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Analysis | Haley needs a New Hampshire jolt to stop Trump. But where’s the energy?

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Analysis | Haley needs a New Hampshire jolt to stop Trump. But where’s the energy?


MANCHESTER, N.H. — Something is missing in New Hampshire. If there is real competition here, few can sense it. On this final weekend before Tuesday’s first-in-the-nation primary election, a time when presidential candidates should be in a frenzied push to persuade voters, the state is unusually quiet.

After taking it slowly for days, Nikki Haley, fighting to deny former president Donald Trump a second overwhelming victory after the Iowa caucuses, was on the move, finally, with a series of Saturday stops. Trump’s day called for a single rally in Manchester. Meanwhile, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis skipped out to spend the day in South Carolina, where polls show him faring moderately better, but whose primary isn’t until late February.

Veterans of past New Hampshire primaries are puzzled by what they have seen this week. They are especially curious about Haley’s overall strategy here and her decision not to participate in two scheduled debates, including one on WMUR-TV, the dominant channel in the state. That choice alone upended the traditional rhythm of the final week of campaigning and potentially robbed Haley of the opportunity to reach the unaffiliated voters she needs to win.

Strategists also question whether Haley has found a message to energize those voters. At a Friday night rally, she delivered her standard stump speech with little embellishment, rather than a full-throated closing message aimed at Trump and one that describes the real stakes if the party nominates him again. On Saturday, after Trump on Friday confused her with former House speaker Nancy Pelosi, she raised a question about his mental acuity, but her attacks remain limited.

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“She says in her stump speech, ‘I’m going to give you hard truths,’ and then she gives you easy truths,” said Fergus Cullen, a past chairman of the state Republican Party.

It was left to New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, Haley’s most prominent supporter, to provide the spark and energy when he introduced the former United Nations ambassador and former South Carolina governor at a rally Friday night. At this point, Haley is struggling to avoid another significant drubbing after finishing third and more than 30 percentage points behind Trump in Iowa.

Kathy Sullivan, a former New Hampshire Democratic Party chair, contrasted Haley’s campaign efforts ahead of this weekend with those of Hillary Clinton in 2008. Clinton had run third to Barack Obama in Iowa and the then-Illinois senator appeared headed toward a second win in New Hampshire. Clinton threw herself into the campaign here and shocked Obama on primary day with a victory.

“She worked her butt off,” Sullivan said of Clinton. “She didn’t stop. Town halls all over the state. Doing the debates. That’s how she came back and won.” Sullivan said in a Friday interview that she felt that Haley had been “dialing it in.”

Haley’s pace picked up starting Friday, but whether she can narrow what has been a double-digit gap with Trump is questionable, especially without having done the WMUR-ABC News debate. Those debates often have been defining moments in primaries here. Ronald Reagan, after losing Iowa in 1980, used two debates to mount a successful comeback. Clinton gained in 2008 when Obama offered a tepid “you’re likable enough” comment after one of the moderators had asked her why voters did not seem to like her.

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After Iowa, Haley and DeSantis appeared in televised town halls here hosted by CNN, but those are not the same as participating in a debate on the channel that more New Hampshire voters watch than any other.

“WMUR is like apple pie,” said Neil Levesque, the director of the New Hampshire Institute of Politics. “It’s not just a news station. The people on it are like our neighbors… I’m sure it was annoying [for Haley] to have to debate DeSantis again. For the rest of us, it’s 90 minutes of time where she was going to be in our living rooms.”

Beyond questions about Haley’s campaign, both Republicans and Democrats who have been involved in campaigns here lament that something more intangible has been lost. New Hampshire’s primary, they say, has fallen, victim to the lack of real competition in the Republican nomination battle, the absence of President Biden on the Democratic ballot, changes in campaign styles and practices, the dominance of super PACs and the nationalization of presidential politics.

“I’m not nostalgic about the past,” Cullen said. “[But] it’s a fact. There’s been fewer candidates, fewer events, less substance, less opportunity for engagement between average citizens and candidates. This campaign has really taken place on cable TV…. New Hampshire is the backdrop and voters are extras on a set.”

“It’s radically different,” said Mike Vlacich, who was Hillary Clinton’s state director here in 2016. “I hate to oversimplify, but we have two presumptive nominees already. Most people have already assumed this is kind of a race for second. Everything falls from there.”

