Maine
Candidates to lead Maine Democratic Party hope to focus on rural outreach • Maine Morning Star
Amid the noise, the misinformation, the cursed algorithms and other chaos, November’s election was in many ways a referendum on the Democratic Party and how well it is responding (or is perceived to be responding) to the needs of everyday people.
In Maine, Democrats managed to maintain their trifecta of power while losing a handful of seats in both the Maine Senate and House of Representatives. Though Democratic U.S. Rep. Jared Golden is taking pains to distance himself from the party brand, he also held his seat in Maine’s more conservative 2nd District, which President Donald Trump won by 10 points.
The losses — though not a bloodbath by any measure — have served as a wake-up call for the state party, which is holding leadership elections on Sunday.
Conversations with those vying to replace outgoing Democratic Party chair Bev Uhlenhake give a window into the lessons taken from November, as well as how Democrats in Maine are thinking about the 2026 gubernatorial election and beyond.
On Thursday, Gov. Janet Mills sent an internal letter throwing her weight behind former state legislator Raegan LaRochelle for chair. The endorsement prompted one candidate, Westport Island attorney Barbara Cray, to withdraw.
Regardless of the outcome of the race, all of the candidates seem to be in agreement that one thing the party needs to prioritize is listening to voters, particularly those in rural Maine.
A focus on outreach and engagement
April Fournier said she values the party’s focus on inclusivity. However, she said, “when we look at the party platform, it talks about making sure that people have access to voting. It talks about people having access to health care and reproductive rights … these are all the things that people are really excited about, and yet people aren’t showing up.”
Fournier, who serves on the Portland City Council, said if elected she would make a point to travel to more rural parts of the state. Through her day job as a voter engagement strategist with the Native Organizers Alliance, Fournier, who is a citizen of Navajo Nation, has traveled to Native communities across the country, where she heard many express that they felt disconnected or left out of politics. “I have a sense that maybe our rural counties and our rural Democratic voters also feel that disconnect.”
Attorney Charles Dingman said “the Maine Democratic Party needs to both be and be understood to be the party of Maine’s working people, and I think that is not necessarily understood and felt by all of the people who work,” which he noted includes all forms of work, including unpaid caregiving.
While he doesn’t have a specific critique of the Maine Democratic Party, Dingman said it needs to be “reaching working people who may feel disillusioned, who may feel frustration with conditions of their lives that haven’t been adequately addressed.”
But Dingman said he “doesn’t have a blueprint” for what this work looks like and acknowledged the challenge of putting these conversations into action.
After serving in the Maine House of Representatives, Augusta resident LaRochelle ran for Senate District 15, which was previously held by a Republican, and lost to Republican Dick Bradstreet by fewer than 200 votes.

During her campaign, LaRochelle, who runs a small business as an economic development consultant, said she had the opportunity to “knock on a lot of rural doors” and spent her time “listening to what people’s concerns were, their fears, their frustrations.”
She said it’s important to remember “that some of these areas that used to be strongly Democratic have dwindled in recent years. We need to be working at the local level so that we can win these people back.”
LaRochelle hopes to focus on bringing in new people and continuing to engage the volunteers who get involved with elections, and supporting county committees and chairs with that work. She said she’s eager to “channel people’s energy and get them involved for the 2026 cycle and beyond here in Maine.”
Drawing from lived experience
For Fournier, a lot of the challenge lies in getting lower income voters to feel welcomed by the Democratic apparatus.
“When we have these big events — whether it’s the annual Muskie Lobster Bake, which is a big fundraiser, or our Blue Wave Gala — how are we making it accessible to every member of our party, regardless of where they fall in the economic spectrum? Because I think that is really something that we’re not doing great at.”
Fournier said as a Native woman, she would “bring a very different perspective” to the role, having had “the experience of being othered and … being on the outside and not really part of the group that’s making decisions” even when those decisions are related to her community.
Dingman grew up on his family farm in Turner and now lives in Leeds. He said he feels “connected to parts of the state … where we have a lot of our work to do in terms of reaching people who may have lost interest in Democratic Party.”
