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As bail reform goes to negotiations, some say a compromise is finally possible • New Hampshire Bulletin

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As bail reform goes to negotiations, some say a compromise is finally possible • New Hampshire Bulletin


Ever since the New Hampshire Legislature passed a bill aimed at reducing the number of people held without bail in 2018, lawmakers – particularly Republican ones – have sought to roll it back. But among those seeking to limit who can be released on bail, divisions have emerged, and those disagreements have doomed past efforts. 

This year, lawmakers are in the same position: considering a bill to reduce the availability of bail and wrestling over the best way to do it. But this time, some say a deal is closer than ever. 

“It has taken years of debate to figure out how to fix our broken bail system but this bill now presents a solution to fix the problem,” argued Sen. Sharon Carson, the Senate majority leader and a Londonderry Republican, in a statement. 

On Wednesday, House and Senate negotiators will meet to try to hammer out an agreement on House Bill 318. As passed by the House, that bill would have created a system that would allow magistrates to adjudicate bail issues when judges are unavailable, an idea intended to reduce the amount of time people have to wait behind bars after being arrested.

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The House bill would have also required that people charged with a series of felonies be held in jail until they can be seen by a judge or magistrate. Currently, people who are arrested during non-court hours may be seen by a bail commissioner, who may make an initial determination of whether they can be released before seeing a judge. The House bill would block the bail commissioner option for those charged with certain felonies.

To House representatives, the legislation was intended as a compromise with the Senate. It came after months of efforts to cobble together a bill that could please both chambers. And it included most – but not all – of the 13 felonies and misdemeanor charges that Senate President Jeb Bradley had requested lead to automatic jail time until the defendant’s arraignment.

But the Senate has made its own tweaks to the compromise bill. And now, the matter is getting another round of negotiations. 

Here are some of the sticking points.

The standard of evidence

One major difference between the House and Senate versions of the bill is how much evidence the judge would be required to see before holding someone charged with a violent felony without bail. 

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Currently, the standard is high. In order to deny bail, a judge must determine by “clear and convincing evidence” that releasing the defendant “will endanger the safety of that person or the public.” 

But there is another, easier, standard to meet: “preponderance of the evidence,” in which the judge need only determine that the risk of danger is more likely true than not true. 

The House had sought to create a new category – “substantial evidence” – to serve as a middle ground. Substantial evidence is defined as “more than a preponderance of evidence and less than clear and convincing evidence.”

But the Senate wants to lower the standard for bail denial down to preponderance of the evidence for all those charged with violent felonies. 

The question of magistrates

Recently, bail reform proponents have pushed one recurring idea: adding magistrates to the system. Magistrates would present an alternative to judges when it comes to holding arraignments, potentially reducing the amount of time defendants are waiting in jail without bail, advocates say.

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Both the House and the Senate’s bills require the judicial branch to hire magistrates, and both would require the branch to determine the cost of doing so and would authorize funding for it out of the state’s general fund. But the Senate would require at least three, and the House would require at least 10.

Both the House and the Senate bills would require either a judge or a magistrate to hold the arraignment within 24 hours of their arrest. But the Senate would also allow the magistrate to hold telephonic arraignments. Under the Senate bill, if a defendant wanted to appeal the magistrate’s telephonic hearing, they could request a new hearing in person. 

Electronic monitoring and protective orders

The House version of the bill would require courts to order electronic monitoring of any defendant who is the subject of a domestic violence or stalking protective order. Currently, electronic monitoring is an option for judges in those cases, but not mandatory. 

Under the House bill, defendants would be responsible for covering the cost of that monitoring, unless the court determined that the defendant couldn’t afford to do so. The state’s counties would develop criteria to determine when a defendant was sufficiently indigent. 

The House bill would also require police departments to attempt to contact the alleged victim within an hour, to warn them if a bail commissioner was releasing the defendant ahead of their arraignment. 

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The Senate removed many of those provisions from the bill – including the requirement that courts order electronic monitoring.

Paying bail commissioners

New Hampshire’s bail commissioners are meant to earn $40 for each defendant for whom they hold a hearing. But commissioners must collect that fee from the defendant directly, and many have testified that the defendant does not have it when arrested, making recovery very difficult. 

