Maine
Rooks: School construction in Maine needs a major overhaul
Before leaving for Norway last week, Gov. Janet Mills announced a new commission to study the state’s school construction program and report to the Legislature by next April, to which one might respond, “It’s about time.”
The state’s existing construction model simply isn’t working, and has left towns and cities, and Maine’s regional school districts, with crumbling and outdated buildings and no clear path to replacing or renovating them.
Mills noted that in her first six years, there’s been $580 million committed, which sounds impressive until one realizes a single new high school often costs $100 million.
With dozens if not hundreds of inadequate buildings, replacing a handful won’t accomplish much, and the backlog of applications keeps growing.
The new commission, chaired by King Administration Labor Commissioner Valerie Landry, has a tall task, and should start with two major flaws in how school projects are financed.
The first is a peculiar compromise by which the state reimburses the local districts that actually borrow the money. Rather than a separate capital construction budget, funding is carved out from the mammoth General Purpose Aid account that goes mostly for operating expenses.
Construction is constrained by a debt ceiling – rarely increased – that limits new projects to debt retired from previous awards. Maine ends up being generous with operating support and stingy for capital spending.
The second flaw was introduced through adoption of the Essential Programs and Services (EPS) system in the late 1990s.
Previously, construction costs were shared between the state and the local district on a sliding scale. Towns and cities with robust tax bases, as in Cumberland County, would pay more, while those in Aroostook and Washington were mostly state-funded – but all districts paid something.
Under the EPS calculations the state pays 100% for almost every project, meaning it can fund even fewer projects than when local districts contributed.
Now, a few lucky districts effectively win the lottery, while everyone else is left out in the cold.
The infrastructure crisis has become so severe that some districts have tried to do without state funding and asked property taxpayers to pick up the entire tab. Even in Cumberland County, the results have been dismal.
While some local bonds have been approved, most have been turned down – not necessarily because voters don’t support schools but because they rightly see this as a state responsibility.
It makes little sense for Maine to provide 55% of all approved school spending but make construction projects wait a decade or longer. Students will have started school and graduated by then.
What can be done? There are other models.
When voters turned down several state prison bond issues during the McKernan administration, lawmakers created the Maine Governmental Facilities Authority, operating “off budget” and apart from General and Highway Fund bonds more familiar to voters.
Later expanded to courthouses, the authority has replaced or renovated nearly the entire state correctional system, and has built impressive judicial centers in several counties.
That’s all well and good, but most parents and taxpayers would place a higher priority on schools. That’s not the way things are working.
A School Facilities Authority may not be the answer, in part because we have an existing system, however flawed – but mostly because the authority has no real accountability to taxpayers and citizens.
One possibility: a robust General Fund bond that voters could approve to jumpstart the process, along with a real capital budget for the first time in decades.
There are other matters for the Landry commission to take up. Current rules require a perhaps excessive amount of acreage, eliminating sites close to urban and village centers and creating sprawl.
Kids can’t walk to school, and schools are increasingly remote from the communities that support them.
Finally, no amount of tinkering with construction funding can ignore Maine’s hopelessly decentralized school districts, well over 200 for fewer than 200,000 students – less than 1,000 per district.
A Baldacci administration initiative to consolidate failed because it ignored the proven formula for success: the Sinclair Act, passed in 1957 during the administration of Gov. Ed Muskie.
Implemented during the 1960s, Sinclair created 68 regional districts with generous support for mergers, and provided the first adequate rural high schools in Maine. The 2007 consolidation plan, by contrast, penalized districts for not merging while provided no state plan to do so.
The next administration could dust off Sinclair and see what will work in a high-tech era where public schools face unprecedented challenges.
Mainers have shown time and again they value public education and are willing to pay. Now the state must make sure they’re getting their money’s worth.
Douglas Rooks has been a Maine editor, columnist and reporter for 40 years. He is the author of four books, most recently a biography of U.S. Chief Justice Melville Fuller, and welcomes comment at drooks@tds.net.
Maine
Maine’s leaders cannot turn the other cheek on gun violence | Opinion
Julie Smith of Readfield is a single parent whose son was in the Principles of Economics class at Brown University during the Dec. 13 shooting that resulted in the deaths of two students.
When classrooms become crime scenes, leadership is no longer measured by intentions or press statements. It is measured by outcomes—and by whether the people responsible for public safety are trusted and empowered to act without hesitation.