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New Hampshire, like Iowa, long has had its detractors, who see the mostly-White Granite State as unrepresentative of an increasingly diverse America and who believe that political leaders and ordinary citizens alike have an undeserved sense of privilege about its status as host of the first presidential primary.

In this campaign cycle, Democrats moved against the state. Biden, who finished fifth here four years ago, pushed the Democratic National Committee to redraw the nominating calendar, eliminating Iowa as one of the early contests, elevating South Carolina’s primary to first on the schedule and trying to force New Hampshire to hold its primary on the same day as Nevada.

Yet New Hampshire’s state law requires its primary to be ahead of all other similar events, and so Tuesday will see both a Republican and a Democratic contest. Deferring to the DNC rules, Biden did not file for the primary ballot, but his allies have organized a write-in effort to prevent him from being embarrassed by long shot challengers Rep. Dean Phillips (Minn.) or Marianne Williamson, both of whom registered to appear on the ballot.

For all the criticism of the state by outsiders, New Hampshire’s citizens have been among the most politically engaged in the country over the long history of the primary. Secretary of State David Scanlan predicted Friday that Tuesday’s election will see record turnout in the Republican primary, saying he expects 322,000 people to cast ballots. In 2016, the last contested Republican primary, 287,000 people turned out to vote.

Still, this final weekend lacks the intensity of cycles past. Mike Dennehy, a veteran Republican strategist, said he sees the emergence of super PACs as one cause of the sense of diminished activity. “Super PACs are running campaigns now, not people,” he said.

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All the candidates depend on these super PACs, which can take in millions of dollars in ways a candidate’s official campaign cannot, due to federal election laws. That gives them undue influence, but at a cost.

Jim Merrill, who has been involved in multiple Republican presidential campaigns here, said something is lost. “It’s more difficult for the campaigns to connect [with voters], harder for them to set deeper roots,” he said. “You lose a sense of control and with that a loss of touch and feel. The PACs become the tail wagging the dog.”

Trump, who won the primary here in 2016 after losing Iowa, has his committed supporters but has never run a typical New Hampshire campaign. “Donald Trump in 2016 won without doing town halls, taking questions from voters, without even shaking hands with more than 100 people,” Merrill said. “People say maybe all that retail stuff is overrated… It’s hard to argue otherwise. Haley to her credit has made herself available.”

Haley has the help of Sununu, part of a dynastic Republican family in the state, and therefore connections that DeSantis, who is barely competing here, does not have. How much he can do for her in these last hours is the question.

New Hampshire has seen candidates surge in the final 72 hours. Clinton did that in 2008. Gary Hart did it in 1984 when he shocked Walter F. Mondale in the primary. In 2000, John McCain used a laserlike focus on New Hampshire and its independent-minded voters to upset heavily favored George W. Bush.

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Haley will need to replicate some of that magic by Tuesday if she hopes to show momentum heading to her home state of South Carolina. At the start of the weekend, that has yet to happen.



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New Hampshire

NH Lottery Pick 3 Day, Pick 3 Evening winning numbers for April 19, 2026

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The New Hampshire Lottery offers several draw games for those aiming to win big.

Here’s a look at Sunday, April 19, 2026 results for each game:

Winning Pick 3 numbers from April 19 drawing

Day: 8-6-2

Evening: 8-8-9

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Check Pick 3 payouts and previous drawings here.

Winning Pick 4 numbers from April 19 drawing

Day: 7-6-9-2

Evening: 6-5-8-4

Check Pick 4 payouts and previous drawings here.

Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results

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When are the New Hampshire Lottery drawings held?

  • Powerball: 10:59 p.m. Monday, Wednesday, and Saturday.
  • Pick 3, 4: 1:10 p.m. and 6:55 p.m. daily.
  • Mega Millions: 11:00 p.m. Tuesday and Friday.
  • Megabucks Plus: 7:59 p.m. Monday, Wednesday and Saturday.
  • Lucky for Life: 10:38 p.m. daily.
  • Gimme 5: 6:55 p.m. Monday through Friday.
  • Millionaire for Life: 11:15 p.m. daily.

This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a New Hampshire managing editor. You can send feedback using this form.



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‘Not cosmetic’: NH lawmaker wants state to cover GLP-1 drugs for weight loss – Concord Monitor

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‘Not cosmetic’: NH lawmaker wants state to cover GLP-1 drugs for weight loss – Concord Monitor


Two years ago, Sue Prentiss got a sobering reality check at her doctor’s office. The news was blunt: She qualified for bariatric surgery, a procedure for patients whose weight poses life-threatening risks.

