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New Hampshire

She’s Running on the Opioid Issue. Her History Is a Problem.

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She’s Running on the Opioid Issue. Her History Is a Problem.


By 2002, it was abundantly clear the powerful opioid painkiller Oxycontin was beginning to wreak havoc in the United States.

From an uptick in burglaries and robberies to a stark warning from former Attorney General John Ashcroft in a 2001 congressional hearing calling it a “​​’very, very dangerous drug,” Oxycontin’s manufacturer, Purdue Pharma, was already on the defensive.

Even though the company was only at the very beginning of a decades-long and multi-billion-dollar legal battle with families seeking accountability for the overdose deaths of their loved ones, Purdue began dispatching legions of lobbyists to state legislatures to defend the drug.

In New Hampshire, one of those lobbyists was Cinde Warmington. Speaking before the state legislature in 2002, Warmington defended Oxycontin as a “miracle drug” with “very few side effects.”

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She suggested the opioid was being unfairly maligned.

“Oxycontin has been abused—it certainly has been in the press,” Warmington told a state Senate committee in April 2002. “I think we can all say that it is a drug of abuse as are all narcotics.”

Two decades later, Purdue Pharma has gone bankrupt over lawsuits concerning its culpability in a nationwide opioid epidemic that has claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. It turned out that Purdue Pharma knew all along that Oxycontin was highly addictive, even as the drug manufacturer claimed it carried a low risk of addiction or abuse. And in New Hampshire, a state particularly hit by the opioid epidemic—where fentanyl-related overdose deaths are three times the national average—Granite Staters are still reeling from the effects of Oxycontin addiction in the early 2000s.

Twenty years after sticking up for Purdue and Oxycontin, Warmington is running for New Hampshire governor on promises to prioritize fighting the opioid epidemic.

In her campaign launch video, Warmington—a Democrat—promised to “finally tackle the mental health crisis and fentanyl crisis in a real way, so that families can get the help they need.”

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On her campaign website, she touts her work advocating “for the expansion of substance use disorder treatment services, increased funding for mental health services and increased access to telehealth services.”

In a sit-down interview with the Keene Sentinel during her successful 2020 campaign for the state’s Executive Council, Warmington presented herself as an ideal candidate with a background in health care, starting with a side job drawing blood to help pay her way through college all the way up to a career as a health-care lawyer and administrator.

One thing that didn’t come up was her work for Purdue Pharma.

After eight years of Republican Gov. Chris Sununu—who has indicated he may not run for a fifth term because he needs “a real paycheck”—Democrats are optimistic about reclaiming the New Hampshire governorship. (The state has two-year gubernatorial terms with no term limits, and the New Hampshire governor makes around $143,000 per year.)

But in her dubious record on this marquee issue, Warmington is providing a headache for the party even before any other Democratic candidates enter the race.

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“The ads clearly write themselves,” a New Hampshire Democratic operative with experience on several statewide campaigns told The Daily Beast. “It’s potentially a death knell in a general election.”

This operative pointed to Warmington’s comments “basically regurgitating the worst talking points from the worst company at the core of this crisis,” calling those comments “fairly damning.”

In June, Warmington’s campaign dismissed initial reporting in the New Hampshire Union Leader on her ties to Purdue Pharma as an “unfortunate” political attack. ”Like many others,” Warmington said, she wishes “she knew then what we all learned later.”

But that version of events isn’t quite so clear-cut.

The campaign claimed in a statement to The Keene Sentinel that “twenty years ago we were all unaware of Purdue Pharma’s fraud and the harm they would cause to so many New Hampshire families.” By conflating Warmington’s knowledge with that of the general public, the statement brushes over the main points of contention she was being paid to combat back in 2002.

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Former Manchester Fire Chief Dan Goonan, who served in the department for 37 years and helped shepherd more than 8,000 people struggling with opioid addiction through the since-shuttered Safe Stations program, told The Daily Beast he has serious questions about Warmington’s claim to having known as much as the general public at the time.

