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Texas House lawmakers OK bills that would require judges to deny bail for certain felonies

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Texas House lawmakers OK bills that would require judges to deny bail for certain felonies


Texas House lawmakers signed off on three bills May 19 that would tighten restrictions on bail and keep more defendants in jail while they await trial for certain felony charges. The measures received bipartisan support in the Republican-led House, which rejected similar legislation during previous legislative sessions.

A proposal that would require judges to deny bail for undocumented immigrants charged with certain felonies did not receive the two-thirds majority support needed May 19, although House members can take an additional vote later if more support is garnered.

“I’ve never voted on any legislation more important than what we’re getting ready to consider, because it holds the very key to the life or death of some very wonderful people, some very innocent people,” Rep. John Smithee, R-Amarillo, who sponsored the bills in the House, said May 19.

What you need to know

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On the House floor May 19, proponents of the measures spoke of a “broken” bail system under which violent offenders are released from jail and continue committing crimes.

“As a sheriff, I had to answer these questions on a regular basis as to how a person got out and was able to commit another crime, another felony,” former Jackson County Sheriff and freshman Rep. AJ Louderback, R-Victoria, said May 19. “I had to tell them [it was the] bail system.”

Opponents of the proposals, including the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas and the Texas Civil Rights Project, have expressed concerns that tightening restrictions on bail would strip defendants of due process protections and limit judges’ authority to make case-by-case decisions.

House lawmakers adopted Senate Joint Resolution 5, which proposes amending the Texas Constitution to require judges to deny bail for certain violent offenses. If state senators approve the House’s amendments to SJR 5, it will appear on Texas voters’ ballots in November.

The House gave initial approval to Senate Bill 9, which would expand a list of offenses for which defendants could not be released on low-cost bonds; and SB 40, which would prohibit local governments from giving public money to nonprofits that help cover bail costs. House members must vote on these bills one more time before they can be sent back to the Senate.

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The bail package is expected to be signed by Gov. Greg Abbott, who has deemed tightening bail laws an emergency priority for three straight sessions. In a social media post following the May 19 votes, Abbott called the bipartisan support of his priorities “incredible” and said Texas was “one step closer to saving lives.”

SJR 1, a proposed constitutional amendment that would require judges to deny bail for undocumented migrants accused of certain felonies, did not receive the 100 votes required to adopt the measure and place it on the ballot. House members can bring the proposal up for an additional vote as soon as May 20.

Zooming in

Under SJR 5, judges would be required to deny bail to defendants accused of certain violent offenses, including murder, human trafficking and aggravated sexual assault. The state would be required to demonstrate that a defendant is a flight risk or threat to public safety before bail would be denied. Defendants would also have the right to legal counsel in bail hearings, according to the legislation.

The measure approved by the House would go further than the Senate’s original proposal, which would give judges more discretion to deny bail.

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“It may not be perfect, but it’s the best we can do to fix a system that’s been broken for a long time,” Smithee said on the House floor. “This bill has [Sen. Joan] Huffman’s name on it, … but it’s not her bill or my bill, or even the governor’s bill. This bill truly belongs to the families of the victims, and the victims themselves, who have suffered these needless tragedies.”

Sen. Joan Huffman, R-Houston, speaks with state representatives on the Texas House floor May 19. (Hannah Norton/Community Impact)

“We wouldn’t be here if there weren’t real life examples of people being released who plainly should not have been,” Rep. Joe Moody, D-El Paso, said before the vote on SJR 5.

Moody added that lawmakers should also adjust the state’s bail system to help people who commit lower-level crimes and cannot afford bail.

“That’s how the bail reform conversation started a decade ago,” Moody said May 19. “For every improperly released defendant who commits a serious crime, there’s 100 low-level offenders held when they shouldn’t be, whose lives are upended. We need to do both.”

House members adopted SJR 5 with a 133-8 vote May 19.