She was aware of her weight and had tried everything from high-intensity workouts to weight loss programs and diets. Nothing seemed to help until she started taking GLP-1 medications.

Prentiss said between then and now, she had lost almost 80 pounds. 

But at a $500 out-of-pocket monthly fee, every refill is a financial pinch.

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“I’m just getting by, but I’m so much healthier, and if this can work for me, think about everybody else’s life where this would impact,” said Prentiss, a state senator.

To keep up with the cost, she’s made hard choices like cutting back on retirement contributions and squeezing her budget wherever possible.

Sen. Sue Prentiss Credit: Courtesy

Now, Prentiss is sponsoring Senate Bill 455, which would require the state to provide GLP-1 medications under the state Medicaid plan as a treatment for people with obesity.

As of January, New Hampshire’s Medicaid program has ended coverage for GLP-1 drugs like Saxenda, Wegovy and Zepbound for weight loss. The state still covers the medications when they’re part of a treatment plan for other chronic conditions, such as type 2 diabetes, certain cardiovascular diseases, severe sleep apnea and Metabolic Dysfunction-Associated Steatohepatitis (MASH).

According to the New Hampshire Department of Health and Human Services, the state paid managed care organizations $49.5 million to cover GLP-1 medications between July 1, 2025, and June 30, 2026. The policy change in January reduced that cost to $41 million.

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With these drugs gaining popularity, the state estimated that if were to resume covering GLP-1s for weight loss, it would need to spend an additional $24.2 million on top of the $41 million per fiscal year.

Jonathan Ballard, chief medical officer at DHHS, said the agency opposes the bill, which would require Medicaid coverage for anyone with a body mass index above 30 seeking GLP-1 medications specifically for weight loss.

Ballard said the state cannot afford such an expansion when budgets are already tight.

“The department does not have this money today,” he said. “So, living within the realities of our current budget, there will be significant trade-offs. We will have to cut other things that are very important to the health and well-being of New Hampshire to pay for this unless there’s some change.”

GLP-1 drugs carry a steep price tag that puts significant pressure on state budgets, particularly within Medicaid programs. Several states, including California, Pennsylvania and South Carolina, have moved to drop coverage of these medications for weight loss.

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Prentiss initially drafted her legislation with private insurers in mind, but later pivoted to focus on Medicaid to serve more vulnerable populations. She is covered by commercial insurance and said the outcome of the bill will not personally affect her.

Lost coverage

GLP-1 medications mimic a natural hormone in the gut that helps regulate blood sugar, digestion and appetite.

Sarah Finn, section chief for obesity medicine at Dartmouth Health, said she has seen firsthand the impact on her patients after the state dropped Medicaid coverage for weight-loss GLP-1 drugs. 

Without access to these medications, patients experience increased hunger, cravings and persistent “food noise,” as their bodies attempt to return to a higher fat percentage, a process known as metabolic adaptation, she said.

“This is the reality of the state I’m in right now, where I don’t have options except bariatric surgery for my Medicaid patients and a lot of times patients don’t want to do a surgery,” said Finn, at a hearing for the bill on Wednesday. “What I have to tell that patient is there’s nothing I could do to advocate.”

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The Department of Health and Human Services faced a $51 million budget cut when the New Hampshire Legislature passed its biennial budget last year, forcing the department to reduce several services.

While Prentiss acknowledges the financial strain on the department, she wants the state to consider the long-term impact of using GLP-1s to prevent chronic conditions like diabetes, which is largely linked to weight gain and can drive up costs for the state over time.

“By driving down obesity, we can drive down the costs that are related to it,” she said. 

Prentiss remains on GLP-1 medications and said she feels much healthier than before.

She said that after a few months on the drugs, her blood sugar levels and kidney function began trending toward more normal ranges.

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“It’s not cosmetic,” she said. “Obesity is a medical condition.”



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New Hampshire grapples with nuclear waste storage – Valley News

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New Hampshire grapples with nuclear waste storage – Valley News


In New Hampshire and across New England, nuclear energy is in the spotlight. But as plans for the region’s nuclear future are charted, some of the big questions that stirred New Hampshire in the 1980s remain unanswered.

