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St. Louis Judges Embrace Ankle Monitors Amid Calls to Reform Bail

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St. Louis Judges Embrace Ankle Monitors Amid Calls to Reform Bail

In the heat of an argument last spring, Khyla Mason raised a handgun into the air on a neighbor’s porch. She was acting in self-defense, she said, and never fired, but the confrontation was captured on video, and some children were nearby. Ms. Mason wound up in a St. Louis jail charged with unlawful use of a weapon.

Just a few years ago, someone facing the same charge in St. Louis was likely to pay a small bond and resume life as usual until trial, local attorneys said. But Ms. Mason, who was then 21, was released from jail with a box the size of a deck of cards strapped to her right ankle. It tracked her every move.

For weeks, the device alerted officials each time she missed her court-imposed curfew or left her house without approval. Sometimes, she was buying food or diapers for her 2-year-old son, or taking him to the hospital, she said. After more than two dozen violations, she was sent back to jail.

She remained there for a month.

More and more defendants across the country are being placed on electronic monitors, part of an ambitious effort to prevent overcrowding in the nation’s jails and keep people from being imprisoned while awaiting trial for minor offenses.

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Like courts in Baltimore, Dallas and Los Angeles, the St. Louis city circuit court is among those that have embraced electronic monitoring as a powerful reform of the cash bail system. The number of new monitors activated here more than doubled from the first half of 2021 to the first half of 2024, when it surpassed 550, a New York Times analysis found.

But in that time, St. Louis has had to grapple with some unforeseen complications — including technological mishaps, privacy concerns and high costs — that offer lessons to other courts. More significantly, the devices are now worn by hundreds of people who most likely would not have stayed in jail anyway.

The Times analysis found that about three-quarters of the people monitored in St. Louis in the first half of 2024, including a small number ordered to download monitoring apps, were charged with misdemeanors or lower-level felonies such as unlawful gun possession, driving while intoxicated and third-degree assault. In the past, people facing those kinds of charges would generally have been offered a cash bail, four local criminal attorneys said.

The devices have subjected some defendants to more scrutiny than those individuals would have otherwise faced. They have also made it more obvious that the defendants were accused of a crime, and several said that having a visible monitor cost them a job or made it hard to attend school or care for a child or an older relative.

In a statement, Joel Currier, a St. Louis city circuit court spokesman, acknowledged that monitoring was “an imperfect tool,” but said that the court’s program balanced “the rights of the accused as well as the safety of crime victims and the community.”

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Michael K. Mullen, a retired St. Louis city circuit judge who supports monitors, said the devices were better for defendants than jail.

“That’s what they have to be reminded of when they come in front of me,” he said.

But Matthew Mahaffey, who runs the city’s public defender office, which represents people who cannot afford attorneys, said that monitoring was too often required of people who posed no flight risk or threat to public safety.

Making matters worse, he said, the devices have occasionally malfunctioned and provided inaccurate readings.

“Until it gets cleared, it looks like a violation, which can put the client in a tricky spot,” Mr. Mahaffey said, adding that defendants had been sent back to jail or issued harsher sentences as a result.

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Research has also shown that electronic monitoring can lead to isolation and prejudice from landlords and employers, said Kate Weisburd, an expert on surveillance and technology who teaches at U.C. Law San Francisco. She raised further concerns about privacy.

“As there is a growing appetite to end incarceration, there’s this knee-jerk reaction to want to substitute incarceration with something,” she said. “We can’t just strip people of their privacy rights the moment they are arrested for a crime.”

Last year, The Times sat in on dozens of pretrial bond hearings, which are held to determine whether a person who has been arrested will be released or held in jail, and interviewed more than 20 people who wore ankle monitors. The charges against them ranged from harassment and property damage to domestic assault.

James Neal wore a monitor for about six months last year after he sped away from a traffic stop. He was later charged with fleeing, resisting arrest and drug and firearm possession, court records show.

Mr. Neal, 42, was not allowed to carry a weapon because of a past felony conviction. He said he kept one anyway because of the city’s high crime rates.

