the Middle East conflict. They posed questions about the suspension of pro-Palestinian student demonstrators in previous years, walking with him to his vehicle, a black Cadillac SUV.
After the students surrounded his vehicle, Dr. Kotlikoff got in, reversed and bumped one student. Another student said that his foot was run over. Emergency medical technicians arrived and checked the foot of that student, who was not seriously injured.
In an email to the campus on Thursday, the university said that an “ad hoc special committee” had been established to oversee the investigation of the events of that night. It said that Dr. Kotlikoff had recused himself from the investigation and “any related university decisions connected to the matter.”
The statement said that the trustees are “committed to ensuring a fair and thorough review guided by adherence to university policies and the best interests of the Cornell community.”
The event highlighted the lingering tensions on college campuses over the Israel-Hamas war, even as the large-scale protests from the spring of 2024 have dissipated.
Some student groups at Cornell have said that the university had unfairly disciplined pro-Palestinian students involved in the demonstrations.
One of the disciplined students was Momodou Taal, a Ph.D. student in Africana studies and a leader of the movement to establish protest encampments on the Ithaca, N.Y., campus. The Trump administration had sought to deport him and students at other universities whom it accused of spreading antisemitism.
Last week’s event, billed as a debate between supporters of the Palestinian cause and Israel, also featured Norman Finkelstein, a political scientist and author who spoke about Israel’s response to the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attacks on Israel.
The day after last week’s incident, Dr. Kotlikoff framed himself as the victim, asserting that students had harassed him and banged on his car. The students denied doing that, and video of the incident that the students supplied did not show them hitting the vehicle.
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