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SJR 1 proposes amending the state constitution to automatically deny bail to unauthorized immigrants charged with certain felonies. Just two House Democrats were in favor of the proposal on May 19, causing it to fall short of the two-thirds majority threshold needed for constitutional amendments.

The version proposed in the House includes a tighter definition of “illegal alien” than what the Senate approved, which Smithee said would prevent lawful permanent residents and people with other protected statuses from being swept up under the bill. Democrats asked that people with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status and people who came to the U.S. to flee violence also be excluded, although their amendments were rejected.

Smithee said he would work with Democrats to expand the protected immigration classes referenced in the bill before the House takes another vote on SJR 1.

Rep. Erin Gámez, D-Brownsville, who voted against SJR 1, said local judges and magistrates who set bail do not have the resources or training to handle immigration decisions.

“There are immigration judges who spend hours making this careful determination—entire courts that have been carved out alone to make these very carefully planned-out, judicious determinations, and it’s your opinion that a magistrate can simply do it,” Gámez said May 19.

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Moody said he voted for SJR 1 because it would limit the bill to about 20 felonies related to elections, drug and violent crimes. Under the Senate’s version of the legislation, Moody said, unauthorized migrants would be denied bail for any felony offense.

“If a felony sounds serious, you should know that there are about 2,500 felonies to be charged with in Texas,” Moody said on the House floor.

Moody added that he was concerned about the idea that all undocumented migrants are violent criminals.

“From Twitter to town halls, the language around immigration is toxic,” he said. It’s dehumanizing, and in some cases, it’s nakedly racist. We talk about policy that’s supposed to save lives, but this type of scapegoating led to a mass murder in my hometown just a few years ago, and since then, that rhetoric has gotten worse, not better.”

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SB 9 would expand on a 2021 state law that limited who is eligible for low-cost personal bonds. Under the bill, defendants would have to meet a higher bond if accused of unlawful possession of a firearm; violation of a family violence protective order; terroristic threat; or murder as a result of manufacturing or delivering fentanyl.

Rep. Mitch Little, R-Lewisville, said judges would be required to document their reasoning when determining whether to hold a defendant in jail or release them on bond. The state would also be able to appeal bail decisions. If a case is appealed, the defendant would remain behind bars for up to 20 days during litigation.

“From time to time, we’re going to see magistrates or district judges make mistakes or make bad decisions about bail concerning violent offenses,” Little said May 19. “[SB 9] is going to make the people in our districts back home safer, and it’s going to protect us from ongoing conduct by people who are repeat violent offenders.”

House members initially approved SB 9 with a 122-20 vote May 19. The proposal must receive one more vote before it can head back to the Senate.

In a statement following the vote on SB 9, the ACLU of Texas said the legislation would unfairly punish poor Texans.

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“This bill violates basic principles of due process, keeps poor people in jail for being poor, and hands prosecutors a veto over judicial decisions,” said Nick Hudson, a senior policy and advocacy strategist for the ACLU of Texas. “Texas families deserve reforms rooted in evidence, fairness and public safety instead of fear.”

One more thing

SB 40 would prohibit the use of public funds to pay nonprofit organizations that cover bail costs. The legislation stemmed from allegations that Harris County has given nearly $2.1 million since 2022 to the Bail Project, an organization that helps low-income defendants meet bail.

In February, a spokesperson for the Bail Project told Community Impact that the organization does not accept public money. Funds received from Harris County were reimbursements, the spokesperson said, because state law allows refunds if a defendant appears at all required court dates.

“There was a dispute as to whether this was happening in Harris County. … We’re not here to adjudicate that today,” Smithee said on the House floor May 19. “We’re just saying that it shouldn’t happen in the future. This is not a good use of taxpayer money.”

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SB 40 was initially passed with a 132-13 vote and will need a final vote before it returns to the Senate.



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Austin, TX

3 Keys For Texas Baseball To Advance Out Of Austin Regional

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3 Keys For Texas Baseball To Advance Out Of Austin Regional


The road to Omaha starts now for the No. 6 national seed Texas Longhorns. For the 39th time in the program’s storied history, the Longhorns will host the NCAA Regional with the opportunity to host a super regional if they can get out of a talent grouping. 