Both the Senate and the House bills would change the system so bail commissioners would be paid directly by the court, instead of the defendant; the court would then be responsible for collecting the fee from the defendant. And both chambers’ bills raise the payout to $50 per bail commissioner visit. But while the House bill would pay the commissioners on a monthly basis, the Senate bill would pay them every 90 days.

A ‘political reality’

For advocates of rolling back or limiting the state’s 2018 bail reform, the proposed compromises in the House and Senate are welcome: They allow courts to more easily hold defendants of violent crime.

“No one should be denied bail solely because they cannot afford it. This bill does not change that,” said Sen. Daryl Abbas, a Salem Republican, in a May 16 statement. “However, defendants accused of violent crimes should go in front of a judge to determine if they are a threat to the public. This bill is a comprehensive solution to a complex problem we are facing, and it is critical we pass this bill to ensure the safety of our state.”

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And for supporters of the 2018 bail reform, the bills offer measures that could ensure defendants of other crimes are released more quickly after their arrest, allowing them to return to their lives.

If it were up to Buzz Scherr, professor and chairman of the International Criminal Law and Justice Program at the University of New Hampshire Franklin Pierce School of Law,  lawmakers wouldn’t be changing anything about the 2018 law. Scherr, who has followed and testified on the bills for years, has pointed to falling crime rates in New Hampshire in recent years as evidence that the 2018 law has not made the state less safe and that reforms aren’t needed.

But, said Scherr in an interview: “That’s not political reality. That’s just not going to happen.”

Of the two proposals for reform, Scherr personally prefers the House version – which he terms the “grand bargain” – and argues that the lower evidentiary standard for holding a defendant in the Senate version would lead to more people being held after being arrested, “but not necessarily the right people.” 

Those who want to pare back bail reform have argued that police departments have been overwhelmed with defendants who are released and reoffend. But Scherr said the impact of making bail stricter could upend individuals’ lives in the interest of cracking down. If people are held in jail for days or weeks after their arrest, they can lose everything – even if they are ultimately found not guilty at the end of the trial. 

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“You’re going to hold people who shouldn’t be held,” he said. “And it’s going to ruin their lives.”



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‘Not cosmetic’: NH lawmaker wants state to cover GLP-1 drugs for weight loss – Concord Monitor

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‘Not cosmetic’: NH lawmaker wants state to cover GLP-1 drugs for weight loss – Concord Monitor


Two years ago, Sue Prentiss got a sobering reality check at her doctor’s office. The news was blunt: She qualified for bariatric surgery, a procedure for patients whose weight poses life-threatening risks.

She was aware of her weight and had tried everything from high-intensity workouts to weight loss programs and diets. Nothing seemed to help until she started taking GLP-1 medications.

Prentiss said between then and now, she had lost almost 80 pounds. 

But at a $500 out-of-pocket monthly fee, every refill is a financial pinch.

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“I’m just getting by, but I’m so much healthier, and if this can work for me, think about everybody else’s life where this would impact,” said Prentiss, a state senator.

To keep up with the cost, she’s made hard choices like cutting back on retirement contributions and squeezing her budget wherever possible.

Sen. Sue Prentiss Credit: Courtesy

Now, Prentiss is sponsoring Senate Bill 455, which would require the state to provide GLP-1 medications under the state Medicaid plan as a treatment for people with obesity.

As of January, New Hampshire’s Medicaid program has ended coverage for GLP-1 drugs like Saxenda, Wegovy and Zepbound for weight loss. The state still covers the medications when they’re part of a treatment plan for other chronic conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, certain cardiovascular diseases, severe sleep apnea and Metabolic Dysfunction-Associated Steatohepatitis (MASH).

According to the New Hampshire Department of Health and Human Services, the state paid managed care organizations $49.5 million to cover GLP-1 medications between July 1, 2025, and June 30, 2026. The policy change in January reduced that cost to $41 million.

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With these drugs gaining popularity, the state estimated that if were to resume covering GLP-1s for weight loss, it would need to spend an additional $24.2 million on top of the $41 million per fiscal year.

Jonathan Ballard, chief medical officer at DHHS, said the agency opposes the bill, which would require Medicaid coverage for anyone with a body mass index above 30 seeking GLP-1 medications specifically for weight loss.

