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Iowa at odds with N.H. on abortion, posing challenge for GOP candidates

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Iowa at odds with N.H. on abortion, posing challenge for GOP candidates


WEST DES MOINES, Iowa — Billie Veach didn’t pause to think last year when asked what issues matter most to her as an Iowa voter who will play an outsize role in selecting the Republican nominee for president.

“We are pro-life,” the 49-year-old said one Sunday on her way out of church. Her husband, Lyle Veach, said the federal government “needs to do something” to curb abortion.

In New Hampshire — which will have its say on Jan. 23, eight days after the Iowa caucuses — another Republican couple wanted something very different. “I don’t think a bunch of politicians, mostly males, have the right to say you cannot do it across the board,” Joan McMahon said, prompting her husband to add, “It’s been kicked down to the states, anyone talking about it on the federal level is wrong.”

In GOP-controlled Iowa, where evangelical Christians dominate the caucuses, the candidates have many incentives to support abortion restrictions. But the same positions that appeal to Iowa conservatives can backfire in New Hampshire, a swing-state where independents play a large role and where a slight majority of likely GOP primary voters say abortion should be legal in all or most cases.

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The gap has at times created some awkwardness for the candidates as they toggle between the two states and attempt a careful balancing act. It has also amplified larger GOP divisions over abortion as candidates navigate competing pressures in a party that has struggled to find a politically effective general election message since a conservative-leaning Supreme Court struck down Roe v. Wade in 2022, generating wide backlash.

Voters in Iowa and New Hampshire have long gravitated to different kinds of candidates, and their differences on abortion have only sharpened in the first presidential election since the end of Roe, which guaranteed access to abortion nationwide.

Disappointing GOP losses over the past year-and-a-half haven’t deterred some antiabortion activists who play an influential role in the primary — even as many Republicans would rather minimize abortion’s role in the presidential race.

“We’re really not looking for a leader that just responds to the polls — we’re looking for the leader that will shape the polls,” said Bob Vander Plaats, an Iowa evangelical leader who has endorsed Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and is the president of a conservative Christian organization called the Family Leader.

The candidates have tailored their message to each state — and seen their applause lines in one place become vulnerabilities in another. More than three-quarters of likely GOP primary voters in Iowa say abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, according to a CBS News poll from September, a stark contrast to New Hampshire, where 49 percent agree.

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Former U.N. ambassador Nikki Haley’s appeals to find areas of “consensus” on abortion — and her declarations that she doesn’t “judge anyone for being pro-choice” — are especially well-received by many voters in the Granite State, where she has gained the most traction.

Now grappling with DeSantis for second place in Iowa, Haley’s campaign is running an ad touting the support of an antiabortion leader in the state, former Iowa Right to Life president Marlys Popma, who calls Haley “a sister in Christ.” No such ads are running in New Hampshire, where one campaign spot features Gov. Chris Sununu (R) praising Haley as someone who “understands fiscal responsibility and individual liberty.”

Haley has faced some skepticism among Iowa evangelical activists such as Vander Plaats, who pressed Haley at a Family Leader forum last fall.

“I had some pro-lifers say, that sounded like a pro-choice answer,” Vander Plaats asked Haley in front of a crowd of 800. “Can you assure them why that’s not a pro-choice answer?”

Put on the spot, Haley later said she would sign a six-week abortion ban in South Carolina if she were still governor there. Soon a rival 2024 candidate, former New Jersey governor Chris Christie, was assailing Haley’s answer in New Hampshire, suggesting she sent a different message in Iowa. Christie, who staked his campaign there before dropping out on Wednesday, appealed heavily to centrist voters who are also key for Haley.

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Former president Donald Trump, meanwhile, has run ads reminding Iowans that he appointed conservative Supreme Court justices who overturned Roe — even as he’s resisted calls to back a specific national limit on abortion and angered activists by calling six-week bans at the state level “terrible.” In many ways, Trump has nodded to both sides of a divisive debate regardless of the state where he is campaigning.

At a Fox News town hall in Iowa this week, one voter pressed Trump to “reassure” her he could “protect life without compromise.”