This year’s Austin Regional is paired up with the Eugene Regional, hosted by the No. 11 Oregon Ducks. Last season, Texas had its best season since 2010 in its first year in the Southeastern Conference, but everything came crashing down when the Longhorns lost twice to the UTSA Roadrunners. 

While last year’s result served as a lesson for the returners, most of the 2026 squad was either at other places or in high school, marking a new beginning for many. 

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“It’s always the most fun time of year, and certainly when you need the opportunity to play at home,” head coach Jim Schlossnagle said. “Welcome to Holy Cross, Tarleton State, and UCSB. Looking forward to great three or four days of baseball.”

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Here are some keys for the Longhorns to make it out of the regional round of the NCAA Tournament for the first time since 2023. 

1 – Aiden Robbins Must Produce 

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Texas junior outfielder Aiden Robbins chants after hitting a double in the fifth inning against Mississippi State on May 2, 2026, at UFCU Disch-Falk Field in Austin, Texas. | Noah McCord, The Reflector

At one point in the season, Texas junior outfielder Aiden Robbins was one of the most dangerous hitters in the nation. For a hitter who has never batted under .300 dating back to high school, he maintained his production in a much more competitive SEC slate. 

But in the final couple of games in the season, Robbins has not been the same imposing bat that won him the SEC Newcomer of the Year honors. Dating back to the Tennessee series, Robbins has gone 4-for-21 at the plate while striking out nine times. 

The Longhorns’ top-of-the-order bat is also riding a three-game hitless streak heading into postseason play. 

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Robbins is battling back from a stomach bug that took him out early in the second game of the Missouri series and the entirety of the regular season finale. 

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If Texas wants to get out of its regional, its best bat for the entirety of the season must get back to his original form. A possible tuneup game against Holy Cross may be the switch to get him back. If not, he’ll have to move down in the order to allow catcher Carson Tinney and SEC Freshman of the Year, Anthony Pack Jr., to be the brunt of the offensive load. 

2 – Texas Can’t Get Into The Loser’s Bracket

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The Longhorns celebrate following a victory at the Bruce Bolt College Classic | Texas Athletics

Playing two games in one day is almost a death sentence for any team with hopes of making it out of the regional. 

Texas learned this the hard way: after beating Houston Christian in the first game of last season’s regional, the Longhorns fell in the second game to UTSA, forcing them to battle in the losers’ bracket with Kansas State. 

Despite beating Kansas State on Sunday, Texas only had around an hour’s break before the regional final game, and a rematch with UTSA, ultimately in the regional defining loss. 

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“The biggest thing we learned is that everything up to this point just doesn’t, doesn’t matter. It’s all out the window – it’s a new season,” Luke Harrison said. “We’ve got to find a way to get better as a team and play better than we have all year.”

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Texas is rolling out Harrison for game one against Holy Cross, saving Dylan Volantis for a big-time game on Saturday for either a rematch with Tarleton State or against a talented UC-Santa Brarba team. 

While Texas does have the arms to win out of the losers’ bracket, it’s a task that will cause more pressure on the entire team. 

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3 – Starters and Bullpen Must Play Their A-Game 

Sophomore pitcher Dylan Volantis and junior catcher Carson Tinney walk to the Texas dugout against the Mississippi State Bulldogs on May 1, 2026, at UFCU Disch-Falk Field in Austin, Texas. | Noah McCord, The Reflector

It has been well documented that the bullpen has seen its fair share of woes this season, and one of the keys to beating Texas is to retire the starter early to force them to tap into the bullpen early. 

The starting trio of Harrison, Dylan Volantis and Ruger Riojas must eat up as many innings as possible, something they’ve done for the most part the entire season. Then it’s up to the bullpen to not allow the opposition to gain momentum down the stretch. 

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For Schlossnagle, there will not be much experimentation in the regional, and the arms that have proven their worth will get the nod. 