Dingman has worked for several government agencies, including serving as general counsel on the Maine Health Care Finance Commission, and now has a private practice in Augusta where he focuses on health care. For the past 20 years, he has volunteered for the board of Maine Equal Justice and served as chair of the finance committee of Democratic Party.
He said he went to law school because “I thought law was the way to find the tools to make change to make people’s lives better.”
In addition to her experiences as a lawmaker, LaRochelle said working with businesses and municipalities to attract investment has taken her “everywhere from Limestone to Gardiner.” A single mother, she moved back to Maine to raise her twin sons, who are now 17, and said she’s had a lot of the same challenges and experiences as other Mainers.
“I’ve dealt with personal issues that I feel help me relate to what many others are dealing with, whether its medical costs or monthly prescriptions for my children, to addiction issues, to going to the grocery store,” she said. “Just being at this level and being involved in my community and being able to talk to people everyday will help me in this role. I just feel like I’m just like everyone else.”
Lessons from the opposition
Though the majority of Maine voters backed Kamala Harris for president, Trump again won the 2nd District handily, underscoring how divided the state is when it comes to party politics.
LaRochelle argues that much of the Republican successes came down to messaging.
To counter that, she said her party needs to focus on “controlling the narrative … so that Mainers understand that Democrats are working for them every single day.”
“I want the opportunity to put our message out there instead of feeling like we need to react, and tell the real story about what’s happening in Maine with the work that’s being done at the state level,” LaRochelle said.
Dingman spoke of the need to balance the impulse to react to every action and statement by the Trump administration with a focus on long-term needs and goals.
“We have to on the one hand remain vigilant and resistant to the worst that the administration tries to visit on our country,” he said. “But we have to do so with the recognition of the fact that if we protest and complain about every announced intention, we will exhaust ourselves.”
Fournier sees it as a moment to really look at what’s not working “to make sure that we have the majority, the power, and people reengaged in this whole process.”
She also said it’s important to be able to work with everybody and “be open to every conversation with the people that agree with you, and with the people that don’t.”
“It’s an Indigenous principle,” she said. “We are looking for our shared humanity first.”
A focus on 2026
Throughout their interviews, the candidates repeatedly returned to the upcoming gubernatorial election.
Historically, on the national level and in Maine, the Democratic Party has been criticized for appearing to favor establishment primary candidates.
Fournier said it’s essential to have “a truly competitive primary that touches all parts of the state, so that people really feel like they have a chance to plug into and ask questions and figure out who is going to be our best Democratic candidate for governor.”
She noted that there will be candidates “that will have a lot of money, and there will be people that don’t have a lot of money. And the people that don’t have a lot of money … they need to have equal airspace as the people who have war chests.”
Dingman agreed that the party “has to be in the position of allowing voters to make the decision about who the nominee should be” and “has to be mindful of appearances that make that process seem less than balanced.”
As chair, he said he would “strongly support a robust focus on fairness and the ability of all candidates to be heard, and for ideas rather than personal attacks to be the order of the day.”
Focusing on the stakes of the election, LaRochelle pointed to the not-so-distant past when Maine was under Republican rule.
“It will be critically important for us to find the right candidate to continue the work Gov. Mills has done, to be able to champion the Legislature, to make sure we are continuing to deal with really huge issues in our state that we haven’t had to deal with before,” like housing, homelessness and inflation.
Dingman also noted that control of government in Maine “tends to oscillate,” and said it’s “absolutely vital” for Democrats to maintain control. But, he added, that’s “not a foregone conclusion.”
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Maine
Maine’s leaders cannot turn the other cheek on gun violence | Opinion
Julie Smith of Readfield is a single parent whose son was in the Principles of Economics class at Brown University during the Dec. 13 shooting that resulted in the deaths of two students.
When classrooms become crime scenes, leadership is no longer measured by intentions or press statements. It is measured by outcomes—and by whether the people responsible for public safety are trusted and empowered to act without hesitation.
On December 13, 2025, a gunman opened fire during a review session for a Principles of Economics class at Brown University. Two students were murdered. Others were wounded. The campus was locked down as parents across the country waited for news no family should ever have to receive.
Maine was not watching from a distance.
My son, a recent graduate of a rural Maine high school, is a freshman at Brown. He was in that Principles of Economics class. He was not in the targeted study group—but students who sat beside him all semester were. These were not abstract victims. They were classmates and friends. Young people who should have been worried about finals, not hiding in lockdown, texting parents to say they were alive.