Gov. Kelly Ayotte has called for New Hampshire to embrace new nuclear technology, while state legislators have introduced multiple bills to promote its development. Then, last week, Ayotte joined the rest of New England’s governors in a bipartisan joint statement calling for the region to pursue advanced nuclear technologies while championing its two existing nuclear power plants.

There are timeline and economic questions about the implementation of emerging nuclear technologies. But front-end logistics aside, some say there’s a bigger and enduring problem: How will we safely handle nuclear waste, in New Hampshire and nationwide?

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A caution sign is shown on a road on the Hanford Nuclear Reservation on June 2, 2022, in Richland, Wash. (AP Photo/Ted S. Warren, File)

The spent fuel that nuclear reactors spit out is hot and remains dangerously radioactive for thousands of years. The U.S. Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982 requires it be safeguarded and separate from nearby populations for at least 10,000 years. The law also requires the United States to come up with a national system to facilitate that at a centralized location, but no plan has yet emerged.

The matter is close at hand in New Hampshire, from the hilly west of the state, where a federal proposal for a deep nuclear waste storage site once threatened to displace residents, to the Seacoast, where spent fuel from the Seabrook Station power plant is generated and stored. To activists, just how we will handle the hazardous material is a hanging question that challenges the wisdom of embarking on a new nuclear era.

“There have been efforts over several decades here in New Hampshire to raise attention to this issue, but, obviously, we haven’t seen much real movement,” said Doug Bogen, executive director of the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League.

No stranger to nuclear waste

Three hundred or so million years ago, the long, fiery process that turned New Hampshire into the Granite State began. As magma seeped up into the crust from below and began to cool, seams of grainy, crystalline granite slowly formed.

The immense pockets of stone formed through this process are called plutons. When erosion washes away the sediments and soils around them, plutons can form mountains like the 3,155-foot Mount Cardigan. That peak is the crest of New Hampshire’s largest pluton: an approximately 60-mile long and 12-mile wide stretch of granite running through western New Hampshire.

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In the 1980s, this swath of stone attracted an unexpected visitor: the United States Department of Energy, searching for a site to excavate a long-term storage facility for the nation’s nuclear waste.

Spent fuel remains radioactive for several million years, but its radioactivity decreases with time. The period of “greatest concern,” where levels of radiation are more dangerous to humans, lasts about 10,000 years, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency.

So, to keep the waste contained over that period, the U.S. government plans to rely on a combination of engineering and favorable geology, according to Scott Burnell, senior public affairs officer with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. A long-term storage site is envisioned underground, because certain minerals can help shield radiation.

Granite is one such mineral. That’s what drew the department to western New Hampshire in the ’80s, Bogen recalled.

In 1986, the department announced that a 78-square-mile area on the pluton, centered around the town of Hillsborough, was one of a dozen sites across the country under consideration for a potential deep storage facility. Residents understood then that a number of surrounding towns would have been partially or entirely seized by the federal government through eminent domain to make way for the facility. Many were distraught.

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“There weren’t any Yankees that were going to take that,” said Paul Gunter, a founding member of the anti-nuclear Clamshell Alliance.

The “Clams,” as well as the New Hampshire Radioactive Waste Information Network, which Gunter also co-founded; the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League; and other environmental groups, towns, and individuals mobilized quickly. In addition to organizing demonstrations, activists also circulated a warrant article opposing the generation and dumping of nuclear waste in New Hampshire. One hundred and thirty-seven towns ultimately voted to pass it, according to the New Hampshire Municipal Association.

Their opposition was multi-pronged, Gunter said. Organizers had health and safety concerns about the management of nuclear power and highly radioactive waste, including a lack of faith that the radiation would be safely isolated from human populations. They were also concerned about the proliferation of nuclear technology and the security risks that would come along with the transport of highly enriched nuclear fuel through their region. With some pacifist Quaker roots, the Clamshell Alliance also was, and remains, deeply opposed to nuclear weapons, Gunter said. They consider the matters of nuclear power and nuclear weapons inextricable.

News that New Hampshire was under consideration for a possible dump broke in January 1986. Later that year, the New Hampshire Legislature passed a law opposing the siting of such a dump in the state. When the Department of Energy dropped New Hampshire from its list, the storm seemed to have passed.

But while the Clams and others celebrated that, they continued to oppose the issue around which they had first come together: Seabrook Station nuclear power plant. At the time, then-Gov. John H. Sununu said he believed the two matters had to be considered separately. But Gunter said opposing the generation of nuclear waste went hand-in-hand with opposing its storage.