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“The guys who have pitched the best all season, they’re going to pitch the most,” Schlossnagle said. “If that means a reliever who maybe hasn’t pitched before the seventh inning has to come in a different part of the game, that’s what’s going to happen.” 

While the SEC Tournament was disappointing on the hitting front, Texas was able to get looks from multiple pitchers in different parts of the game. Freshman pitchers, Sam Cozart and Brett Crossland, will be primary options while Thomas Burns and Haiden Leffew cannot struggle in the late-inning situations 

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Austin, TX

Texas Education Agency rejects Austin ISD’s plan for failing schools

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Texas Education Agency rejects Austin ISD’s plan for failing schools


The Texas Education Agency rejected a partnership proposed by the Austin Independent School District to buy the district more time to avoid a state takeover. In a letter sent to Superintendent Matias Segura on Thursday, the TEA denied the district’s request to hand over three middle schools to an outside provider to run them under what is known as an 1882 agreement.

In March, the district proposed partnering with the Texas Council for International Studies to run Burnet, Dobie and Webb middle schools as charter schools. The three campuses have received four consecutive unacceptable grades from the state’s accountability system. A fifth failing grade could trigger a total takeover of the entire district, with the TEA replacing the school board with a board of managers.

The letter sent to Segura explains the operating partner must comply with three criteria: have at least three years of experience before taking over a campus; have managed multiple campuses for multiple years; and have significantly improved the academic performance of campuses. The TEA says TCIS only meets two of those three criteria, and it “does not qualify as an operating partner with the capacity necessary to successfully turn around campuses.”

The TEA argues TCIS has failed to prove a track record of improving campuses’ academic performance. TCIS has managed 16 campuses in San Antonio ISD, Longview ISD and Edgewood ISD. However, only five out of those campuses had a D or an F rating before being operated by the non-profit.

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AISD Superintendent Segura said in a written statement to families on Thursday evening that the district remains confident that TCIS is capable of lifting student outcomes.

“While this response is disappointing, I want to assure you that this is not the end of the process,” Segura said in the statement. “TEA has explicitly invited Austin ISD to submit additional information to support and reinforce our application, and we fully intend to do so.”

If approved, the two-year 1882 agreement would allow the district to pause the accountability clock for these three schools. AISD and TCIS can still continue with the partnership, but if they choose to, the TEA said, Burnet, Dobie and Webb would not get the benefits of the 1882 agreement, including state funding and reprieve from state ratings.

When the partnership was approved during a board meeting in March, Segura said district officials were confident the TEA would approve it because they had talked with TCIS about expectations and had visited their schools. Segura said the district had also received feedback from the TEA about the plan and had adjusted the partnership accordingly.

“When we look at the timeline, we could see on May or June before we get a final approval. But we are not shy about asking questions and making adjustments where appropriate,” he said. “But if the agency does not accept after all of that we would appreciate the opportunity to make the adjustment, which is what we have seen them do.”

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KUT reached out to the TEA to ask about when a final decision must be made, and has not heard back.

Ratings for the 2025-2026 school year have not yet been released. But in his message to parents Thursday, Segura said the district is seeing “promising accelerated student growth” across the district. He said district officials will continue advocating for a partnership.





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Austin, TX

Repeated Theft Attempts Expose Weak Security at Austin Gun Store

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Repeated Theft Attempts Expose Weak Security at Austin Gun Store


Austin Police Department officers arrested three suspects, all under the age of 18, in connection with a series of shootings, stolen vehicles, and other violent crimes that unfolded across Austin, Texas, and nearby Manor on May 16 and May 17. According to court records obtained by CBS Austin, the suspects allegedly stole a 9mm Glock pistol from Central Texas Gun Works, a high-profile gun store in Austin, hours before carrying out the 12 shootings, which injured four people, struck homes and vehicles, and damaged fire department property.