On December 13, 2025, a gunman opened fire during a review session for a Principles of Economics class at Brown University. Two students were murdered. Others were wounded. The campus was locked down as parents across the country waited for news no family should ever have to receive.
Maine was not watching from a distance.
My son, a recent graduate of a rural Maine high school, is a freshman at Brown. He was in that Principles of Economics class. He was not in the targeted study group—but students who sat beside him all semester were. These were not abstract victims. They were classmates and friends. Young people who should have been worried about finals, not hiding in lockdown, texting parents to say they were alive.
Despite the fact that the Brown shooting directly affected Maine families, Gov. Janet Mills offered no meaningful public acknowledgment of the tragedy. No recognition that Maine parents were among those grieving, afraid, and desperate for reassurance. In moments like these, acknowledgment matters. Silence is not neutral. It signals whose fear is seen—and whose is ignored. The violence at Brown is a Maine issue: our children are there. Our families are there. The fear, grief, and trauma do not stop at state lines.
The attack and what followed the attack deserve recognition. Law enforcement responded quickly, professionally, and courageously. Campus police, city officers, state police, and federal agents worked together to secure the campus and prevent further loss of life. Officers acted decisively because they understood their mission—and because they knew they would be supported for carrying it out.
That kind of coordination does not happen by accident. It depends on clear authority, mutual trust, and leadership that understands a basic truth: in moments of crisis, law enforcement must be free to work together immediately, without second-guessing.
Even when officers do everything right, the damage does not end when a campus is secured. Students return to classrooms changed—hyper-alert, distracted, scanning exits instead of absorbing ideas. Parents carry a constant, low-level dread, flinching at late-night calls and unknown numbers. Gun violence in schools does not just injure bodies; it fractures trust, rewires behavior, and leaves psychological scars that no statement or reassurance can undo.
That reality makes silence—and policy choices that undermine law enforcement—impossible to ignore.
After the Lewiston massacre in 2023, Governor Mills promised lessons would be learned—that warning signs would be taken seriously, mental-health systems strengthened, and public-safety coordination improved. Those promises mattered because Maine had already paid an unbearable price.
Instead of providing unequivocal support for law enforcement, the governor has taken actions that signal hesitation. Her decision to allow LD 1971 to become law is the latest example. The law introduces technical requirements that complicate inter-agency cooperation by emphasizing legal boundaries and procedural caution. Even when cooperation is technically “allowed,” the message to officers is unmistakable: slow down, worry about liability, protect yourself first.
In emergencies, that hesitation can cost lives. Hesitation by law enforcement in Providence could have cost my son his life. We cannot allow hesitation to become the precedent for Maine policies.
In 2025 alone, hundreds of gun-related incidents have occurred on K–12 and college campuses nationwide. This is not theoretical. This is the environment in which our children are expected to learn—and the reality Maine families carry with them wherever their children go.
My son worked his entire academic life—without wealth or legacy—for the chance to pursue higher education, believing it would allow him to return to Maine rather than leave it behind. Now he is asking a question no 18-year-old should have to ask: why come home to a state whose leaders hesitate to fully stand behind the people responsible for keeping him alive?
Maine’s leaders must decide whose side they are on when crisis strikes: the officers who run toward danger, or the politics that ask them to slow down first.
Parents are done with hollow promises. Students deserve leaders who show their support not with words—but with action.
Maine
Popular food truck grows into a ‘Maine-Mex’ restaurant in Bucksport
Cory LaForge always liked a particular restaurant space on Main Street in Bucksport, which recently housed My Buddy’s Place and the Friar’s Brewhouse Tap Room before that.
So much so that, when it became available two months ago, he decided to open his own restaurant there.
Salsa Shack Maine, which opened in early December, is a physical location for the food truck business he’s operated out of Ellsworth and Orland for the last two years. The new spot carrying tacos, burritos and quesadillas adds to a growing restaurant scene in Bucksport and is meant to be a welcoming community space.
“I just loved the feeling of having a smaller restaurant,” LaForge said. “It feels more intimate. This place is designed where you can have a good conversation or talk to your customers, like they’re not just another number on a ticket.”
After growing up in the midcoast, LaForge eventually moved west to work in restaurants at ski areas, where he was exposed to more cultural diversity and new types of food – including tacos.
“It’s like all these different flavors that we’re not exposed to in Maine, so it’s like, I feel like I’ve been living a lie my whole life,” he said. “It was fun to bring all those things that I learned back here.”