“You wouldn’t be asking that question, even talking about the issue because for 54 years they were trying to get Roe v. Wade terminated, and I did it, and I’m proud to have done it,” Trump said to applause and cheers. But he added, “a lot of women don’t know if they’re pregnant in five or six weeks, I want to get something where people are happy.”

DeSantis and his allies have assailed those comments as they struggle to chip away at Trump’s daunting polling lead in Iowa — where GOP lawmakers passed a six-week ban. At a CNN town hall last week in Des Moines, DeSantis noted the former president’s 2020 speech at the March for Life in Washington. “Did he flip-flop?” DeSantis asked. “Did he not believe it at the time?”

Yet Trump hasn’t paid much of a political price for backing away from the restrictions he cleared the way for — even in the first-in-the-nation caucus state. He’s expanded his lead in the polls there as the caucuses near. “President Trump’s unmatched record speaks for itself,” Trump campaign spokesman Steven Cheung said in response to DeSantis’s criticisms.

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DeSantis, who is pinning his presidential hopes on Iowa, promoted Florida’s six-week abortion ban on the trail in the Hawkeye State and attended an Iowa antiabortion group’s Christmas gala. In some visits to New Hampshire last year, he didn’t so much as bring up the issue. DeSantis has spent far less time and polls far lower in New Hampshire, where some voters cite his abortion stance as a turnoff.

“I’m a fiscal conservative, but I do not like conservative views on issues like abortion,” said Melissa Fitzpatrick, 45, an undeclared voter from Derry, N.H., who plans to vote in the Republican primary. Out grocery shopping this fall, she said DeSantis’s signing of a six-week ban in Florida added to her concerns about him — she believes “a woman’s body is her choice” — and was more drawn to Christie and Haley.

Abortion is legal in New Hampshire through 23 weeks of pregnancy, a sharp contrast to Iowa, where Republicans passed a six-week ban that is caught up in the courts.

Policy-wise, Haley and DeSantis’s stances on abortion are similar. Haley has said she will sign whatever restrictions can pass, suggesting that would reflect the will of “the people” in different jurisdictions. DeSantis has said the federal government should play a role in abortion but, like Haley, avoids espousing a specific limit.

But they’ve struck different tones and formed different alliances. Haley has the backing of Sununu, who supports significant access to abortion and recently scoffed at near-total ban proposed by a handful of state lawmakers, saying it was headed for the “crazy pile.” DeSantis has the endorsement of Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds (R), who has championed priorities of the base, including the six-week ban.

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“If you like what we’re doing in Iowa, you’re going to love what Ron will do for this country,” Reynolds said Thursday at an event where DeSantis also spoke.

Despite their broad differences, Republicans in Iowa and New Hampshire are similarly skeptical that many antiabortion measures can pass at the federal level — regardless of who’s president.

Even at Billie and Lyle Veach’s evangelical church outside Des Moines — full of social conservatives who are politically active — many congregants thought Haley was smart to emphasize the political barriers to most national measures.

“I think it’s a realistic attitude about where the country is really at,” said Dave Bubeck, standing next to his wife, Denise, last fall.

Nodding to the church behind them, he said: “These people are completely pro-life. … And we are too. But I’m not opposed to the message that she’s saying. Because we live in a fallen world.”

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Showing up to a DeSantis event this month, however, he was ready to serve as a “precinct captain” for the Florida governor on Monday.

“He’s clearly the strongest in his positions on being pro-life,” Dave Bubeck said.

Activist efforts to get the 2024 candidates to commit to specific national measures on abortion have been, in many ways, unsuccessful. Two presidential candidates who advocated a 15-week federal limit — former vice president Mike Pence and Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) — dropped out this fall, unable to catch fire even with the socially conservative Iowans they heavily courted. Many Republican voters who oppose abortion do not view it as a primary issue in the presidential race, eager to elevate other, more unifying priorities or satisfied to see restrictions play out in the states.

“Leave it up to the states, leave it up to the people … let the general population decide how they want it,” said Wayne Defeo, a voter in his 60s who attended a DeSantis event in Laconia, N.H. and calls himself “pro-life.” He said the issue didn’t matter much in his vote.

“It’s probably a state issue at this point,” echoed Meg Jaques, 39, an Iowan who believes that life begins at conception. She wants candidates to share that belief but doesn’t fault them for steering clear of a specific national limit.