The store’s owner, Michael Cargill — a well-known gun rights advocate and the plaintiff behind the Supreme Court’s landmark Garland v. Cargill decision that struck down the federal bump stock ban — denies that the pistol stolen from his store was used in the shootings, though police say they recovered 9mm casings from the crime scenes.

Regardless, the theft draws attention to Central Texas Gun Works’ security measures, as Cargill himself admitted that one of the shooting spree suspects had attempted to rob the store multiple times in recent months, as discussed below.

Thefts from Central Texas Gun Works

In public statements following the shootings, Cargill repeatedly blamed local prosecutors for releasing the juvenile suspects after an earlier gun theft from his store in January. But his own comments also reveal security failures that allowed the same suspects who had tried to steal firearms at Central Texas Gun Works multiple times before escaping with one.

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According to Cargill, one of the shooting spree suspects had attempted to steal guns from Central Texas Gun Works on four previous occasions, including most recently in January, when he asked to examine a gun and then ran out of the store with it. Cargill said he personally chased the suspect onto a city bus, stopped the bus from leaving, and had the driver lock the doors until police arrived. After cornering the suspect on the crowded bus, Cargill alleges that he told the teen, “If you pull out this gun on the back of this bus, you better think twice about what you’re doing. Because if you do, we will both die on this bus before I let you off this bus.”

Cargill lamented that Texas state law only allows a person to use deadly force against a person stealing a firearm at night, but not during the day.

Despite prior theft attempts, Cargill also acknowledged to reporters that customers are not required to show identification before handling firearms inside the store. Cargill stated that he and his employees only check a person’s ID “once they’re purchasing a firearm.” When answering questions from reporters, Cargill said that if someone asked to look at a gun, they wouldn’t have to show ID — at least “not initially.” In other words, according to Cargill, individuals could walk into the store, request a firearm, and physically handle it before any identity verification occurred.

Even after the same suspect had allegedly targeted the store multiple times, no additional safeguards appeared to be in place to prevent someone from simply grabbing a firearm and fleeing the building. During another interview, Cargill said the suspect walked in “at the perfect time” when Cargill was teaching a class and another employee was “doing something” and “ask[ed] to look at a firearm,” then “boom, dart[ed] out the front door.”

minimal security requirements

The incident highlights broader concerns about gun dealer security practices and the lack of meaningful federal requirements governing how guns are displayed, handled, or secured inside retail gun stores, despite thousands of firearms being lost or stolen from dealers every year. Unlike pharmacies, jewelry stores, dispensaries, or even some electronics retailers — businesses that often employ controlled-entry systems, tethered merchandise, locked displays, or mandatory identification procedures for potential customers — gun dealers face relatively limited federal security requirements despite selling lethal weapons.

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For its part, the National Shooting Sports Foundation, the gun industry’s trade association, lobbies against store security requirements, arguing that they are too “costly” and “burdensome” for dealers.

Cargill’s own statements suggest his store relied heavily on reactive measures, such as surveillance cameras and armed pursuit after thefts occurred, rather than preventative barriers designed to stop unauthorized individuals from physically obtaining firearms in the first place. Instead of addressing the security failures that made his gun store an easy target, Cargill argued that the Texas legislature needs to loosen gun laws to allow gun store owners “to use deadly force for theft of a firearm during the daytime. We would have no problem putting them on the escalator and sending them to Jesus.”

Following media reports linking the stolen firearm to Central Texas Gun Works, Cargill also threatened legal action against journalists and local news outlets that reported the gun allegedly used in the shootings came from his store. In a post on X, Cargill wrote that his attorneys were “preparing paperwork to go after every single person and media outlet” that reported the connection, calling the coverage “#Defamation.” The post included an image styled after a movie poster with Cargill standing near his store and the words “OWNER. LEADER. PROTECTOR.”

Cargill’s comments reflect a broader pattern within the firearms industry: When guns are stolen and later used in crimes, responsibility is often placed on prosecutors, courts, or the individuals who pulled the trigger, but far less attention is paid to the security failures that allowed firearms to leave retail stores in the first place.

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