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Once the monitor was installed, Mr. Neal had to charge the device by connecting it to an outlet and sitting tethered to the wall for hours at a time. That was especially difficult while he was looking after his young son, he said.

Mr. Neal received violations because the battery died and because he left his house without the court’s permission, court records show. Once, he was cited for spending two nights at his mother’s house after a death in the family, the records confirm.

Mr. Neal pleaded guilty in July and was sentenced to probation.

Ms. Mason, who was sent back to jail last summer for the violations her monitor flagged, fell behind on her rent while she was incarcerated, she said. By the time she was released in August, she had been evicted from her north St. Louis apartment. She was in the second trimester of a new pregnancy.

Ms. Mason said the monitor affected her life in other ways. After wearing it to the hospital where she worked as a dietary worker, she lost her job. The hospital said she was let go because of poor attendance, but Ms. Mason said she had covered her absences with sick time.

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In the months that followed, she said, potential employers zeroed in on her ankle at job interviews.

“I can’t really get a job or any good opportunities because people instantly judge me,” she said in October.

In December, a judge reduced Ms. Mason’s felony charges to a single misdemeanor. If she stays out of trouble for two years, the remaining charge will be expunged from her record.

She had the ankle monitor removed two weeks before giving birth in the new year.

The St. Louis city circuit court began using devices with GPS technology to monitor a small number of defendants about a decade ago. At first, the initiative drew criticism because of how it was funded: The private company running the program charged defendants installation and surveillance fees, and those who could not afford those fees could be sent back to jail.

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The program remained small for years. But in 2019, amid a wave of bipartisan bail reform policies, the Missouri Supreme Court directed judges across the state to seek out alternatives to incarceration for defendants who could not afford bond.

In St. Louis, the number of people ordered to wear monitors spiked, data shows. The numbers held steady during the pandemic, when public health officials called for fewer people to be held in jails, and then surged when Gabe Gore — who cast himself as a law-and-order candidate — became circuit attorney and ramped up prosecutions.

In the cases The Times observed last year, prosecutors regularly recommended monitoring for people being considered for release. In a statement, Mr. Gore’s office said that monitors were not the default, and that prosecutors evaluated the facts of each individual case.

While defense lawyers can weigh in on the recommendation, judges ultimately decide whether a defendant will be detained or released, and whether monitoring is necessary. Judges are supposed to impose the “least restrictive” conditions to ensure public safety as well as the defendant’s return to court.

Mr. Currier declined to make Judge Christopher E. McGraugh, who became the court’s presiding judge in January, available for an interview.

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In many ways, the St. Louis court has done more than most to make the monitors less disruptive to defendants’ lives. It now covers the costs of monitoring for those who cannot afford to pay, something many other courts across the country, including the neighboring St. Louis County circuit court, do not do. In recent months, the city’s circuit court has paid for almost 90 percent of people who were being monitored, data shows.

In addition, the court’s pretrial services office offers bus passes and mental health and shelter referrals to people with pending cases, Mr. Currier said.

Total Court Services, a company based in Michigan, is the court’s contractor for monitoring services. It rents a small office across the street from the courthouse; there, four or five employees keep tabs on more than 400 defendants at a time.

The vice president for sales and marketing, Jason Tizedes, said the company was trying to make monitoring less intrusive. It recently released a smartphone app that judges in the St. Louis city circuit court have started to use in a limited number of cases.

“If folks are lower risk, you don’t want to overmonitor them,” Mr. Tizedes said in an interview. “If you oversupervise, overmonitor people that don’t need it, it’s essentially setting them up for failure.”

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As for the privacy concerns, Mr. Tizedes said, the company shares people’s location data only with court officials and law enforcement officers who have warrants. He blamed the job loss and the discrimination people with monitors sometimes face on unsympathetic employers.

David D. Hemphill, who works in home renovation, said he felt that discrimination while wearing a visible monitor last year. After landing fewer contracts than he expected, he fell into a depression.

Mr. Hemphill, 38, said that he had been arrested after failing to pull over for a traffic stop and leading the police on a 30-minute chase. He said that the officer who had initiated the stop was a neighbor, and that he did not trust the police.