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Kathy McNutt, 60, from the area of Gilford, N.H, supports restrictions on abortion but doesn’t hold Trump’s recent comments against him. “I think the Democrats have pushed the pendulum so far to the other side that any conservatism, to me, is better — is helpful,” she said.



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New Hampshire

New Hampshire grapples with nuclear waste storage – Valley News

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New Hampshire grapples with nuclear waste storage – Valley News


In New Hampshire and across New England, nuclear energy is in the spotlight. But as plans for the region’s nuclear future are charted, some of the big questions that stirred New Hampshire in the 1980s remain unanswered.

Gov. Kelly Ayotte has called for New Hampshire to embrace new nuclear technology, while state legislators have introduced multiple bills to promote its development. Then, last week, Ayotte joined the rest of New England’s governors in a bipartisan joint statement calling for the region to pursue advanced nuclear technologies while championing its two existing nuclear power plants.

There are timeline and economic questions about the implementation of emerging nuclear technologies. But front-end logistics aside, some say there’s a bigger and enduring problem: How will we safely handle nuclear waste, in New Hampshire and nationwide?

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A caution sign is shown on a road on the Hanford Nuclear Reservation on June 2, 2022, in Richland, Wash. (AP Photo/Ted S. Warren, File)

The spent fuel that nuclear reactors spit out is hot and remains dangerously radioactive for thousands of years. The U.S. Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982 requires it be safeguarded and separate from nearby populations for at least 10,000 years. The law also requires the United States to come up with a national system to facilitate that at a centralized location, but no plan has yet emerged.

The matter is close at hand in New Hampshire, from the hilly west of the state, where a federal proposal for a deep nuclear waste storage site once threatened to displace residents, to the Seacoast, where spent fuel from the Seabrook Station power plant is generated and stored. To activists, just how we will handle the hazardous material is a hanging question that challenges the wisdom of embarking on a new nuclear era.

“There have been efforts over several decades here in New Hampshire to raise attention to this issue, but, obviously, we haven’t seen much real movement,” said Doug Bogen, executive director of the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League.

No stranger to nuclear waste

Three hundred or so million years ago, the long, fiery process that turned New Hampshire into the Granite State began. As magma seeped up into the crust from below and began to cool, seams of grainy, crystalline granite slowly formed.

The immense pockets of stone formed through this process are called plutons. When erosion washes away the sediments and soils around them, plutons can form mountains like the 3,155-foot Mount Cardigan. That peak is the crest of New Hampshire’s largest pluton: an approximately 60-mile long and 12-mile wide stretch of granite running through western New Hampshire.

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In the 1980s, this swath of stone attracted an unexpected visitor: the United States Department of Energy, searching for a site to excavate a long-term storage facility for the nation’s nuclear waste.

Spent fuel remains radioactive for several million years, but its radioactivity decreases with time. The period of “greatest concern,” where levels of radiation are more dangerous to humans, lasts about 10,000 years, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency.

So, to keep the waste contained over that period, the U.S. government plans to rely on a combination of engineering and favorable geology, according to Scott Burnell, senior public affairs officer with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. A long-term storage site is envisioned underground, because certain minerals can help shield radiation.

Granite is one such mineral. That’s what drew the department to western New Hampshire in the ’80s, Bogen recalled.

In 1986, the department announced that a 78-square-mile area on the pluton, centered around the town of Hillsborough, was one of a dozen sites across the country under consideration for a potential deep storage facility. Residents understood then that a number of surrounding towns would have been partially or entirely seized by the federal government through eminent domain to make way for the facility. Many were distraught.

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“There weren’t any Yankees that were going to take that,” said Paul Gunter, a founding member of the anti-nuclear Clamshell Alliance.

The “Clams,” as well as the New Hampshire Radioactive Waste Information Network, which Gunter also co-founded; the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League; and other environmental groups, towns, and individuals mobilized quickly. In addition to organizing demonstrations, activists also circulated a warrant article opposing the generation and dumping of nuclear waste in New Hampshire. One hundred and thirty-seven towns ultimately voted to pass it, according to the New Hampshire Municipal Association.

