Massachusetts
Everything you need to know about the MBTA Communities law but are perhaps afraid to ask – The Boston Globe
And it’s controversial. Housing is a lightning-rod issue, particularly when it is proposed close to home. Already, one town is in court battling the state over the law, and a few other communities have publicly considered following suit.
All of that has propelled the law into the spotlight and created a lot of confusion about what it actually does.
Here’s what you need to know about MBTA Communities, and what it might mean for your community.
What is the law?
MBTA Communities was included in a broad economic development bill that was signed into law in early 2021 by then-Governor Charlie Baker.
Very simply, it requires 177 communities, mostly in Eastern Massachusetts, to write new land-use rules allowing multifamily housing by-right — meaning developments do not need a special permit — in at least one district of town. The district should be within a half-mile of a transit station, if the town has one, and provide a density of at least 15 units per acre — which could be a single five- to six-story building, or a cluster of townhouse condos.
Communities have quite a bit of flexibility on where to place their zone and what to allow in it. A town could draw a relatively small zone that allows for denser, taller buildings, or a larger zone (or zones) that keeps buildings smaller.
What are the guidelines and how were they created?
The statute itself is relatively short and charges the state housing office with creating the law’s parameters — which it did in August 2022.
The most significant piece of the guidelines created “unit capacity” targets that each community’s zoning must hit. The state established four categories of communities with varying levels of obligation under the law.
The first — rapid transit communities, the 12 cities and towns served by the T’s light rail system (the Red, Orange, Green, and Blue lines) — have the greatest obligation, a requirement to create zones that would, theoretically, allow for enough units to increase their housing stock by 25 percent or more. So if a town has 7,500 housing units, they’d have to allow for an additional 1,875. The 12 rapid transit communities had to draw up plans by the end of 2023.
The other categories — commuter rail, adjacent community, and adjacent small town — have lesser obligations. Commuter rail communities, for example, must zone for an additional 15 percent of existing units. Adjacent communities have to zone for five percent. Their plans are due by the end of this year — setting up key votes at spring and fall town meetings in many communities.
Does the law require communities to build all this housing?
No. Not at all. MBTA Communities only requires towns to write new zoning rules. Building the housing is largely up to the market, and that’s where things start to get really complicated.
For starters, those “unit capacity” numbers the state requires are basically a measurement of what would get built in a given zone if the land was entirely empty. Of course, in urban and suburban Massachusetts, empty land is exceedingly rare. And many towns are targeting their most developed areas — downtowns — for their new zoning.
When the state says Newton needs to create a zone that can accommodate 8,330 units, it really means that, in a theoretical scenario where every building in whatever zone the town draws is razed to the ground and then rebuilt at maximum density and height allowed under the zoning, 8,330 units could fit there.
Of course, there are lots of buildings already there. They’re owned by someone. That owner would have to agree to sell before any developer could replace them with something bigger. Most won’t.
There’s also the economy. Interest rates and construction costs are already slowing new housing construction. And — if a town rezones two-story parcels to hold three stories, as Brookline and Newton did last year — there’s not much money in it for a developer, who would have to buy the building, raze it, and then rebuild it just to add one additional floor of apartments.
At its core, MBTA Communities is a zoning law, not a housing production requirement. It asks towns to update antiquated rules that were often passed after towns were built out with more modern ones. That will spark some new development, but only so much.
Does the MBTA have anything to do with the law?
No. Despite the name, the MBTA is in no way involved in the law. MBTA Communities simply applies to cities and towns that have an MBTA stop or are adjacent to a community that has one.
The idea behind the law is to create housing near transit stations — many (though not all) of which are in relatively dense town centers. It aims to encourage transit use and walkability, and it means that most of the density that might result from the law would be clustered near transit stations, generally not in the single-family neighborhoods many residents want to protect.
Whose law is it, anyway?
The law was signed by Baker, but it wasn’t his idea. Housing advocates and some legislators had been kicking around a transit-oriented housing law for the better part of a decade before MBTA Communities was tucked with little fanfare into a 3,000-page economic development bill. Baker did resist calls to veto the measure though, and his administration wrote the guidelines that communities are grappling with today. Governor Maura Healey inherited the rollout of MBTA Communities when she took office in 2023 and has enforced it enthusastically.

What’s going on in Milton?
