WATERVILLE, Maine (WABI) – Sen. Susan Collins, R-ME, traveled to Waterville Monday to tour the Mid-Maine Technical Center.

At MMTC, high school students from four districts get hands-on experience in job-focused classrooms across 15 different programs.

Collins toured several of those programs, including nursing, media, and culinary arts.

She highlighted the more than seven hundred thousand dollars she secured in federal funding in 2024 for machine tooling and 3D printing equipment.

Also adding the importance of schools like this to not only fill critical workforce gaps, but do so right here in the state.

“Programs like this help encourage students to stay in the state of Maine once they’ve finished their education,” answered Collins. “It gives them a real boost if they’re going on to higher education, but it also equips them with the skills that they need if they’re going directly into the workforce.”

Collins also mentioned cooperative agreements in some programs that allow students to start earning college credit. Many students she spoke with also spend part of the week working for local businesses in their field.

Minogue’s words during a recent appearance on WCVB’s “On The Record” — “I’m a Catholic and I am pro-life” — certainly run counter to the careful abortion rights positioning of other Massachusetts Republicans who won the governor’s office over the past three-plus decades.

When Charlie Baker ran for governor in 2014, his first general election campaign ad featured his then-17-year-old daughter saying, “You’re totally pro-choice and bipartisan.” When Mitt Romney ran for governor in 2002, he stated in a debate, “I will preserve and protect a women’s right to choose.” When Bill Weld ran for governor in 1990, he told the Globe, “Count me as ‘modified pro-choice.’”

Over time, these positions evolved in different ways.

Weld went from “modified pro-choice” to showing up at a national GOP convention to lobby against the party’s antiabortion platform. When Romney ran for president, he retreated completely from the stance he’d taken in Massachusetts. Despite Baker’s “totally pro-choice” positioning, he ultimately vetoed a bill that expanded access to abortion, including a provision that would have allowed 16- and 17-year-olds to get an abortion without parental consent. The Legislature overturned that veto, and the measure became law in 2020.

As reported by WBUR, the Minogue campaign put out a statement that said, “Mike Minogue cannot and will not change the law,” without elaborating beyond that.

In 2022, the Supreme Court overturned abortion as a national right, making state law even more critical. Since then, Governor Maura Healey has made the strengthening of abortion protections for patients and providers even more of a signature cause.

Last week’s ruling by a federal appeals court in New Orleans, which halted access to a common abortion drug, mifepristone, through the mail for telehealth patients, once again underscored the political uncertainty around abortion access. Healey, who joined other Democrat-led states in stockpiling the drug to guard against a potential ban of it, quickly issued a statement that said she would “keep standing up to efforts by President Trump and his allies to roll back reproductive rights.”

On Monday, the Supreme Court temporarily restored access to mifepristone. Both sides have a week to respond.

While Minogue can try to argue that abortion is protected in Massachusetts, and there’s nothing he can or would do to change that, these are unpredictable times for reproductive rights. It’s a key issue that puts him at odds with many Massachusetts voters.

His first campaign ad since the GOP convention that endorsed him introduces him as “a new kind of governor.”

By Massachusetts standards, he certainly would be different. He’s much closer to Trump than other recent Republican candidates, having hosted that Vance fund-raiser and donated nearly $1 million to Trump and MAGA candidates in 2024.

Of Massachusetts’ 5 million voters, 1.2 million are registered Democrats, and 423,387 are registered Republicans. Unenrolled or independent voters, who make up 3.2 million registered voters, are key to winning statewide office. Given that Trump’s overall approval rating in the state is about 33 percent, Minogue’s Trump connections are not going to help him much with that crowd.

Polling also shows that the vast majority of Massachusetts voters strongly support abortion rights and are more likely to support elected officials if they work to advance legislation that will prevent the government from interfering with personal decisions about pregnancy.

Minogue will no doubt want to talk about transgender athletes, illegal immigration, the cost of housing and utilities, and the overall issue of economic growth. His allies are also trying to drive Shortsleeve out of the race, and in the WCVB interview, Minogue argued that the overwhelming endorsement he got from the roughly 1,800 delegates who attended the convention shows where the Republican Party is in Massachusetts right now.

And so it does. But is that where most Massachusetts voters are?

There’s a legitimate debate to be had, for sure, about the economic direction of the state.

But to have it, Minogue will have to convince voters to look past his Trump association and his “pro-life” self-description. Meanwhile, a fellow Republican is calling him unelectable — music to Healey’s ears.

Joan Vennochi is a Globe columnist. She can be reached at joan.vennochi@globe.com. Follow her @joan_vennochi.

More than 2,100 new patients signed up with New Hampshire’s Therapeutic Cannabis Program last year, bringing the total registry to nearly 17,000, according to new state data.

That increase — about 14.5% from the year prior — is the largest since 2021.

Likely driving the growth were changes to state law in 2024 that allowed more people to qualify for medical marijuana use. They can now join the program at doctors’ discretion — which covers any debilitating or terminal condition or symptom, as long as their medical provider agrees the benefits of cannabis could outweigh the risks — or with a diagnosis of generalized anxiety disorder.

More than 900 patients list anxiety as their qualifying condition, according to the report issued this week by the state Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the program.

“There was certainly an uptick in growth after those bills took effect in late 2024. It hasn’t skyrocketed, but has somewhat accelerated the growth of the program,” said Matt Simon, a lobbyist for GraniteLeaf Cannabis, one of three licensed cannabis providers in the state. “Where we’ve been, this extremely tiny program that was tiny for years, it is steadily growing.”

With 16,846 people, about 1.2% of the population are either certified patients or designated caregivers, who are authorized to buy cannabis on behalf of a patient. That’s close to one in every 84 Granite Staters.

The data released by the state was collected in June 2025. Simon estimates roughly 1,000 more people have joined since then.

The Therapeutic Cannabis Program, established in 2013, is the only way to lawfully consume marijuana in New Hampshire, as recreational use remains illegal. Patients require a doctor’s approval to join and receive a state-issued card that licenses them to buy medical cannabis products from seven dispensaries across the state, operated by three producers: GraniteLeaf Cannabis, Sanctuary Medicinals and Temescal Wellness.

The new data comes as the Trump administration reclassified medical marijuana last month as a less dangerous drug, effectively legitimizing programs run in 40 states, including New Hampshire’s. The change opens the door for more cannabis research and potential tax breaks for producers.

In New Hampshire, program demographics skew older. Nearly a quarter of patients are between 55 and 65 years old, and almost 70% of patients are over the age of 45. Pain is far and away the most common condition that people aim to treat with cannabis.

Patients are concentrated in southern New Hampshire and in towns where dispensaries, also called alternative treatment centers, are located. There are seven across the state in Chichester, Conway, Dover, Keene, Lebanon, Merrimack and Plymouth.

Concord has between 300 and 734 patients, according to the state data. Manchester has the most patients out of any municipality, at 1,150.

Despite the program’s growth, cost and accessibility remain a challenge. Jerry Knirk, a retired surgeon and state representative who now chairs the state’s Therapeutic Cannabis Medical Oversight Board, said New Hampshire’s strict regulatory environment plays a role.

“Part of the issue is we have a very high-quality, highly regulated program with testing of all products and lots of restrictions and things, and that does make things more expensive, but it’s how you keep the quality to be really high,” Knirk said. “We want to have really good quality. Unfortunately, it does make it a little bit harder.

One family of three spent $548 after discounts on a six-week supply of their medicine, which they use for chronic pain and other ailments, the Monitor reported last year.