Goonan said he has revived hundreds of people using the fast-acting agent Naloxone—better known under its brand name Narcan—and recalled seeing the first wave of overdoses in the late 1990s and early 2000s, mostly related to prescriptions like Oxycontin. When Oxycontin became less available, former users turned to heroin and fentanyl, creating the crisis Warmington is now campaigning on.

“It’s hard for a guy like me who was on the street and in those homeless encampments and seen the consequences of some of those decisions that were made early on—to say you didn’t know about it? You had to know something,” Goonan said, recalling extra work he did as a part-time police officer on top of his firefighter duties in the early 2000s, providing security at pharmacies frequently robbed of Oxycontin.

During the early 2000s, Warmington was pushing back against mounting evidence that Oxycontin was addictive and overprescribed, with internal Purdue documents at the time warning that the “media’s attention to abuse and diversion of OxyContin Tablets has provided state Medicaid plans and some HMOs, concerned about the affect the product is having on their budget, an excuse to look for ways to limit the prescribing of OxyContin Tablets.”

That problem was precisely what Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), then the governor, was concerned with in 2002, singling out the drug as “an example of what is wrong with the current Medicaid prescription plan,” according to an April 2002 story in the Union Leader.

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Crossing Shaheen, the most powerful Democrat in the state, didn’t end Warmington’s career, but with a low profile around the state while serving in a relatively obscure position, the Purdue Pharma ties could sink Warmington’s campaign before it really gets going.

New Hampshire Democrats have been quietly worried about the stumble out of the gates from Warmington, even if she does have defenders.

“Candidates open themselves up for all kinds of criticism when they run for office, some well-deserved,” a prominent New Hampshire Democrat told The Daily Beast, requesting anonymity to speak candidly on the sensitive issue.

Calling the Warmington links to Purdue Pharma “a cheap shot,” the New Hampshire Democrat added that Warmington was opposing a requirement that doctors have patients try three other drugs before they prescribe OxyContin. “One of those alternative drugs was fentanyl,” they said.

While Warmington’s campaign has pointed to her record of advocating for increased recovery and prevention services while also securing funding for those efforts on the executive council, one of her most recent lobbying gigs before working for Purdue Pharma gives more insight into what she knew at the time.

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In 2000, Warmington faced the New Hampshire legislature representing Community Substance Abuse Centers, advocating for increased methadone access for those struggling with opioid addiction. The bill history from that year shows another Union Leader article about an uptick in Oxycontin-related robberies.

Warmington’s early stumbles would be one thing if Democrats were facing near-certain doom against Sununu once again, University of New Hampshire political science professor Dante Scala told The Daily Beast.

With a blank slate going into 2024—unless Sununu changes his mind—an early candidate like Warmington with the field to herself should be able to enjoy a level of media coverage few of her predecessors in recent years have been able to reach.

“So going from that, trying to beat Sununu, to an open race, that’s a big help to Democrats,” Scala said.

The Warmington campaign did not return a request for comment.

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“Being associated with those types of firms, especially Purdue Pharma, they don’t have the best reputations in New Hampshire,” Goonan said.

“To me, it’s gonna take some convincing for your average person to believe her when she says I didn’t know anything about this and was just like you, working for a paycheck,” the former fire chief continued. “It doesn’t fly.”



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New Hampshire

Pushback on adopting new building energy codes in NH highlights climate, affordability tensions

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Pushback on adopting new building energy codes in NH highlights climate, affordability tensions


New Hampshire is poised to update its building codes, the laws meant to keep homes and commercial buildings safe and comfortable.

But in the bill approaching Gov. Chris Sununu’s desk, the code that regulates the energy efficiency of new homes is set to stay at the 2018 version.

The energy conservation code has been the subject of a long-running debate in New Hampshire, intersecting with some of the state’s thorniest issues: the affordability of homes, the livability of our climate, and the cost of living.

Proponents of adopting the 2021 energy conservation code highlight that more efficient homes would help people reduce energy use, lowering monthly bills and reducing the climate-warming pollution that homes produce.

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Federal agencies that insure mortgages adopted the codes after making the assessment that they won’t impact the affordability and availability of the housing they cover. Some studies have shown that households save money in more energy efficient homes, though updates do have an increased upfront cost.

