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‘It’s inexcusable’: As overdose deaths mount, millions in opioid settlement funds go unspent in Massachusetts – The Boston Globe

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‘It’s inexcusable’: As overdose deaths mount, millions in opioid settlement funds go unspent in Massachusetts – The Boston Globe


“I was dumbfounded,” said Jesi, a retired executive. “How do you let this money sit there in a bank while people are dying?”

The Middleton example is hardly an anomaly. Less than 5 percent of the $50 million that Massachusetts communities received from the opioid settlements so far has been spent on addiction-related services and overdose prevention efforts, according to a Globe analysis of municipal spending reports.

More than 90 percent of the 247 communities that submitted financial reports to the state hadn’t spent a single penny in the fiscal year that ended June 30, 2023. That includes most of the largest cities, all hard hit by the overdose crisis: Boston, Cambridge, Springfield, and New Bedford, which each received more than $1 million in settlement funds.

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Steve Jesi pointed to a Narcan distribution box that was installed inside the Flint Public Library at his urging. Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

The money has sat unused while the decades-long opioid epidemic has entered a perilous new phase — marked by the rapid spread of fentanyl and other toxic substances throughout the illicit drug supply. More than 3,500 people in Massachusetts have died from drug overdoses since municipalities began receiving payouts in July 2022 — the first of about $400 million that drug companies will pay to cities and towns in the state over the next 18 years.

(Another 98 cities and towns were not required to submit reports because they received payments of less than $35,000 a year.)

“It’s inexcusable,” said Senator John Velis, a Westfield Democrat and chair of the Senate’s Mental Health, Substance Use and Recovery committee. “This should be an ‘all-hands-on-deck’ moment. This is a public health crisis . . . and we need every dollar out there to minimize harm and save lives.”

Municipal officials and groups that monitor opioid settlements say the money is being held up by local disputes over competing priorities, accounting red tape, and protracted efforts to collect community input. While the legal settlements came with clear spending guidelines, some town and city officials said they were still unsure of how to spend the money effectively and equitably, given the complexity and persistence of addiction. Others said they were moving cautiously to gather ideas from residents, including treatment specialists and those with experience living with addiction, to make sure they are making the best decisions on their behalf.

Boston, which received $6 million as of December, announced plans late last month to use some of the money for supportive housing and for financial aid for residents who have lost loved ones to overdoses.

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Dr. Bisola Ojikutu, executive director of the Boston Public Health Commission, said the city preferred a “very thoughtful, deliberative, and inclusive” approach that included a public survey and listening sessions in communities particularly hard hit by the opioid epidemic. The city expects to receive more than $1 million annually in settlement money through 2038.

“We will move as quickly as possible, but we’ll also be deliberative and make sure that we’re doing the right things with the money,” Ojikutu said.

The influx of opioid settlement money has been described by some public health experts as a once-in-a-generation opportunity to change how local governments address substance abuse and possibly even reverse the scourge of overdose deaths.

Yet the sluggish pace of spending is frustrating some lawmakers and families who have lost loved ones to overdoses and are demanding faster action. Some of the grieving families played a pivotal role in the legal cases that led to the multibillion-dollar settlements, and they have emerged as the most outspoken voices for dispersing the money more quickly.

“Those of us serving a life sentence of grief over the loss of our loved ones do not want that money sitting in a bank account,” said Cheryl Juaire, who lost two sons to fatal overdoses and lives in Marlborough, which has yet to spend more than $160,000 in settlement money.

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Marc McGovern, a city councilor and vice mayor of Cambridge, said administrators have only themselves to blame for why his city has failed to spend $1.9 million in settlement funds. They spent too much time, he said, deliberating over whether to fund existing harm-reduction programs or to tackle broader issues such as the shortage of supportive housing for people with substance use disorder.

“There are a lot of ideas,” he said. “What we need is a sense of urgency.”

Cambridge so far has decided to use some of the money to buy a medical outreach van.