Ballard said the state cannot afford such an expansion when budgets are already tight.

“The department does not have this money today,” he said. “So, living within the realities of our current budget, there will be significant trade-offs. We will have to cut other things that are very important to the health and well-being of New Hampshire to pay for this unless there’s some change.”

GLP-1 drugs carry a steep price tag that puts significant pressure on state budgets, particularly within Medicaid programs. Several states, including California, Pennsylvania and South Carolina, have moved to drop coverage of these medications for weight loss.

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Prentiss initially drafted her legislation with private insurers in mind, but later pivoted to focus on Medicaid to serve more vulnerable populations. She is covered by commercial insurance and said the outcome of the bill will not personally affect her.

Lost coverage

GLP-1 medications mimic a natural hormone in the gut that helps regulate blood sugar, digestion and appetite.

Sarah Finn, section chief for obesity medicine at Dartmouth Health, said she has seen firsthand the impact on her patients after the state dropped Medicaid coverage for weight-loss GLP-1 drugs. 

Without access to these medications, patients experience increased hunger, cravings and persistent “food noise,” as their bodies attempt to return to a higher fat percentage, a process known as metabolic adaptation, she said.

“This is the reality of the state I’m in right now, where I don’t have options except bariatric surgery for my Medicaid patients and a lot of times patients don’t want to do a surgery,” said Finn, at a hearing for the bill on Wednesday. “What I have to tell that patient is there’s nothing I could do to advocate.”

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The Department of Health and Human Services faced a $51 million budget cut when the New Hampshire Legislature passed its biennial budget last year, forcing the department to reduce several services.

While Prentiss acknowledges the financial strain on the department, she wants the state to consider the long-term impact of using GLP-1s to prevent chronic conditions like diabetes, which is largely linked to weight gain and can drive up costs for the state over time.

“By driving down obesity, we can drive down the costs that are related to it,” she said. 

Prentiss remains on GLP-1 medications and said she feels much healthier than before.

She said that after a few months on the drugs, her blood sugar levels and kidney function began trending toward more normal ranges.

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“It’s not cosmetic,” she said. “Obesity is a medical condition.”



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New Hampshire grapples with nuclear waste storage – Valley News

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New Hampshire grapples with nuclear waste storage – Valley News


In New Hampshire and across New England, nuclear energy is in the spotlight. But as plans for the region’s nuclear future are charted, some of the big questions that stirred New Hampshire in the 1980s remain unanswered.

Gov. Kelly Ayotte has called for New Hampshire to embrace new nuclear technology, while state legislators have introduced multiple bills to promote its development. Then, last week, Ayotte joined the rest of New England’s governors in a bipartisan joint statement calling for the region to pursue advanced nuclear technologies while championing its two existing nuclear power plants.

There are timeline and economic questions about the implementation of emerging nuclear technologies. But front-end logistics aside, some say there’s a bigger and enduring problem: How will we safely handle nuclear waste, in New Hampshire and nationwide?

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A caution sign is shown on a road on the Hanford Nuclear Reservation on June 2, 2022, in Richland, Wash. (AP Photo/Ted S. Warren, File)

The spent fuel that nuclear reactors spit out is hot and remains dangerously radioactive for thousands of years. The U.S. Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982 requires it be safeguarded and separate from nearby populations for at least 10,000 years. The law also requires the United States to come up with a national system to facilitate that at a centralized location, but no plan has yet emerged.

The matter is close at hand in New Hampshire, from the hilly west of the state, where a federal proposal for a deep nuclear waste storage site once threatened to displace residents, to the Seacoast, where spent fuel from the Seabrook Station power plant is generated and stored. To activists, just how we will handle the hazardous material is a hanging question that challenges the wisdom of embarking on a new nuclear era.

“There have been efforts over several decades here in New Hampshire to raise attention to this issue, but, obviously, we haven’t seen much real movement,” said Doug Bogen, executive director of the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League.

No stranger to nuclear waste

Three hundred or so million years ago, the long, fiery process that turned New Hampshire into the Granite State began. As magma seeped up into the crust from below and began to cool, seams of grainy, crystalline granite slowly formed.