Despite the fact that the Brown shooting directly affected Maine families, Gov. Janet Mills offered no meaningful public acknowledgment of the tragedy. No recognition that Maine parents were among those grieving, afraid, and desperate for reassurance. In moments like these, acknowledgment matters. Silence is not neutral. It signals whose fear is seen—and whose is ignored. The violence at Brown is a Maine issue: our children are there. Our families are there. The fear, grief, and trauma do not stop at state lines.
The attack and what followed the attack deserve recognition. Law enforcement responded quickly, professionally, and courageously. Campus police, city officers, state police, and federal agents worked together to secure the campus and prevent further loss of life. Officers acted decisively because they understood their mission—and because they knew they would be supported for carrying it out.
That kind of coordination does not happen by accident. It depends on clear authority, mutual trust, and leadership that understands a basic truth: in moments of crisis, law enforcement must be free to work together immediately, without second-guessing.
Even when officers do everything right, the damage does not end when a campus is secured. Students return to classrooms changed—hyper-alert, distracted, scanning exits instead of absorbing ideas. Parents carry a constant, low-level dread, flinching at late-night calls and unknown numbers. Gun violence in schools does not just injure bodies; it fractures trust, rewires behavior, and leaves psychological scars that no statement or reassurance can undo.
That reality makes silence—and policy choices that undermine law enforcement—impossible to ignore.
After the Lewiston massacre in 2023, Governor Mills promised lessons would be learned—that warning signs would be taken seriously, mental-health systems strengthened, and public-safety coordination improved. Those promises mattered because Maine had already paid an unbearable price.
Instead of providing unequivocal support for law enforcement, the governor has taken actions that signal hesitation. Her decision to allow LD 1971 to become law is the latest example. The law introduces technical requirements that complicate inter-agency cooperation by emphasizing legal boundaries and procedural caution. Even when cooperation is technically “allowed,” the message to officers is unmistakable: slow down, worry about liability, protect yourself first.
In emergencies, that hesitation can cost lives. Hesitation by law enforcement in Providence could have cost my son his life. We cannot allow hesitation to become the precedent for Maine policies.
In 2025 alone, hundreds of gun-related incidents have occurred on K–12 and college campuses nationwide. This is not theoretical. This is the environment in which our children are expected to learn—and the reality Maine families carry with them wherever their children go.
My son worked his entire academic life—without wealth or legacy—for the chance to pursue higher education, believing it would allow him to return to Maine rather than leave it behind. Now he is asking a question no 18-year-old should have to ask: why come home to a state whose leaders hesitate to fully stand behind the people responsible for keeping him alive?
Maine’s leaders must decide whose side they are on when crisis strikes: the officers who run toward danger, or the politics that ask them to slow down first.
Parents are done with hollow promises. Students deserve leaders who show their support not with words—but with action.
Maine
Popular food truck grows into a ‘Maine-Mex’ restaurant in Bucksport
Cory LaForge always liked a particular restaurant space on Main Street in Bucksport, which recently housed My Buddy’s Place and the Friar’s Brewhouse Tap Room before that.
So much so that, when it became available two months ago, he decided to open his own restaurant there.
Salsa Shack Maine, which opened in early December, is a physical location for the food truck business he’s operated out of Ellsworth and Orland for the last two years. The new spot carrying tacos, burritos and quesadillas adds to a growing restaurant scene in Bucksport and is meant to be a welcoming community space.
“I just loved the feeling of having a smaller restaurant,” LaForge said. “It feels more intimate. This place is designed where you can have a good conversation or talk to your customers, like they’re not just another number on a ticket.”
After growing up in the midcoast, LaForge eventually moved west to work in restaurants at ski areas, where he was exposed to more cultural diversity and new types of food – including tacos.
“It’s like all these different flavors that we’re not exposed to in Maine, so it’s like, I feel like I’ve been living a lie my whole life,” he said. “It was fun to bring all those things that I learned back here.”
When he realized his goal of opening a food truck in 2023 after returning to Maine, LaForge found the trailer he’d purchased on Facebook Marketplace was too small to fit anything but tortillas – and the Salsa Shack was born.