New Bedford’s Health Department has been meeting with public health officials across the state and is still working on “detailed, long-term action plans” for using the settlement funds to address the opioid crisis and its root causes, the city said. Lynn organized public focus groups and gave away gift cards to encourage residents to attend.

Not every city has been slow to act.

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Worcester is among nearly a dozen that spent all their settlement money. Its initiatives include $500,000 on mobile crisis teams to respond to emergency calls involving substance use and mental health. Teams of purple-shirted social workers are dispatched in vans to crisis calls to help steer people to treatment programs and other services.

Other programs in Worcester include a new office of maternal health, which will provide support to pregnant or postpartum mothers struggling with substance use, and recovery counseling for people who are homeless or incarcerated. “It’s an awful epidemic . . . and we need programs in place that can be long-lasting and self-sustaining,” said Dr. Matilde “Mattie” Castiel, Worcester’s commissioner of health and human services.

Policy makers are determined to avoid the mistakes of the Big Tobacco settlement of 25 years ago, when much of the billions in payments to states plugged budget holes and funded public infrastructure projects instead of nicotine-prevention programs. Under the statewide opioid settlements, cities and towns must use the dollars on substance abuse prevention, treatment, and recovery programs, as well as harm-reduction strategies that seek to mitigate the deadly risk of using drugs.

Massachusetts expects to receive almost $1 billion over 18 years from settlements with opioid manufacturers and distributors. Of that, 40 percent is going to municipalities based on such factors as the number of opioid-related overdose deaths and US Drug Enforcement Agency data on the amount of opioids shipped into local communities. The remaining 60 percent goes into the state’s Opioid Recovery and Remediation Fund.

The payments do not include the settlement with Purdue Pharma, producer of OxyContin, which is undergoing court review.

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The state has been far more decisive with its share, about $100 million thus far, funding three mobile programs for delivering methadone and addiction teams to consult at 15 hospitals, among other efforts.

The state Department of Public Health said it plans to sponsor a conference this spring to help municipalities better understand how to use the funds, including whether to team up with neighboring communities..

Steve Jesi visited the grave of his daughter Stephenie, who died of a heroin overdose.
Jessica Rinaldi/Globe Staff

“Town government is picturesque and nice, but many towns are not large enough to have a public health function,” said David Rosenbloom, a professor of public health at Boston University and a member of a state advisory council on the Opioid Recovery and Remediation Fund. “Something like this [opioid epidemic] comes along and they don’t know how to respond.”

As for Jesi, the Middleton retiree turned his frustration over the unused settlement money into action. Since his visit to Town Hall, the retired executive organized a series of monthly meetings that involved the local Fire Department, public health nurses, and addiction treatment specialists. The town has since tapped about $8,000 of its settlement money to install opioid overdose “rescue kits” equipped with free Narcan in dozens of local restaurants, Dunkin’ shops, and public buildings throughout Middleton.

“Every parent who’s lost a child . . . wants to see that money out there saving lives,” said Jesi, after stopping at Middleton’s public library to check on one of the kits. “If we can save one life, then it’s worth every cent.”

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Chris Serres can be reached at chris.serres@globe.com. Follow him @ChrisSerres.





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This week’s jobs report was messy, but it shows cracks in the economy as 2026 looms – The Boston Globe

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This week’s jobs report was messy, but it shows cracks in the economy as 2026 looms – The Boston Globe


“We anticipated that once the government reopened there would be a few months of noisy data, and we would not get a real sense of where the jobs market is until early 2026. That is exactly what we got,” Joseph Brusuelas, chief economist at corporate advisory firm RSM, wrote in a blog post.

Despite potential statistical distortions from the shutdown, the report underscored that private employers remained stuck in low-fire, low-hire mode in October and November, while unemployment reached the highest rate in four years. Wage growth has stalled.