The codes have faced strong opposition, particularly from New Hampshire’s chapter of the Home Builders Association. In keeping with years of work pushing back on energy efficiency efforts, that group has come out in force against the 2021 codes across the country.

In New Hampshire, the Home Builders Association has testified to lawmakers that the 2021 codes would raise the cost of building homes too much, arguing they would make new homes unaffordable. The numbers they cite, from a survey of a handful of builders in the state, are about five times higher than federal estimates of the cost of upgrades.

All told, the 2021 codes would make homes almost 10% more efficient than the previous codes from 2018. The past two model codes adopted by the International Code Council barely made efficiency improvements for residential buildings.

What the 2021 codes would do

The 2021 codes require efficiency improvements like more insulation and expanded testing for how much air leaks out of a building.

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It could also improve the barriers that keep moisture out during the summer and in during the winter, said Paul Bemis, president of the state’s chapter of the American Society of Heating, Refrigerating and Air-Conditioning Engineers.

“An environment like New Hampshire varies quite dramatically,” he said. “Having a proper vapor barrier is key to indoor and human health.”

Lighting systems and their controls face new requirements, too.

Bemis is a proponent of the 2021 energy codes. He says the updates there are important to improving the indoor environment, since people spend 90% of their time indoors.

Federal officials have said the codes could help lower asthma rates and respiratory symptoms.

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More efficient buildings also put less strain on the energy grid and draw less power from fossil fuels.

Buildings are responsible for about 40% of energy use in the United States, and account for around 35% of the carbon dioxide emissions that fuel warmer and wetter conditions in New Hampshire.

The 2021 codes, if implemented in New Hampshire, would reduce carbon dioxide emissions by nearly 660,000 metric tons over 30 years, according to a reportfrom the Pacific Northwest National Laboratory prepared for the U.S. Department of Energy.

That’s the equivalent of taking about 157,000 cars off the road, or almost as much of an emissions reduction as closing two gas-fired power plants.

“Climate change is upon us. We need to do something to try to reduce carbon emissions into the atmosphere in the building sector,” Bemis said. “It’s a big task. It’s going to take many years to do it. But we need to start somewhere.”

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The cost of the codes

When it comes to cost, there’s agreement on one thing: making homes more energy efficient costs money.

The Pacific Northwest National Laboratory’s study estimates the increase in the cost to build a home to the 2021 energy conservation code instead of the 2015 energy conservation code is around $4,000 for a single family home in New Hampshire. (New Hampshire currently uses the 2018 version of the code).

For multi-family apartment or condo buildings, the increased cost of construction would be between about $1,200 and $1,700 per unit.

The cost varies based on the design of the building and the part of the state it is in, with communities in colder areas facing higher costs.

The study says the average person in the state would pay about $400 more in down payments and other up-front costs and would have an annual mortgage increase of about $140.

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Compared to the 2015 energy conservation code, the 2021 code would save a homeowner a bit more than $500 a year on energy bills, according to the study, leading to positive savings by the second year of homeownership.

About $2.5 million in federal money is available to New Hampshire to help train building professionals on the implementation of the new codes, money the state will forgo if it does not update its standards.

But in testimony in front of state lawmakers, Matt Mayberry, the head of the New Hampshire Home Builders Association, estimated the upfront costs of building a home to the 2021 standards would be much higher, around $20,000.

“Housing is the number one issue facing the state of New Hampshire,” Mayberry said. “Everyone is touched by this. By staying with the 2018 energy codes, that produces energy efficient homes at affordable prices that people can maintain and can afford to stay in.”

Mayberry said he came to the $20,000 estimate by asking six home builders in the state how much they thought the new codes would cost to implement.

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“You’re weaponizing these codes for societal agendas and political agendas, and that’s wrong,” he said. “We think you can decide the home you want to live in.”

Home builders would build homes to more energy efficient standards if customers want them, Mayberry said. But, he said, the association believes that should be up to individuals.