When he realized his goal of opening a food truck in 2023 after returning to Maine, LaForge found the trailer he’d purchased on Facebook Marketplace was too small to fit anything but tortillas – and the Salsa Shack was born.
It opened at the Ellsworth Harbor Park in 2023 and operated out of the Orland Community Center in the winter. What started as an experiment took off in popularity and has been busy ever since.
LaForge calls his style “Maine-Mex:” a mix of authentic street tacos in a build-your-own format with different salsas and protein. Speciality salsas include corn and black bean, roasted poblano, pineapple jalapeno and mango Tajin.
The larger kitchen space in the new restaurant has allowed a menu expansion to include quesadillas, burritos and burrito bowls in addition to the tacos, nachos and taco salad bowls sold from the food truck. Regular specials are also on the menu.

More new menu items are likely ahead, according to LaForge, along with a beer and wine license and expanded hours in the spring.
The food truck will live on for now, too; he’s signed up for a few events in the coming months.
Starting Jan. 6, the restaurant will also offer a buy-two-get-one-free “Taco Tuesday” promotion.
“It’s a really fun vibe here, and I feel like everyone finds it very comfortable and easy to come in and order,” LaForge said, comparing the restaurant’s atmosphere to the television show Cheers. “Even if you have to sit down and wait a little while, we always have some fun conversations going on.”
So far, the welcome has been warm locally, he said, both from residents and the other new restaurant owners who help each other out. LaForge’s sole employee, Connor MacLeod, is also a familiar face from MacLeod’s Restaurant, which closed in March after 45 years on Main Street.
When it shut its doors, people in town weren’t sure where they would go, according to LaForge. But four new establishments opened in 2025, offering a range from Thai food to diner offerings.
“It’s kind of fun to see so [many] culinary changes,” he said.
The Salsa Shack is currently open from 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. Tuesday through Saturday.
Maine
A new Maine tax will have you paying more for Netflix after Jan. 1
Maine consumers will soon see a new line on their monthly Netflix and Hulu bills. Starting Jan. 1, digital streaming services will be included in the state’s 5.5% sales tax.
The new charge — billed by the state as a way to level the playing field around how cable and satellite services and streaming services are taxed — is among a handful of tax changes coming in the new year.
The sales tax on adult-use cannabis will increase from 10% to 14%, also on Jan. 1. Taxes on cigarettes will increase $1.50 per pack — from $2 to $3.50 — on Jan. 5.
All three changes are part of the $320 million budget package lawmakers approved in June as an addition to the baseline $11.3 billion two-year budget passed in March.
Here are a few things to know about the streaming tax:
1. Why is this new tax taking effect?
Taxes on streaming services have been a long time coming in Maine. Former Republican Gov. Paul LePage proposed the idea in 2017, and it was pitched by Gov. Janet Mills, a Democrat, in 2020 and 2024. The idea was rejected all three times — until this year.
State officials said last spring the change creates fairness in the sales tax as streaming services become more popular and ubiquitous. It’s also expected to generate new revenue for the state.
2. What services are impacted?
Currently, music and movies that are purchased and downloaded from a website are subject to sales tax, but that same music and those same movies are not taxed when streamed online.
The new changes add sales tax to monthly subscriptions for movie, television and audio streaming services, including Netflix, Hulu, Disney Plus, Spotify and Pandora. Podcasts and ringtones or other sound recordings are also included.
3. How much is it likely to cost you?
The new tax would add less than $1 to a standard Netflix subscription without ads priced at $17.99 per month. An $89.99 Hulu live television subscription would increase by about $5 per month.
Beginning Jan. 1, providers will be required to state the amount of sales tax on customers’ receipts or state that their price includes Maine sales tax.
4. How much new revenue is this generating for the state?
The digital streaming tax is expected to bring in $5 million in new revenue in fiscal year 2026, which ends June 30. After that, it’s projected to bring in $12.5 million annually, with that figure expected to increase to $14.3 million by 2029.
The tax increase on cigarettes, which also includes an equivalent hike on other tobacco products, is expected to boost state revenues by about $75 million in the first year.
The cannabis sales tax increase, meanwhile, will be offset in part by a reduction in cannabis excise taxes, which are paid by cultivation facilities on transfers to manufacturers or retailers. The net increase in state revenue will be about $3.9 million in the first full year, the state projects.
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