The immense pockets of stone formed through this process are called plutons. When erosion washes away the sediments and soils around them, plutons can form mountains like the 3,155-foot Mount Cardigan. That peak is the crest of New Hampshire’s largest pluton: an approximately 60-mile long and 12-mile wide stretch of granite running through western New Hampshire.

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In the 1980s, this swath of stone attracted an unexpected visitor: the United States Department of Energy, searching for a site to excavate a long-term storage facility for the nation’s nuclear waste.

Spent fuel remains radioactive for several million years, but its radioactivity decreases with time. The period of “greatest concern,” where levels of radiation are more dangerous to humans, lasts about 10,000 years, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency.

So, to keep the waste contained over that period, the U.S. government plans to rely on a combination of engineering and favorable geology, according to Scott Burnell, senior public affairs officer with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. A long-term storage site is envisioned underground, because certain minerals can help shield radiation.

Granite is one such mineral. That’s what drew the department to western New Hampshire in the ’80s, Bogen recalled.

In 1986, the department announced that a 78-square-mile area on the pluton, centered around the town of Hillsborough, was one of a dozen sites across the country under consideration for a potential deep storage facility. Residents understood then that a number of surrounding towns would have been partially or entirely seized by the federal government through eminent domain to make way for the facility. Many were distraught.

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“There weren’t any Yankees that were going to take that,” said Paul Gunter, a founding member of the anti-nuclear Clamshell Alliance.

The “Clams,” as well as the New Hampshire Radioactive Waste Information Network, which Gunter also co-founded; the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League; and other environmental groups, towns, and individuals mobilized quickly. In addition to organizing demonstrations, activists also circulated a warrant article opposing the generation and dumping of nuclear waste in New Hampshire. One hundred and thirty-seven towns ultimately voted to pass it, according to the New Hampshire Municipal Association.

Their opposition was multi-pronged, Gunter said. Organizers had health and safety concerns about the management of nuclear power and highly radioactive waste, including a lack of faith that the radiation would be safely isolated from human populations. They were also concerned about the proliferation of nuclear technology and the security risks that would come along with the transport of highly enriched nuclear fuel through their region. With some pacifist Quaker roots, the Clamshell Alliance also was, and remains, deeply opposed to nuclear weapons, Gunter said. They consider the matters of nuclear power and nuclear weapons inextricable.

News that New Hampshire was under consideration for a possible dump broke in January 1986. Later that year, the New Hampshire Legislature passed a law opposing the siting of such a dump in the state. When the Department of Energy dropped New Hampshire from its list, the storm seemed to have passed.

But while the Clams and others celebrated that, they continued to oppose the issue around which they had first come together: Seabrook Station nuclear power plant. At the time, then-Gov. John H. Sununu said he believed the two matters had to be considered separately. But Gunter said opposing the generation of nuclear waste went hand-in-hand with opposing its storage.

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To this day, he said, the issues are often discussed separately, allowing the threat of nuclear waste to take a backseat in discussions and planning around nuclear energy.

New Hampshire’s high-level radioactive waste act was quietly repealed in 2011, and a subsequent attempt by the late former Rep. Renny Cushing to reintroduce legislation on the topic, opposing the siting of a high-level waste facility in New Hampshire, was defeated in 2020.

Where we are now

Hillsborough’s story has echoes elsewhere across the country. The most progress toward a potential deep storage site occurred at Nevada’s Yucca Mountain, where excavation took place, but the site was abandoned amid opposition from the state.

In broad strokes, a similar story has repeated in other instances where a site was proposed, Burnell said. But a spokesperson for the Department of Energy, the agency charged with finding a location, said their search continues nonetheless.

President Donald Trump’s administration has taken a new tack, framing the search for a waste facility along with potential new development as a search for a “nuclear lifecycle innovation campus.” The move comes as Trump has attempted to bolster the U.S. nuclear industry, calling for a surge in nuclear generation and development with multiple executive orders.

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“The Nuclear Lifecycle Innovation Campuses Initiative is a new effort to modernize the nation’s full nuclear fuel cycle,” a spokesperson for the department’s Office of Nuclear Energy said in an email. That would involve a federal-state partnership with funding for a nuclear technology facility where many stages of the process could be colocated, they said, naming fuel fabrication, enrichment, reprocessing, and “disposition of waste” as some of what would occur at such a site.