New Hampshire’s consumer advocate, Don Kreis, has expressed his support for the codes and their ability to save people money. In a column on his website, he notes the Home Builders Association supported a law that reinstated energy efficiency programs through the state’s utilities in 2022.

“New Hampshire’s home builders – or, at least, their trade association – are perfectly happy to champion energy efficiency (and make some money installing energy efficiency measures) when the costs are buried in people’s utility bills,” Kreis wrote. “They grow less enthusiastic when they have to reflect those costs directly in the prices they charge buyers of new homes.”

Ripple effects

Many of New Hampshire’s multi-family affordable housing buildings are already built to higher energy efficiency standards than the 2021 codes, said Ron Dapice, the head of New Hampshire Housing.

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That organization helps first-time homebuyers with financing and works with developers to create affordable apartment buildings. Dapice hasn’t taken a position on what codes New Hampshire should adopt. But, he said, the state’s minimum standards don’t necessarily affect what kinds of affordable housing is being built.

“Most of these properties already exceed code requirements. Most of them are built to Energy Star standards. And the owners and contractors, I think, see the value long-term for affordable housing and keeping their operating costs as low as possible,” he said.

Dapice said the upfront cost of building more efficient buildings wouldn’t be borne by lower-income renters. Property managers set rents based on income, and Dapice said construction costs wouldn’t raise the gross rent – rent plus utilities – for folks living in those buildings. Landlords might pay for the utilities themselves, and raise the base rent instead.

If New Hampshire does not adopt the 2021 codes, the state will have different minimum standards than those adopted by the Department of Housing and Urban Development, the Department of Agriculture and the Veterans Administration.

The largest portion of homes affected by this change is likely to be those insured by the Federal Housing Administration. But the standards only apply to new construction, and Dapice said new construction homes are less likely to be purchased using FHA or USDA backed loans.

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“It may not be an everyday occurrence if that type of buyer would be shut out of their financing options,” he said.

But if Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were to adopt the 2021 codes, homeowners using conventional loans would also be subject to the new requirements.

“Then I think you could have a situation where buyers are, they want just a conventional loan and they can’t get it because their house isn’t built to the newest energy code,” Dapice said.

The Federal Housing Finance Agency, which oversees Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, says they are considering ways to support more energy efficiency and have been conducting outreach.

That agency has come under pressure from New Hampshire Sen. Jeanne Shaheen to adopt the 2021 energy conservation code. In a letter earlier this year, she said those standards would improve health, reduce wasted energy and lower costs.

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“Energy efficiency is the cheapest, fastest way to deal with our energy needs,” Shaheen said in an interview earlier this year. “If we’re going to address our long term energy needs, thinking about how we make those buildings more efficient is really important.”





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Seacoast Woman Arrested On 4th DUI Charge: Concord Police Log

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Seacoast Woman Arrested On 4th DUI Charge: Concord Police Log


CONCORD, NH — Lauren Abigail Dennett, born 2002, of Franklin, MA, was arrested at 7:55 p.m. on June 22 on simple assault, domestic violence-simple assault, obstruct report of a crime-injury and domestic violence-obstruct report of a crime-injury charges. She was arrested after an incident or investigation at Grappone Park on Liberty Street.

Jill E. Severance, born 1983, of Concord was arrested at 6 a.m. on June 18 on a bench warrant after an incident or investigation at the Holiday Inn at 172 N. Main St.

Bradley C. Reid, 29, of Concord was arrested at 9:41 p.m. on June 14 on a resisting arrest or detention charge after an incident or investigation on Fisherville Road. He has an active felony acts prohibited charge after being arrested in November 2023, after an investigation or incident at the abandoned Santander Bank on North State Street.

Anne-Marie Ruggles, 51, of Concord was arrested at 7:24 a.m. on June 1 on a warrant after an incident or investigation at the Mobil Kwik Stop at 81 S. Main St. Back in January 2021, she pleaded guilty to a felony subsequent drug possession charge out of Belmont and received a two-to-four-year sentence, suspended for three years with three years probation, as well as a $620 fine. A month later, the sentence was amended — the sentence was completely suspended and she was given credit for 55 days time served. A year later, she was accused of violation of probation and pleaded guilty to the charge in January 2023. She received a 12-month suspended sentence, a year probation, with 57 days of time served credit. Ruggles was accused of violating her probation again and a warrant was issued for her arrest on May 31. She was held on $1,000 cash bail. A probation violation hearing is scheduled for Aug. 15.