Four months after the arrest, the charges against Mr. Hemphill were dropped, he said. But in that time, Mr. Hemphill became increasingly paranoid. His monitor beeped constantly and issued loud voice alerts. Sometimes he did not know whether the noises meant that the equipment was faulty or that he had unknowingly violated the terms of his release.

Once he began wearing his monitor, he noticed just how many of his co-workers on construction sites were wearing the same kind of device. He started talking to them about their experiences and realized that many felt the same as he did.

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“Each violation plays on your mental,” he said. “You don’t know what the outcome is going to be. These people have your life in their hands.”

Though many see it as a reform, electronic monitoring has drawn wide-ranging criticism both in St. Louis and across the country.

Blake Strode, the executive director of ArchCity Defenders, a St. Louis civil rights law firm that has challenged the use of cash bail and inhumane jail conditions, called the city circuit court’s monitoring program “an incarceration scheme” that set people up to be jailed for technical violations.

Mr. Strode acknowledged that judges used cash bail less frequently now, and that the jail population had shrunk. But electronic monitoring starts punishing people as soon as they are charged with a crime, he said, not after a finding of guilt.

“We should ask whether that trade-off is worth it,” Mr. Strode said.

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The policy has also faced a different critique: that letting people accused of crimes await trial at home undermines public safety. Some critics have also said that court officials and prosecutors have not been aggressive enough in punishing people for violations.

In St. Louis, that argument gained traction in 2023, after a man awaiting trial on robbery charges ran a red light and seriously injured a teenage pedestrian. The defendant, Daniel Riley, had amassed dozens of GPS violations before the crash, but was never ordered to appear in court over the infractions. The city’s circuit attorney at the time, Kim Gardner, resigned amid the controversy.

National proponents of electronic monitoring like Carl Wicklund, a former executive director of the American Probation and Parole Association, continue to see the value in the system. But Mr. Wicklund said that people with the devices must be able to hold jobs, secure housing and be involved with their families, churches and communities.

Without those things, he said, defendants become “higher risk, because they have nothing to lose.”

According to the St. Louis circuit court’s 2023 annual report — the most recent it has published — nearly 87 percent of defendants who wore monitors completed their pretrial periods without a new arrest. The figure was nearly the same for defendants who awaited trial at home without monitors. (The court cautioned against using the statistics to draw conclusions about the effectiveness of monitoring, saying that the figures did not account for factors such as age, criminal history and substance abuse.)

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Court officials’ investment in the program continues to grow. This fiscal year, the city budgeted more than $850,000 for the initiative, a record high for St. Louis. Budget documents show the court is on track to spend more than $1 million on the initiative.

In the spring, the court plans to solicit proposals from contractors interested in providing monitoring services after its current contract expires. Mr. Tizedes said Total Court Services was likely to submit a bid.

Justin Mayo contributed reporting. Susan C. Beachy contributed research.

This article was reported in partnership with Big Local News at Stanford University.


ABOUT THE ANALYSIS

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To calculate the number of new ankle monitors activated in St. Louis, The Times analyzed hundreds of pages of monthly invoices that Total Court Services sent to the St. Louis City 22nd Circuit Court from October 2020 through June 2024. The invoices, obtained through a public records request, show how much Total Court Services billed for each defendant (identified by case number) who used 24/7 ankle monitoring services. The Times excluded defendants monitored only via the company’s smartphone app, CourtFact, which has a limited GPS component. The invoices specify start and end dates, as well as whether the court or the defendant was responsible for payment.

To calculate the share of monitored defendants who were charged with misdemeanors or class D or E felonies, The Times analyzed the court’s monthly pretrial data reports. The reports, which are available online, include monthly counts of defendants released from jail with GPS monitors broken down by class of charge.

Discrepancies between the invoices and the court’s reports are because the reports indicate the month judges ordered defendants to wear GPS monitors while the invoices indicate when the monitors were activated, and the two dates can be different. Additionally, pretrial data reports included defendants released with CourtFact smartphone monitoring in the totals. Beginning in June 2024, the reports included only defendants with GPS ankle monitoring.