Their opposition was multi-pronged, Gunter said. Organizers had health and safety concerns about the management of nuclear power and highly radioactive waste, including a lack of faith that the radiation would be safely isolated from human populations. They were also concerned about the proliferation of nuclear technology and the security risks that would come along with the transport of highly enriched nuclear fuel through their region. With some pacifist Quaker roots, the Clamshell Alliance also was, and remains, deeply opposed to nuclear weapons, Gunter said. They consider the matters of nuclear power and nuclear weapons inextricable.

News that New Hampshire was under consideration for a possible dump broke in January 1986. Later that year, the New Hampshire Legislature passed a law opposing the siting of such a dump in the state. When the Department of Energy dropped New Hampshire from its list, the storm seemed to have passed.

But while the Clams and others celebrated that, they continued to oppose the issue around which they had first come together: Seabrook Station nuclear power plant. At the time, then-Gov. John H. Sununu said he believed the two matters had to be considered separately. But Gunter said opposing the generation of nuclear waste went hand-in-hand with opposing its storage.

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To this day, he said, the issues are often discussed separately, allowing the threat of nuclear waste to take a backseat in discussions and planning around nuclear energy.

New Hampshire’s high-level radioactive waste act was quietly repealed in 2011, and a subsequent attempt by the late former Rep. Renny Cushing to reintroduce legislation on the topic, opposing the siting of a high-level waste facility in New Hampshire, was defeated in 2020.

Where we are now

Hillsborough’s story has echoes elsewhere across the country. The most progress toward a potential deep storage site occurred at Nevada’s Yucca Mountain, where excavation took place, but the site was abandoned amid opposition from the state.

In broad strokes, a similar story has repeated in other instances where a site was proposed, Burnell said. But a spokesperson for the Department of Energy, the agency charged with finding a location, said their search continues nonetheless.

President Donald Trump’s administration has taken a new tack, framing the search for a waste facility along with potential new development as a search for a “nuclear lifecycle innovation campus.” The move comes as Trump has attempted to bolster the U.S. nuclear industry, calling for a surge in nuclear generation and development with multiple executive orders.

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“The Nuclear Lifecycle Innovation Campuses Initiative is a new effort to modernize the nation’s full nuclear fuel cycle,” a spokesperson for the department’s Office of Nuclear Energy said in an email. That would involve a federal-state partnership with funding for a nuclear technology facility where many stages of the process could be colocated, they said, naming fuel fabrication, enrichment, reprocessing, and “disposition of waste” as some of what would occur at such a site.

The deadline for states to submit “statements of interest” for hosting sites was April 1, and the spokesperson said “dozens” of responses had been filed. But they declined to say whether New Hampshire was among those, and the New Hampshire Department of Energy did not immediately respond to the same question.

In the meantime

Spent fuel generated at Seabrook Station is initially stored in 40-plus-foot-deep pools of water for preliminary cooling, then moved to steel-and-concrete casks, according to Burnell and NextEra spokesperson Lindsay Robertson. The concrete casks remain on-site on a concrete pad, Burnell said. Until another plan is developed, this is the case for spent fuel generated at reactors across the nation.

The storage facilities in use at Seabrook were tested and built to government standards, intended to withstand “extreme weather,” Robertson said. She declined to say how much spent fuel was generated or stored at Seabrook Station.

Since coming online in 1990, Seabrook Station has generated a significant portion of New England’s power without generating much news. Yet Gunter said his concerns about the station and storage of its spent fuel have not been ameliorated with the passage of time.

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“They’ve been affirmed,” he said.

Gunter has concerns about concrete degradation and wiring at Seabrook Station and other power plants nationwide. Regarding waste, Gunter and Bogen said they worry about sea level rise affecting the storage area; Seabrook Station is located adjacent to tidal marshland. And, lacking a national plan for more long-term storage of nuclear waste, they wonder what will happen to the material currently stored on a temporary basis at Seabrook if no such plan emerges.

Gunter said his concerns about nuclear waste are part and parcel to his overall opposition to nuclear power, including those generators already in use.

“The new reactors are still on paper. The real threat is really in the day-to-day operation of aging nuclear power plants that are way past their shelf life,” he said.

Nuclear power plants are expensive to construct, creating what Bogen called the “opportunity cost” of embracing them at the expense of other sources of power generation. He and Gunter see renewable energy, principally through offshore wind, as safer and faster to deploy, and were disappointed to see politicians renew their focus on nuclear energy.