The Federal Reserve cut interest rates last week, with most officials saying they were more worried about the job market falling apart than inflation heating up. Tuesday’s payroll numbers show their concerns weren’t unfounded:

  • The private sector added an average of 60,500 jobs in the past two months, extending a mostly anemic run of hiring, while the federal workforce declined by 168,000 as DOGE-related deferred resignations took effect.
  • The jobless rate crept up to 4.6 percent in November from 4.4 percent in September. (The Labor Department didn’t tally unemployment in October due to the 43-day shutdown.)
  • The number of people working part time because of economic conditions increased by more than 1 million, or 24 percent, over the past year.

“The labor market is showing growing fragility as firms grapple with uneven demand, elevated costs, [profit] margin pressure and persistent uncertainty,” economists Gregory Daco and Lydia Boussour said in note.

Here are some job trends I’ll be watching as we move into the new year.

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Just a few sectors are in hiring mode.

The economy is vulnerable to a downturn when job growth is limited to a few sectors.

Health care and social assistance accounted for most of the new jobs in November, with a smaller gain in construction.

The economically sensitive manufacturing and transportation-warehousing industries lost jobs, as did information and finance, two largely white-collar sectors that are important employers in Massachusetts. (State-level data for November will be published later this month.)

Layoffs are low but will that last?

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Employers are moving cautiously as they assess the impact of tariffs on their businesses, the direction of consumer spending, and whether artificial intelligence might allow them to operate with fewer workers.

Because the slowdown in hiring has yet to turn into a wave of firing, unemployment is relatively low by historical standards even after recent increases.

But there are concerning signs.

  • The unemployment rate among Black workers climbed to 8.3 percent last month from 6.4 percent a year earlier even as white unemployment was little changed. Black workers are often hit first when hiring slows or layoffs begin.
  • Similarly, the jobless rate for workers without a high school diploma has risen to 6.8 percent from 6 percent over the past year, and unemployment among 20-24 year olds is at its highest level (excluding the COVID shock) since 2015, the tail end of the long “jobless recovery” that followed the Great Recession.

Slack is building in the labor market.

The supply of workers is growing — surprising some economists who expected a decline amid the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown and aggressive deportation campaign.

With hiring on the decline, many people are idle or not working as many hours as they would like.

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The U-6 unemployment rate — a measure of labor-market slack that counts not only the officially unemployed, but also discouraged workers who’ve stopped looking and people stuck in part-time jobs who want full-time work — jumped to 8.7 percent in November from 8 percent in September. That’s the highest rate since early 2017 (excluding the COVID era).

How does the Fed react?

Last week, Fed chair Jerome Powell said the central bank’s quarter-point cut, plus two others since September, should be enough to shore up hiring while allowing inflation to resume falling toward officials’ 2 percent target.

Most Fed watchers don’t think the latest jobs report alters that view — for now — and are forecasting just two more rate cuts in 2026.

“The report contains enough softness to justify prior rate cuts, but it offers little support for significantly deeper easing ahead,” Kevin O’Neil at Brandywine Global, told Bloomberg.

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Final thought

Massachusetts, which has been shedding jobs this year, seems to be leading the way for the rest of the country.

Call me cautiously pessimistic: Things will get worse before they get better.


Larry Edelman can be reached at larry.edelman@globe.com.





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MIT professor Nuno F.G. Loureiro, a 47-year-old physicist and fusion scientist, shot and killed in his home in Brookline, Mass. | Fortune

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MIT professor Nuno F.G. Loureiro, a 47-year-old physicist and fusion scientist, shot and killed in his home in Brookline, Mass. | Fortune


A professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology was fatally shot at his home near Boston, and authorities said Tuesday they had launched a homicide investigation.

Nuno F.G. Loureiro, a 47-year-old physicist and fusion scientist, was shot Monday night at his home in Brookline, Massachusetts. He died at a local hospital on Tuesday, the Norfolk District Attorney’s Office said in a statement.