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Judge Tosses Citizenship Law Aimed at New Voters in New Hampshire

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Judge Tosses Citizenship Law Aimed at New Voters in New Hampshire

A federal judge has struck down a New Hampshire law that blocked new voters from using a sworn affidavit to prove their citizenship in the absence of official documents such as a birth certificate or passport.

The decision, filed late Thursday by Judge Samantha D. Elliott of the U.S. District Court in New Hampshire, found that “eliminating the affidavits” as a means of proving citizenship “constitutes an unjustifiable burden on the right to vote in violation of the First and 14th Amendments.” The ruling immediately overturned the law, which was passed in 2024 and signed by the Republican governor at the time, Chris Sununu.

A spokesman for New Hampshire’s Justice Department said the state intended to appeal the decision.

The law “represents a common-sense approach to voter registration and election administration designed to protect the integrity of our elections,” the spokesman, Michael Garrity, said in a statement on Friday.

The law, which created some of the strictest voter registration requirements in the country, was challenged by the American Civil Liberties Union of New Hampshire on behalf of several groups, including the League of Women Voters of New Hampshire.

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“New Hampshire’s elections have always been safe, secure and accurate,” Henry Klementowicz, the state A.C.L.U.’s deputy legal director, said in a statement. “This law could have unconstitutionally and needlessly prevented thousands of eligible voters from casting a ballot.”

Reports of wrongful voting in the state did not decline after the law’s passage, Judge Elliott noted, with a similar number of reports filed with the state attorney general in the year before the law was passed, and the year after.

The push for proof of citizenship has been at the core of Republican-backed efforts to change voting rules, ever since President Trump and his allies began promoting baseless conspiracy theories over the past decade that there has been widespread voter fraud by noncitizens.

Mr. Trump put documentary proof of citizenship at the center of his effort to change the country’s voting laws last year. He first signed an executive order in March 2025 that partly sought to establish such a requirement for federal elections, but that provision of the order was rejected by federal courts.

Republicans in Congress then took up the charge, making documentary proof of citizenship central to their federal voting legislation, known as the SAVE America Act. But the measure has stalled in Congress, where Republicans do not have enough votes to overcome a Democratic filibuster of the bill.

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With the bill in limbo, Mr. Trump has threatened not to sign any other legislation until Republicans reform the filibuster to pass it, a procedural move known as the “nuclear option.” But his threats have not moved many Republicans to make the move.

There is no evidence of widespread voting by noncitizens, and the Trump administration’s efforts to prove these conspiracies are not succeeding: Out of 49.5 million voter registrations that have been checked by the beginning of 2026, the Department of Homeland Security referred around 0.02 percent of the names for further investigation. Any actual proven cases are likely to be a fraction of that fraction.

Even before the new law was passed, New Hampshire’s voting access had been more limited than most states’. It did not offer early in-person voting, or registration by mail for most voters. And it removed inactive voters after four years. More than 195,000 voters were removed in 2021 alone, according to a summary of evidence in the 100-page court decision.

New Hampshire does offer same-day registration on Election Day, an option that was used by voters some 350,000 times from 2016 to 2024, witnesses testified.

Under the law that was struck down, voters who showed up to register could present a birth certificate, a passport, naturalization papers “or any other reasonable documentation.” But they could no longer, as an alternative, sign an affidavit stating they were 18, a resident of the municipality they were voting in and a citizen of the United States.

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“It may be tempting for some to describe the Qualified Voter Affidavit as an exception to the proof-of-citizenship requirement, but it is not,” Judge Elliott wrote in her decision. “A sworn affidavit capable of exposing an affiant to criminal prosecution is a method of proving citizenship.”

“Moreover,” she added, “the evidence shows that it is the only method of proof available to a significant number of New Hampshire voters.”

Experts testified in a trial this year that 5,000 to 30,000 residents in the state did not have documentary proof of citizenship. They said that 14,700 voters had used the affidavit option to register to vote from April to November of 2024.

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Which first lady feared her husband might be having a stroke? The quiz knows

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Which first lady feared her husband might be having a stroke? The quiz knows

From left: Jeff Bezos, Roland Garros, Jill Biden.