Because the Mattapan Trolley runs along its northern edge, Milton is classified as a rapid transit community under the guidelines and was supposed to pass new zoning rules by the end of 2023. It did, with a compliant zoning plan that was approved by Town Meeting late last year.
But opponents quickly forced a referendum, and in February, the town’s voters overturned that zoning plan, making Milton the first community in the state to be formally out of compliance with the law.
Attorney General Andrea Campbell sued the town a few weeks later, and the case is set to be heard by the Supreme Judicial Court this fall. Milton, in its legal filings, has claimed that the law’s guidelines are not legally enforceable and put too great a burden on towns. It objects in particular to the town’s “rapid transit” classification, saying the train is too slow and doesn’t hold enough passengers to be in that category. (The state has rebuffed multiple requests from town officials to have Milton reclassified.)
Communities across Eastern Massachusetts are watching closely.
Does the state have legal authority over zoning?
This question is really at the heart of the debate over MBTA Communities, and it’s a question that will be answered by the Supreme Judicial Court later this year.
In their filings, attorneys for Milton argue that the town has constitutional claims to local zoning control under Home Rule, the amendment that grants municipalities the ability to pass their own local rules. They’ve also argued that the attorney general does not have the legal standing to force local governments to adopt certain zoning provisions.
Campbell, as the state’s chief law enforcement officer, sees it differently. MBTA Communities is a state law, she argues, and towns are obligated to comply. Legal experts have told the Globe recently that zoning powers ultimately lie with the state. Municipalities, they say, are creatures of the state, and there are other longstanding state zoning laws that override local control.
The SJC will ultimately rule on a couple of key questions, including whether and to what extent municipalities are obligated to comply with the requirements” of MBTA Communities “and the related [guidelines] issued by what is now the Executive Office of Housing and Livable Communities,” according to recent filings.
Whatever the ruling, it will have huge implications on local zoning and the state’s broader efforts to address the housing crisis.
Andrew Brinker can be reached at andrew.brinker@globe.com. Follow him @andrewnbrinker.
Massachusetts
Video shows lightning strike near Massachusetts family:
A Southboro, Massachusetts family came within feet of being struck by lightning on Tuesday, and the entire incident was caught on camera.
Brad Robillard had just got home with his son and daughter. “It sounded like a bomb was going off,” Robillard said.
As he went to get his daughter out of the back seat of his pickup truck, an explosion happened right behind him.
“I had literally just told my son that the chances of getting struck by lightning are pretty slim,” said Robillard. “It was the hair raising on the back of your neck, then immediately right after, it went off.”
Robillard knew there was thunder and lightning in the area. He counted to “10 Mississippi” before getting out of the car. It’s common teaching to determine how close lightning is. You start the count after you hear thunder and then divide by 5. It gives a rough estimate of how many miles the last lightning strike was.
“I had counted to 10 before we got out of the car and I’m like yeah, it’s OK. I never thought it would be on top of us on the next one,” said Robillard.
In the video you can see an explosion happening right behind him, but he doesn’t believe that is the lightning strike. There is a tree in his backyard with a line of bark shaved off the side. He thinks the lightning struck the tree, ran into a metal fence in their backyard, and then climbed their home and exited from a soffit at the roof. There are burn marks at the soffit and scorch marks on parts of the fence.
“The path of least resistance, then that big explosion behind me,” said Robillard.
The surveillance footage of the incident made quick rounds on the internet, but Robillard is still trying to wrap his head around what happened.
“At the time it’s like, ‘Wow what is going on?’ Then we ran inside and the adrenaline wears off, that’s what you start thinking about,” said Robillard.
Massachusetts
As online sexual exploitation grows, laws need to catch up – The Boston Globe
You’d think a predator in our own backyard — no matter how far-flung his victims — would be a wake-up call to lawmakers to tackle the growing problem of online sexual exploitation of children. Well, think again.
Sure, Gavin’s wide-ranging national and international exploits made him a natural for federal prosecution. But the mere fact that the Massachusetts State Police received 23,000 reports about child exploitation in 2025 via the CyberTipline — a 77 percent increase over the previous year — would surely indicate the problem is growing right under our noses.
And yet Massachusetts remains an outlier among other states in adapting its own laws to deal with the sexual exploitation and abuse of children generally and its newest manifestation — the proliferation of internet exploitation whether on the so-called dark web or social media outlets.