The deadline for states to submit “statements of interest” for hosting sites was April 1, and the spokesperson said “dozens” of responses had been filed. But they declined to say whether New Hampshire was among those, and the New Hampshire Department of Energy did not immediately respond to the same question.

In the meantime

Spent fuel generated at Seabrook Station is initially stored in 40-plus-foot-deep pools of water for preliminary cooling, then moved to steel-and-concrete casks, according to Burnell and NextEra spokesperson Lindsay Robertson. The concrete casks remain on-site on a concrete pad, Burnell said. Until another plan is developed, this is the case for spent fuel generated at reactors across the nation.

The storage facilities in use at Seabrook were tested and built to government standards, intended to withstand “extreme weather,” Robertson said. She declined to say how much spent fuel was generated or stored at Seabrook Station.

Since coming online in 1990, Seabrook Station has generated a significant portion of New England’s power without generating much news. Yet Gunter said his concerns about the station and storage of its spent fuel have not been ameliorated with the passage of time.

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“They’ve been affirmed,” he said.

Gunter has concerns about concrete degradation and wiring at Seabrook Station and other power plants nationwide. Regarding waste, Gunter and Bogen said they worry about sea level rise affecting the storage area; Seabrook Station is located adjacent to tidal marshland. And, lacking a national plan for more long-term storage of nuclear waste, they wonder what will happen to the material currently stored on a temporary basis at Seabrook if no such plan emerges.

Gunter said his concerns about nuclear waste are part and parcel to his overall opposition to nuclear power, including those generators already in use.

“The new reactors are still on paper. The real threat is really in the day-to-day operation of aging nuclear power plants that are way past their shelf life,” he said.

Nuclear power plants are expensive to construct, creating what Bogen called the “opportunity cost” of embracing them at the expense of other sources of power generation. He and Gunter see renewable energy, principally through offshore wind, as safer and faster to deploy, and were disappointed to see politicians renew their focus on nuclear energy.

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“It is coming back in a rebranding, which this industry is very well versed in,” Gunter said. “… Nuclear waste is going to be a persistent hazard over geological spans of time, while the electricity is going to be a fleeting benefit.”

Bogen said he wanted to see more reinforcement of the waste stored at Seabrook in a model called hardened on-site storage. But in terms of dealing with future waste, he and Gunter believe the best solution would be to stop generating it altogether.

“If you find yourself in a hole,” Bogen said, “the first thing you do is stop digging.”

Conversely, the New Hampshire Department of Energy does not see the question of nuclear waste as a barrier to further development in the state, according to an email from department Legislative Liaison Megan Stone. The nuclear roadmap that Ayotte’s March executive order directed the department to craft would include consideration of the “nuclear lifecycle,” including storage and “disposition” of waste, Stone said.

Then, she alluded to the expectation that a federal plan would emerge. “Dry cask storage is a safe and effective method of storing spent nuclear fuel until it is collected by the federal government,” she said.

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Teen motorcyclist from Douglas killed in NH crash

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Teen motorcyclist from Douglas killed in NH crash


A motorcyclist from Douglas was killed in a crash on Friday, April 17 in Campton, New Hampshire.

Police in Campton identified the victim as Elias Alexandro Ramos, 18, of Douglas. He was pronounced dead at the scene, police said.

The crash occurred shortly before 11 a.m. on Route 3. The initial investigation indicates Ramos was traveling north on a Honda motorcycle when it went off the road and into a guardrail, police said. He was thrown from the motorcycle.

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It appears speed or alcohol were not factors in the crash, according to police. Ramos wore a helmet, although it may not have been properly worn, police said.

The crash remains under investigation.

Ramos was due to graduate from high school in the spring. He had dreams of becoming a mechanic, according to his older brother, Alexander.

“He was so mature for his age, already having the next couple of years planned out,” said Alexander in an email to the Telegram & Gazette.

On a GoFundMe page he created to help with family expenses after his brother’s death, Alexander wrote of the way Elias would bring joy and laughter to those around him.

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“Elias had a gift for making people smile, and he was always there to help anyone in need,” he wrote.



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