The prosecutor’s office said no suspects had been taken into custody as of Tuesday afternoon, and that its investigation was ongoing.

Loureiro, who joined MIT in 2016, was named last year to lead MIT’s Plasma Science and Fusion Center, where he aimed to advance clean energy technology and other research. The center, one of the school’s largest labs, had more than 250 people working across seven buildings when he took the helm.

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Loureiro, who was married, grew up in Viseu, in central Portugal, and studied in Lisbon before earning a doctorate in London, according to MIT. He was a researcher at an institute for nuclear fusion in Lisbon before joining MIT, it said.

“He shone a bright light as a mentor, friend, teacher, colleague and leader, and was universally admired for his articulate, compassionate manner,” Dennis Whyte, an engineering professor who previously led MIT’s Plasma Science and Fusion Center, told a campus publication.

The president of MIT, Sally Kornbluth, said in a statement that Loureiro’s death was a “shocking loss.”

The homicide investigation in Brookline comes as police in Providence, Rhode Island, about 50 miles away, continue to search for the gunman who killed two students and injured nine others at Brown University on Saturday. The FBI on Tuesday said it knew of no connection between the crimes.

A 22-year-old student at Boston University who lives near Loureiro’s apartment in Brookline told The Boston Globe she heard three loud noises Monday evening and feared it was gunfire. “I had never heard anything so loud, so I assumed they were gunshots,” Liv Schachner was quoted as saying. “It’s difficult to grasp. It just seems like it keeps happening.”

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Some of Loureiro’s students visited his home, an apartment in a three-story brick building, Tuesday afternoon to pay their respects, the Globe reported.

The U.S. ambassador to Portugal, John J. Arrigo, expressed his condolences in an online post that honored Loureiro for his leadership and contributions to science.

“It’s not hyperbole to say MIT is where you go to find solutions to humanity’s biggest problems,” Loureiro said when he was named to lead the plasma science lab last year. “Fusion energy will change the course of human history.”



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ICE agents are staking out local courthouses. As they’ve roamed the halls, Mass. court arrests tripled

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ICE agents are staking out local courthouses. As they’ve roamed the halls, Mass. court arrests tripled


Immigration enforcement agents have become a common fixture around courthouses in Massachusetts this year — plainclothes officers idle outside in black cars, chat with clerks and monitor hearings to find people to arrest.

While lawyers say U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement has long apprehended immigrants at courthouses, the numbers have ballooned under the second Trump administration.

In the past, “You didn’t have a sense that immigration was always in the building. Now it’s like that’s the first thing you think about,” said public defender Antonio Vincenty.

The increased presence is not only in federal courts, but also at dozens of district courthouses in the state. Vincenty handles cases in East Boston, Chelsea and downtown Boston, and said he has had three clients arrested in court this year.

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“We want those that commit crimes to be punished. I don’t think any criminal lawyer feels differently,” Vincenty said. “But we want the system to work. We want the system to live up to its rules — to treat people with fairness, to treat people with justice and due process.”

Courthouse arrests in Massachusetts have surged nearly three-fold over Trump’s first nine months in office, according to ICE data compiled by the Deportation Data Project at the University of California Berkeley School of Law.

A WBUR analysis of the data found 386 arrests at 46 courts across the state — including 147 at the federal courthouse in Boston — from January through mid-October. That’s up from 131 over the same period last year under the Biden administration.

And the latest data is almost certainly an undercount. In East Boston, for instance, ICE recorded only six courthouse arrests, while lawyers and immigration advocates report having seen far more.

Suffolk County District Attorney Kevin Hayden said ICE activity has impacted hundreds of cases prosecuted by his office — noting instances in which defendants got detained during proceedings, as well as times when victims and witnesses were afraid to cooperate because of agents’ presence.

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“The ultimate concern is that it has a chilling effect on our ability to deliver public safety for victims and witnesses of crime,” Hayden said.