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“It is coming back in a rebranding, which this industry is very well versed in,” Gunter said. “… Nuclear waste is going to be a persistent hazard over geological spans of time, while the electricity is going to be a fleeting benefit.”

Bogen said he wanted to see more reinforcement of the waste stored at Seabrook in a model called hardened on-site storage. But in terms of dealing with future waste, he and Gunter believe the best solution would be to stop generating it altogether.

“If you find yourself in a hole,” Bogen said, “the first thing you do is stop digging.”

Conversely, the New Hampshire Department of Energy does not see the question of nuclear waste as a barrier to further development in the state, according to an email from department Legislative Liaison Megan Stone. The nuclear roadmap that Ayotte’s March executive order directed the department to craft would include consideration of the “nuclear lifecycle,” including storage and “disposition” of waste, Stone said.

Then, she alluded to the expectation that a federal plan would emerge. “Dry cask storage is a safe and effective method of storing spent nuclear fuel until it is collected by the federal government,” she said.

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New Hampshire

Teen motorcyclist from Douglas killed in NH crash

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Teen motorcyclist from Douglas killed in NH crash


A motorcyclist from Douglas was killed in a crash on Friday, April 17 in Campton, New Hampshire.

Police in Campton identified the victim as Elias Alexandro Ramos, 18, of Douglas. He was pronounced dead at the scene, police said.

The crash occurred shortly before 11 a.m. on Route 3. The initial investigation indicates Ramos was traveling north on a Honda motorcycle when it went off the road and into a guardrail, police said. He was thrown from the motorcycle.

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It appears speed or alcohol were not factors in the crash, according to police. Ramos wore a helmet, although it may not have been properly worn, police said.

The crash remains under investigation.

Ramos was due to graduate from high school in the spring. He had dreams of becoming a mechanic, according to his older brother, Alexander.

“He was so mature for his age, already having the next couple of years planned out,” said Alexander in an email to the Telegram & Gazette.

On a GoFundMe page he created to help with family expenses after his brother’s death, Alexander wrote of the way Elias would bring joy and laughter to those around him.

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“Elias had a gift for making people smile, and he was always there to help anyone in need,” he wrote.



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New Hampshire

Forget In-N-Out; Savor A Local Burger At Five Guys While Sipping Dunkin’ Coffee.

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Forget In-N-Out; Savor A Local Burger At Five Guys While Sipping Dunkin’ Coffee.


New Hampshire residents have a lot of pride in where we live.  Especially if you’ve lived here your whole life.  There are certain questions that when people not from around here ask, we tend to roll our eyes.  I’ve come up with a few that really get under my skin.

Not Everyone in New Hampshire Knows How to Garden

People assume that everyone from New Hampshire grow their own food.  That’s just not true.  I shop at Hannaford, sometimes Tendercrop for my produce.  Don’t get me wrong, I admire those who grown their own food, but just because I live in NH, doesn’t mean I can grow a tomato.  I wish.

Not Everyone in NH Loves the Cold

This one really gets me.  I do not know how to ski.  I suppose it’s true that at a few times in my life I have been dragged to the mountain and convinced that I should put on a pair of skis and try my skill at flying down a mountain with these huge sticks on my feet, trying to avoid the trees. All the while being frozen to the bone.  No thank you. I’ll meet you in the lodge and greet you with hot cocoa and love.

READ THIS:  Here are 6 New Hampshire Restaurants That Opened in March 2026

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No, we don’t have an In & Out Burger and I’m not sure we want or need one.  We have Five Guys and if you’ve ever tried their french fries, you know that’s all we need. We also don’t have as many Starbucks as you might want if you’re not from around here. We are happy with a Dunks around every corner.

Oh, and I wish I knew Adam Sandler.

Check out this list of annoying questions and let me know if you have any additions to the list.  👇

8 Questions That Instantly Annoy New Hampshire Locals

Gallery Credit: Sarah Sullivan

14 ‘Most Booked’ Restaurants in Greater Boston, Massachusetts and New Hampshire

14 ‘Most Booked’ Restaurants in Maine/ Greater Boston – New Hampshire

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Gallery Credit: Sarah Sullivan

 





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