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To this day, he said, the issues are often discussed separately, allowing the threat of nuclear waste to take a backseat in discussions and planning around nuclear energy.

New Hampshire’s high-level radioactive waste act was quietly repealed in 2011, and a subsequent attempt by the late former Rep. Renny Cushing to reintroduce legislation on the topic, opposing the siting of a high-level waste facility in New Hampshire, was defeated in 2020.

Where we are now

Hillsborough’s story has echoes elsewhere across the country. The most progress toward a potential deep storage site occurred at Nevada’s Yucca Mountain, where excavation took place, but the site was abandoned amid opposition from the state.

In broad strokes, a similar story has repeated in other instances where a site was proposed, Burnell said. But a spokesperson for the Department of Energy, the agency charged with finding a location, said their search continues nonetheless.

President Donald Trump’s administration has taken a new tack, framing the search for a waste facility along with potential new development as a search for a “nuclear lifecycle innovation campus.” The move comes as Trump has attempted to bolster the U.S. nuclear industry, calling for a surge in nuclear generation and development with multiple executive orders.

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“The Nuclear Lifecycle Innovation Campuses Initiative is a new effort to modernize the nation’s full nuclear fuel cycle,” a spokesperson for the department’s Office of Nuclear Energy said in an email. That would involve a federal-state partnership with funding for a nuclear technology facility where many stages of the process could be colocated, they said, naming fuel fabrication, enrichment, reprocessing, and “disposition of waste” as some of what would occur at such a site.

The deadline for states to submit “statements of interest” for hosting sites was April 1, and the spokesperson said “dozens” of responses had been filed. But they declined to say whether New Hampshire was among those, and the New Hampshire Department of Energy did not immediately respond to the same question.

In the meantime

Spent fuel generated at Seabrook Station is initially stored in 40-plus-foot-deep pools of water for preliminary cooling, then moved to steel-and-concrete casks, according to Burnell and NextEra spokesperson Lindsay Robertson. The concrete casks remain on-site on a concrete pad, Burnell said. Until another plan is developed, this is the case for spent fuel generated at reactors across the nation.

The storage facilities in use at Seabrook were tested and built to government standards, intended to withstand “extreme weather,” Robertson said. She declined to say how much spent fuel was generated or stored at Seabrook Station.

Since coming online in 1990, Seabrook Station has generated a significant portion of New England’s power without generating much news. Yet Gunter said his concerns about the station and storage of its spent fuel have not been ameliorated with the passage of time.

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“They’ve been affirmed,” he said.

Gunter has concerns about concrete degradation and wiring at Seabrook Station and other power plants nationwide. Regarding waste, Gunter and Bogen said they worry about sea level rise affecting the storage area; Seabrook Station is located adjacent to tidal marshland. And, lacking a national plan for more long-term storage of nuclear waste, they wonder what will happen to the material currently stored on a temporary basis at Seabrook if no such plan emerges.

Gunter said his concerns about nuclear waste are part and parcel to his overall opposition to nuclear power, including those generators already in use.

“The new reactors are still on paper. The real threat is really in the day-to-day operation of aging nuclear power plants that are way past their shelf life,” he said.

Nuclear power plants are expensive to construct, creating what Bogen called the “opportunity cost” of embracing them at the expense of other sources of power generation. He and Gunter see renewable energy, principally through offshore wind, as safer and faster to deploy, and were disappointed to see politicians renew their focus on nuclear energy.

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“It is coming back in a rebranding, which this industry is very well versed in,” Gunter said. “… Nuclear waste is going to be a persistent hazard over geological spans of time, while the electricity is going to be a fleeting benefit.”

Bogen said he wanted to see more reinforcement of the waste stored at Seabrook in a model called hardened on-site storage. But in terms of dealing with future waste, he and Gunter believe the best solution would be to stop generating it altogether.

“If you find yourself in a hole,” Bogen said, “the first thing you do is stop digging.”

Conversely, the New Hampshire Department of Energy does not see the question of nuclear waste as a barrier to further development in the state, according to an email from department Legislative Liaison Megan Stone. The nuclear roadmap that Ayotte’s March executive order directed the department to craft would include consideration of the “nuclear lifecycle,” including storage and “disposition” of waste, Stone said.

Then, she alluded to the expectation that a federal plan would emerge. “Dry cask storage is a safe and effective method of storing spent nuclear fuel until it is collected by the federal government,” she said.

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