He acknowledged ICE has legal authority to operate in courts here, but, “Do I wish they would stay out of our courthouses?” he said. “Absolutely.”

“Do I wish they would stay out of our courthouses? … Absolutely.”

Suffolk County District Attorney Kevin Hayden

Assistance for ICE in East Boston

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With immigration enforcement mounting, the Massachusetts Trial Court released a policy in May on how court staff are to interact with ICE. Court officers must provide public information to agents when asked — as that information is available to the public — but they can’t initiate communication with ICE.

According to the court rules, agents can enter court lockups to take people into custody, but court staff cannot assist in, nor impede ICE arrests. That was put to the test on the afternoon of Nov. 21 in East Boston — in an alley behind the district court — after Alejandro Orrego Agudelo’s arraignment.

Video taken by an immigration advocate in East Boston and shared with WBUR showed Orrego on the ground — shirtless, barefoot and shackled. Orrego cried out for help as two agents in black hoodies and blue jeans struggled to control him.

A crowd began to form, and a court officer in a white shirt and court badge helped the agents subdue the 27-year-old. At one point, the officer helped shove him into the back of a black SUV.

A woman in the crowd shouted: “Where are you taking him? He was released in court.”

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One of the agents responded: “He needs to go to immigration court.”

Sandy Wright, a volunteer with the LUCE Immigrant Justice Network of Massachusetts, was off camera, challenging the second court officer: “Who do you work for? Are you Trial Court? I thought you’re not supposed to be cooperating with ICE.”

In the video, a second court officer stood before the crowd with her hand up, signaling the crowd to stop, and made a phone call: “This is East Boston district court, we need assistance from Boston Police Department. We have ICE here collecting somebody and we have a large crowd.”

Nine Boston police officers arrived on the scene that day. The police report said Orrego was “violently resisting the agent.” The video showed him struggling, with his hands and feet cuffed.

Orrego was in court facing charges that included assault and battery on a police officer and resisting arrest, as well as malicious destruction of property and disturbing the peace. He’d been arrested that morning after a neighbor called police to report an altercation with him. A communication with court officials shared with WBUR says ICE had a “detainer” to take him into custody.

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But the incident represented a violation of the Massachusetts Trial Court’s policy not to help in an ICE arrest, according to Trial Court spokeswoman Jennifer Donahue.

She said in a statement, “Measures are being taken to address this violation.”

Donahue said the East Boston incident prompted the Court’s security leadership to meet with court officers across the state to reinforce its policy to neither help nor impede ICE arrests. She would not say if anyone has been disciplined for the violation.

The Executive Office of the Trial Court declined requests to interview Chief Justice of the Trial Court Heidi Brieger, who oversees all departments, and Trial Court Administrator Thomas Ambrosino.

East Boston District Courthouse. (Jesse Costa/WBUR)

Some scoff at measures that limit collaboration between court staff and ICE.

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Retired ICE agent Albert Orlowski worked in immigration enforcement for more than two decades. He questioned how court officers could stand by while federal agents struggle to apprehend someone who’s resisting.

“Law enforcement agencies should cooperate with each other,” Orlowski said. “Assisting another officer — that’s called professional courtesy.”

The rationale for courthouse arrests is clear, Orlowski explained: It’s an obvious place to find people facing criminal charges, and it’s safer than most locations, as suspects typically have had to pass through metal detectors.

“It’s so much easier to arrest somebody from a courthouse — when they’re in a controlled environment — than it is to arrest somebody out on the street,” Orlowski said.

Spokespeople for Boston-area ICE and the Department of Homeland Security in Washington D.C. did not respond to requests for comment.

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Evading ICE at courthouses

In a separate incident at East Boston District Court in late November, an 18-year-old high school student appeared for a summons. WBUR is referring to him by his middle name, Josué, as he fears retaliation by ICE.