It opened at the Ellsworth Harbor Park in 2023 and operated out of the Orland Community Center in the winter. What started as an experiment took off in popularity and has been busy ever since.
LaForge calls his style “Maine-Mex:” a mix of authentic street tacos in a build-your-own format with different salsas and protein. Speciality salsas include corn and black bean, roasted poblano, pineapple jalapeno and mango Tajin.
The larger kitchen space in the new restaurant has allowed a menu expansion to include quesadillas, burritos and burrito bowls in addition to the tacos, nachos and taco salad bowls sold from the food truck. Regular specials are also on the menu.

More new menu items are likely ahead, according to LaForge, along with a beer and wine license and expanded hours in the spring.
The food truck will live on for now, too; he’s signed up for a few events in the coming months.
Starting Jan. 6, the restaurant will also offer a buy-two-get-one-free “Taco Tuesday” promotion.
“It’s a really fun vibe here, and I feel like everyone finds it very comfortable and easy to come in and order,” LaForge said, comparing the restaurant’s atmosphere to the television show Cheers. “Even if you have to sit down and wait a little while, we always have some fun conversations going on.”
So far, the welcome has been warm locally, he said, both from residents and the other new restaurant owners who help each other out. LaForge’s sole employee, Connor MacLeod, is also a familiar face from MacLeod’s Restaurant, which closed in March after 45 years on Main Street.
When it shut its doors, people in town weren’t sure where they would go, according to LaForge. But four new establishments opened in 2025, offering a range from Thai food to diner offerings.
“It’s kind of fun to see so [many] culinary changes,” he said.
The Salsa Shack is currently open from 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. Tuesday through Saturday.
Maine
A new Maine tax will have you paying more for Netflix after Jan. 1
Maine consumers will soon see a new line on their monthly Netflix and Hulu bills. Starting Jan. 1, digital streaming services will be included in the state’s 5.5% sales tax.
The new charge — billed by the state as a way to level the playing field around how cable and satellite services and streaming services are taxed — is among a handful of tax changes coming in the new year.
The sales tax on adult-use cannabis will increase from 10% to 14%, also on Jan. 1. Taxes on cigarettes will increase $1.50 per pack — from $2 to $3.50 — on Jan. 5.
All three changes are part of the $320 million budget package lawmakers approved in June as an addition to the baseline $11.3 billion two-year budget passed in March.
Here are a few things to know about the streaming tax:
1. Why is this new tax taking effect?
Taxes on streaming services have been a long time coming in Maine. Former Republican Gov. Paul LePage proposed the idea in 2017, and it was pitched by Gov. Janet Mills, a Democrat, in 2020 and 2024. The idea was rejected all three times — until this year.
State officials said last spring the change creates fairness in the sales tax as streaming services become more popular and ubiquitous. It’s also expected to generate new revenue for the state.
2. What services are impacted?
Currently, music and movies that are purchased and downloaded from a website are subject to sales tax, but that same music and those same movies are not taxed when streamed online.
The new changes add sales tax to monthly subscriptions for movie, television and audio streaming services, including Netflix, Hulu, Disney Plus, Spotify and Pandora. Podcasts and ringtones or other sound recordings are also included.
3. How much is it likely to cost you?
The new tax would add less than $1 to a standard Netflix subscription without ads priced at $17.99 per month. An $89.99 Hulu live television subscription would increase by about $5 per month.
Beginning Jan. 1, providers will be required to state the amount of sales tax on customers’ receipts or state that their price includes Maine sales tax.
4. How much new revenue is this generating for the state?
The digital streaming tax is expected to bring in $5 million in new revenue in fiscal year 2026, which ends June 30. After that, it’s projected to bring in $12.5 million annually, with that figure expected to increase to $14.3 million by 2029.
The tax increase on cigarettes, which also includes an equivalent hike on other tobacco products, is expected to boost state revenues by about $75 million in the first year.
The cannabis sales tax increase, meanwhile, will be offset in part by a reduction in cannabis excise taxes, which are paid by cultivation facilities on transfers to manufacturers or retailers. The net increase in state revenue will be about $3.9 million in the first full year, the state projects.
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