Marco Bertorello/AFP via Getty Images; Branger/Getty Images/Hulton Archive; Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images


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Marco Bertorello/AFP via Getty Images; Branger/Getty Images/Hulton Archive; Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

This week, the pope took a stand on artificial intelligence in an encyclical Google Gemini called “historic and highly ambitious” and an “aggressive, uncompromising critique.” Thanks, Gemini! Enjoy the quiz, y’all.

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Becerra leads governor’s race, with Hilton and Steyer in tight contest for second spot, poll finds

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Becerra leads governor’s race, with Hilton and Steyer in tight contest for second spot, poll finds

On the cusp of California’s gubernatorial June 2 primary, a poll shows voters are closely divided among three candidates vying to succeed Gov. Gavin Newsom at a perilous moment in history for the state and the nation.

Among likely California voters, 25% support Xavier Becerra, a Democrat and former Biden Cabinet secretary, according to the survey by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies that was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles Times and released Thursday. Republican Steve Hilton, a former Fox News commentator and British political strategist, has the backing of 21%, while 19% backed billionaire hedge fund founder turned environmental activist Tom Steyer, a Democrat.

California gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra takes a selfie while campaigning Tuesday at an event in San Francisco.

(Benjamin Fanjoy / Getty Images)

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The survey provided the clearest indication yet that the three have separated themselves from the rest of the field. Support increased for Becerra, Hilton and Steyer since the last Berkeley IGS poll in March. Becerra leapfrogged everyone. In early March, he wallowed near the bottom of the pack at just 5% support among likely voters, and now is the front-runner.

The other candidates floundered. Support for Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican, dropped 5%, and he now finds himself in a distant fourth place. Former Democratic Rep. Katie Porter of Irvine dropped by almost half to 7%. San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and state Supt. of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond — all Democrats — remained mired in the single digits.

Poll director Mark DiCamillo cautioned that it remains unclear which candidates will finish in first and second place in the June 2 primary, a pivotal question since only the top two finishers will advance to the November general election regardless of party affiliation. The low voter turnout thus far makes predicting the outcome especially difficult.

Although every registered voter in California was sent a mail-in ballot, many have not returned them or dropped them off at voting locations — a telltale sign of the uncertain nature of this year’s governor’s race. The survey, which included all 61 of the gubernatorial candidates on the ballot, found that Democratic turnout thus far is noticeably lower compared with past primary elections, DiCamillo said.

Steve Hilton, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, arrives for a news conference

Steve Hilton arrives for a news conference at the San Jose Diridon rail station on Tuesday.

(Jason Henry/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

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“We’re assuming that … the Democrats will in fact turn out in the final week after we had concluded our poll and begin to make up ground on what looks like an early lead for Hilton, and those voters favor Becerra,” DiCamillo said.

The survey, conducted between May 19 and 24, found that likely Democratic voters favored Becerra over Steyer by 11 percentage points. Voters registered as “no party preference” were evenly divided among Becerra, Steyer and Hilton. Among likely Republican voters, Hilton led Bianco by almost 2 to 1.

Becerra also had a notable edge over Steyer among women and Latino voters, while Steyer had an advantage among Black voters. Hilton was favored over the two Democrats among self-identified libertarians and among voters in Orange County, the Central Valley and northern coast and Sierra region.

The poll found that 7% of voters remained undecided.

For the first time in more than a quarter of a century, the contest to lead the nation’s most populous state and the world’s fourth-largest economy has consistently lacked a front-runner despite a plethora of candidates.

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Two of California’s best-known Democrats, former Vice President Kamala Harris and U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, both toyed with a run for governor before deciding not to run, which contributed to the sluggishness of the race. The 2026 campaign for governor also languished in the shadow of the mayhem stirred up by President Trump, including his immigration raids throughout Southern California, and the devastation wrought by the 2025 Pacific Palisades and Altadena wildfires.

But a whirlwind of recent developments has drawn attention to the race.

Former Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), once a front-runner in the contest, withdrew from the race and resigned from Congress in the aftermath of multiple allegations of sexual misconduct and assault that he denies.