Josué said the judge first heard the cases of non-Latinos, then called matters involving Latinos, all of whom spoke Spanish and required an interpreter. That’s when ICE agents showed up.

Local advocates outside the courthouse that day said ICE arrested at least two people during the proceedings. Josué said as he waited for his case to be called, he could hear the commotion and it was clear people were being grabbed as they left the court. He said he was afraid the agents would arrest him.

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“For sure,” he said in Spanish. “But thank God, no.”

Josué said he’s undocumented and has been in the U.S. since he was 15.

When he walked out of the courthouse, Josué said the agents were distracted detaining someone else, and he managed to get into a car waiting around the block. Now he’s trying to keep his head down — he wants to finish high school, and not think too much about getting sent back to Honduras.

“God willing, that won’t happen,” he said.

ICE reported the highest number of Massachusetts district court arrests in Lynn, Woburn, Framingham and Waltham. At the Waltham District Court, west of Boston, an auto repair shop has a front row seat on the action.

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Manuel Arias owns the shop across from the courthouse. He recounted seeing at least a dozen ICE arrests over the last few months as people left in cars or on foot. Arias said his staff filmed a number of the arrests, but they’ve become so commonplace that the mechanics stopped taking video.

“The way people have been grabbed has been savage,” Arias said in Spanish. Often, multiple agents grabbed a single person, he said.

In one case, a man bolted from the courthouse, he recalled, then ran across a busy intersection and got away.

Video from Arias, reviewed by WBUR, showed an agent giving chase, then giving up after the man jumps over a guardrail.

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Calls for more restrictions on ICE activity in courthouses

In front of the Waltham courthouse steps, there are signs taped to lampposts: “ICE took our neighbor from this spot.”

“Unfortunately our courthouse has become an ICE trap,” said Jonathan Paz, founder of a group called Fuerza Community Defense Network, which monitors ICE activity in the city.

The group’s volunteers have witnessed dozens of ICE arrests in Waltham, Paz said. And in his view, the court system is bolstering the work of agents.

“Why [are] our taxpayer dollars, here in Massachusetts, being used to facilitate and better carry out these arrests in our courthouse?” Paz said.

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“It’s remarkable to see just how complicit this whole system is.”

A poster from the Fuerza Community Defense Network on a telephone outside of Waltham District Court warning people of the potential presence of ICE at the courthouse. (Jesse Costa/WBUR)
A poster from the Fuerza Community Defense Network on a telephone outside of Waltham District Court warning people of the potential presence of ICE at the courthouse. (Jesse Costa/WBUR)

This week, the 32-year-old Waltham resident announced he’s running for Congress. He’s among those calling on the state to put more limits on ICE activity at courthouses.

Paz said he’s waiting for the Trial Court — or the Legislature, or the governor or the attorney general — to keep ICE from interfering with people’s legal proceedings. They can’t stop agents from being on court property, but they can take steps to help people have their day in court without fear of being arrested.

ICE’s policy on courthouse arrests dictates that agents must observe local laws. Some states require agents to present judicial warrants; Massachusetts requires only a form known as a detainer, signed by an ICE officer.

State Sen. Lydia Edwards, of East Boston, co-chairs the Legislature’s judiciary committee. She said she’s in contact with court officials about the spate of ICE arrests, and is considering whether to propose rules requiring agents to present a warrant signed by a judge. A similar initiative was recently enacted in Illinois, as well as in Connecticut.

“While we require a civil detainer, I think it’s worth us talking to the courts about what it means to require a judicial warrant,” Edwards said.

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Edwards said any solution — even a state law — should have buy-in from court officials if it’s going to be properly implemented.

Another suggestion, she said, is to broaden access to remote hearings. Not having to go to a courthouse means ICE can’t arrest you there.

“I would love nothing more than for our courts to be a welcoming, safe place for justice, regardless of your immigration status,” she said. “That’s what I want.”

WBUR’s Patrick Madden contributed to this story.





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