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Garrett Rogenski, born 1994, of Concord was arrested at 3:45 p.m. on May 25 on two simple assault charges and a possession of alcoholic beverages-public property violation after an incident or investigationon Triangle Park Drive.

William Leroy Vinal, 55, of Concord received a summons at 6:30 p.m. on May 24 on a criminal mischief charge after an incident or investigation on North State Street.

Jonathan Ruharuka, 22, of Concord was arrested at 6:28 p.m. on May 23 on two simple assault and two criminal mischief charges after an incident or investigation at Regency Hill Estates at 12 East Side Drive. Back in September 2022, Ruharuka pleaded guilty to criminal mischief, driving under the influence, conduct after an accident, and driving after revocation or suspension, escaping felony burglary and receiving stolen property charges as part of the plea deal. He received several suspended sentences, $1,240 in fines, and was given credit for 245 days of time served. Since that plea, he has been arrested at least nine times in Concord. In May 2023, documents from a prior criminal case as well as his immigration paperwork were requested. A month later, he was accused of violating probation. After motions to continue and canceled hearings, Ruharuka has a plea and sentencing hearing slated for Aug. 28 on the violation of probation charge.

Maddison Faith Corey, born 2005, of Epsom was arrested at 3:49 p.m. on May 20 on simple assault, domestic violence-simple assault, criminal trespass, and criminal mischief charges. She was arrested after an investigation or incident on Highland Street.

Jennifer De Lellis Voege, 62, of Barrington was arrested at 4:15 p.m. on April 23 on a driving under the influence-fourth offense charge and an open container violation. She was arrested after an incident or investigation on Allison Street. Voege was arraigned on June 11 and is due back in superior court on July 30 for a dispositional conference hearing.

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Do you have a news tip? Please email it to tony.schinella@patch.com. View videos on Tony Schinella’s YouTube.com channel or Rumble.com channel. Follow the NH politics Twitter account @NHPatchPolitics for all our campaign coverage.



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Bob’s Stores is closing all New England locations. What it means in New Hampshire

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Bob’s Stores is closing all New England locations. What it means in New Hampshire


Bob’s Stores is closing all of its store locations, including one in Hampshire.

The discount retailer announced it’s closing all of its locations throughout Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York and Rhode Island. The only New Hampshire location is located at 1400 Oaklawn Ave. in Cranston.

Bob’s Stores President Dave Barton said the company’s financial struggles led to the liquidation of their physical stores.

“Bob’s has been a stalwart of our local communities for nearly 70 years, and we know our customers remember us as having been there for major moments in their lives,” Barton said. “We remain grateful to our vendors, suppliers, customers and employees for all of their support over the years.”

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Bob’s Stores’ going out of business sale

Bob’s locations started Going Out of Business sales in stores on Friday, June 28, with discounts of ranging 30% to 70% off, according to a press release.

Items like workwear, footwear, team wear and casual clothing will be severely discounted. Certain furniture and equipment products will also be on sale.

Can you use Bob’s Store gift cards?

Store credit and Bob’s Stores gift cards will be usable up until the stores’ last day open. No returns will be accepted at store locations.

Store business will officially be closed to the public after July 14, 2024.

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Is Bob’s Discount Furniture closing too?

Bob’s Discount Furnituren, which has several New Hampshire locations, is not impacted. While the name is similar the two stores are owned by different companies. Bob’s Discount Furniture is owned by Bain’s Capital, while Bob’s Stores is a subsidiary of GoDigital Media Group.

Who founded Bob’s Stores?

Bob Lapidus founded Bob’s Stores when he opened his first “Bob’s Surplus” back in 1954. He died in 2007, at the age of 78.

Rin Velasco is a trending reporter. She can be reached at rvelasco@gannett.com.



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