Tom Steyer, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, during a campaign event

Tom Steyer takes part in a campaign event in Santa Rosa on Wednesday.

(David Paul Morris / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

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Additionally, record-breaking amounts of money have flowed into the race. Steyer has smashed state self-funding records by contributing $212 million to his campaign as of Tuesday, according to the California secretary of state’s office. Nearly $85 million has been donated to independent expenditure committees by corporations, labor unions, tech titans, Native American tribes and other special interests, most of which will have policy interests that will be in front of the next governor.

Although the 2026 California governor’s race lacks the allure of recent contests that featured candidates such as global movie star Arnold Schwarzenegger, political scion Jerry Brown and former San Francisco mayor and likely 2028 presidential candidate Gavin Newsom, it is unfolding at a crucial time for Californians.

The state’s most vulnerable residents are facing severe reductions to medical care because of looming federal healthcare funding cuts, and California’s budget, already volatile because of its reliance on the state’s wealthiest residents, may grow more unpredictable. California’s highest-in-the-nation gas prices increased even more because of the U.S.-Iran war, adding to the state’s entrenched affordability crisis, which has driven many residents out of the state.

The cost of living, homelessness and public safety were among the top concerns expressed by voters, according to the poll. Protecting voting rights was also supported by most voters, though their underlying concerns could be starkly different based on their political views.

Democrats have been focused on the disenfranchisement of voters, a fear that has heightened in the aftermath of a recent Supreme Court decision that gutted a section of the Voting Rights Act that forced states to draw voting districts to help elect Black or Latino representatives to Congress. Republicans echo President Trump’s claims of elections being rigged.

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Chad Bianco is interviewed after the California Gubernatorial debate

Chad Bianco is interviewed May 6 after the gubernatorial debate at the Skirball Cultural Center in Los Angeles.

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

Voters split largely along party lines about issues such as Trump’s policies about climate change, immigration and taxes.

Voters’ uncertainty in the governor’s race is partly driven by California’s unique, voter-approved “jungle” primary system, in which the two candidates who win the most votes in the June 2 primary advance to the November general election, regardless of party affiliation.

Although the state’s voters are largely registered Democrats, the party’s leaders feared earlier this year that they would splinter among the multiple Democrats on the ballot, leading to Hilton and Bianco advancing to the November general election and ensuring that a Republican would be elected governor. Bianco had the backing of 11% in the new Berkeley survey.

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The Republicans were once roughly tied in polls, until Trump endorsed Hilton in April. More than one-third of likely Republican voters said Trump’s endorsement of Hilton made them more likely to support him. Among voters who identified with the “Make America Great Again” movement, nearly two-thirds supported Hilton while less than 3 in 10 backed Bianco.

Though Bianco’s followers seem to be more passionate, “Hilton has got the much broader base of support, and then he got Trump’s endorsement,” DiCamillo said.

He added that Hilton’s rise is unusual in California, where statewide candidates typically spend enormous sums of money to raise their visibility among the state’s 23.1 million registered voters.

“What’s interesting about Hilton is that he hasn’t really done much of his campaigning in the traditional way. He hasn’t run huge amounts of television advertising, you don’t see his name out there in the traditional media, other than in free media,” DiCamillo said. “You can see that in the data, because almost a third of voters still have no opinion of Hilton … about what it was back in March, which is startling for a candidate who is among the leaders.”

Democrats’ fear of being locked out of the November general election led party leaders and allies to effectively urge low-polling candidates to drop out of the race in remarkable public statements in March.

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The tables have since turned — the prospect of two Republicans winning the top spots in the June primary appear nonexistent, while polling shows a small possibility of two Democrats advancing to the general election.

“I’m not saying it’s likely, but it’s possible that two Democrats could emerge, and that would have huge implications on turnout in the [November] election,” DiCamillo said, pointing to California congressional races that could shape control of the U.S. House of Representatives. “If you don’t have a Republican at the top of the ticket, it would be dismal for the Republicans’ chances.”

The poll of 8,578 registered California voters was conducted online in English and Spanish and has a margin of error of about 2 percentage points in either direction.

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