Massachusetts, for example, remains one of only five states in the nation that has failed to criminalize AI-generated or computer-edited materials involving the sexual exploitation of children.
According to the advocacy group EnoughAbuse.org, half of those laws approved in other states were passed during the 2024-25 legislative cycle. Massachusetts did pass a bill in 2024 to criminalize “deep-fake nudes,” the group noted on its website, but it was not specifically to protect children, nor has anyone been prosecuted under it, according to the website.
And while lawmakers on Beacon Hill have advanced — although not yet passed — legislation to prohibit the use of AI-generated “deep fakes” in election ads and materials, they have not made a similar effort to confront their use to exploit children, whose only “crime” might have been to post a photo on the web that could then be manipulated or “nudified” via AI.
Assistant US Attorney Luke Goldworm, the prosecutor in the Gavin case, told the Globe the exploitation is very real.
“They’re not dots and pixels, ones and zeros,” Goldworm said. “They’re someone’s daughter, granddaughter, sister, niece, and friend. And these crimes steal their innocence. It robs them of the safety all children should feel in their own home.”
The most obvious way to close that gaping loophole in Massachusetts law, advocates say, would be to update the state’s child pornography law.
Today predators are using every available avenue to reach children — including those ubiquitous game boxes. One of Gavin’s victims — the one whose father helped investigators make the case against the Brookline teacher — was a 12-year-old Tennessee girl Gavin managed to find via her Microsoft Xbox.
Meanwhile, states continue to play whack-a-mole with social media companies like Meta and tech giants like Apple, demanding more safety controls to protect children. Apple is now also facing a suit by West Virginia’s attorney general for allegedly knowingly allowing its iCloud storage platform to host illicit images of children. The suit charges that “Rather than implement industry-standard detection tools used by its peers, Apple repeatedly shirked their responsibility to protect children under the guise of user privacy.”
Meanwhile, as predators get ever more savvy about using technology to exploit and victimize children, Massachusetts remains behind the curve even on the simple stuff.
Legislation aimed at mandating education about child sexual abuse prevention for students and school personnel continues to languish. So too enhanced screening for those seeking to work in school systems. And while there’s no evidence that Gavin exploited those in his immediate orbit or that any of his employers knew of his illegal activities, there’s also no reason for Massachusetts not to approve legislation to prevent “passing the trash,” as it’s known — where one school system knowingly passes along those employees guilty of sexual misconduct to another school system.
All of those concepts are included in an omnibus bill, which also would close the age-of-consent loophole that has allowed the sexual exploitation of 16- to 18-year-olds by adults in positions of authority, like teachers, coaches, or counselors. The latter concept has been approved by 39 other states.
But that legislation has been languishing in the House Ways and Means Committee since September.
Sure, tech companies need to do more to protect children. Parents, often bewildered by the technology that seems to be second nature to their children, need to be more vigilant. But there is simply no excuse for Massachusetts lawmakers to ignore legislation that would educate children about the dangers of online sexual abuse and criminalize the conduct of predators in their midst and those who would enable them.
Editorials represent the views of the Boston Globe Editorial Board. Follow us @GlobeOpinion.
Massachusetts
Missing Holyoke man identified after body found in Connecticut River
22News coverage from January 13th is shown in the video player above.
LYME, Conn. (WWLP) – A body found in the Connecticut River has been identified as a missing man from Holyoke.
A news release by the Connecticut Department of Energy & Environmental Protection states that at approximately 12:23 p.m. on May 9th, a body was found by a vessel on the Connecticut River between Lyme and Chester by members of the Chester Fire Department.
After review of the records of those reported missing, the State Office of the Chief Medical Examiner identified the individual as 63-year-old Donald Plasse of Holyoke. The search for Plasse began on January 13th when the South Hadley Fire Department received a report of a person in the Connecticut River.
When crews arrived, they could see a man clinging to the ice approximately 150 yards from the shore. A rescue was attempted, but the victim went under the water before he could be reached by emergency crews. Rescue efforts were impacted by the river current and ice conditions.
Local News Headlines
WWLP-22News, an NBC affiliate, began broadcasting in March 1953 to provide local news, network, syndicated, and local programming to western Massachusetts. Download the 22News Plus app on your TV to watch live-streaming newscasts and video on demand.
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